Decreasing Access to Water and Coping Strategies for Shortage in the Informal Settlements of Calabar, Nigeria

Abstract

Calabar is a city in which 65 per cent of people live in poverty in informal settlements that have low and decreasing access to improved water. In the low-income informal areas of the city, residents are being made responsible for securing their own water supply through the use of several coping strategies. This paper explores the decreasing access to water and coping strategies for shortage in Calabar, Nigeria. It analyses two complementary pieces of data: (i) the households’ coping strategies and (ii) satisfaction with improved water services. A mixed method was introduced, and data were collected via fieldwork at three settlements in Calabar. A household survey of 360 respondents and 27 in-depth interviews were undertaken, and focus groups were conducted. The findings show that households engaged in different coping strategies with which to access water, including conservation (changing routine/reusing), purchasing (spending a significant proportion of their income on buying water) and pumping. The household’s tenure, socioeconomic status and water accessibility determine their decision to move if services are not provided. A crucial differentiation exists between a larger population being granted less access to water versus certain individuals receiving access to a greater quantity of water. The study suggests that improved access to water be secured by mainstreaming approaches and policy interventions that align with the needs of marginalized informal residents and by concerted efforts to effectively manage the water supply for sustainable development.

1. Introduction

Among the world’s many crises, the water crisis is one of the most urgent [1]. Water is a critical civic service required by citizens. However, its decreasing access and low resilience pose risks and stress in human society. A look at the availability of water supply across the globe presents a glaring image of shortages and unimproved sources [2,3,4]. There are persistent gaps in general provision while the access rate is falling across the globe [2,5,6]. For example, about 780 million people lacked access to improved water in 2017 [7]. The burden of a lack of access to improved water in sub-Saharan Africa is high compared with other regions of the world [8,9,10,11]. More than 400 million (80%) of the under-served population live in sub–Saharan Africa alone [12]. These numbers are projected to increase with population growth coupled with rising temperatures, longer and recurrent droughts and diminished river flow [1] stemming from various complex risks. In Nigeria, it has been estimated that about 66% of the population have access to safe drinking water, while the remaining 34% (75 million people) do not have access to improved sources of drinking water [13], an amount that is behind only China (119 million) and India (97 million) [14]. The burden of water access and low resilience to shortages is likely to worsen due to rapid growth in population and unsustainable urban processes [15].

Rapid urbanization, climate change, population growth, socioeconomic changes and unsustainable development pathways are projected to present significant challenges to domestic water supply [16], both in terms of supply and quality. Due to these challenges and many others, such as pollution, ageing infrastructure, inadequate resources and lack of training in water systems personnel., Calabar faces problems in providing clean water, without which the future of sustainable development may be difficult to attain. About 65% of Calabar’s population lives in poverty in informal settlements, exacerbated by overcrowding, with low resilience and decreasing water access. These settlements are concentrated and built outside the formal system of laws and regulations and are meant to ensure resilient structures, settlements and systems. These projections raise concerns about the future of water access, compounded by stress bundles.

In the context of decreasing access to improved water and low resilience to shortages of improved water, international agencies (UN, World Bank and WHO) and the government have struggled with ideas on how to solve the widespread problems associated with access to improved water [5]. The catalyst’s role of providing improved water has also received significant recognition, with the introduction of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2016. SDG 6, in particular, is an urgent call for action for all countries to ensure availability and sustainable management as well as the furtherance of cooperation and partnership at all levels in order to achieve water-related goals and targets by 2030 [17,18,19].

In this regard, the Nigerian government have established measures with which to ensure access to water by managing the cost of water while circumventing the bottleneck that has constrained infrastructure provision. However, Calabar faces challenges in meeting its immediate needs, including the increasing deterioration of water supply infrastructure in their environmental and social conditions, growing demand and the need to make long-term plans to provide improved water for an increasing population. Improved water is classified based on the definition provided by the World Health Organization/United Nations Children’s Fund Joint Monitoring Programme (WHO/UNICEF JMP). The categories encompass piped water supplied to residential units, piped water supplied to yards or plots, public taps or standpipes, tube wells or boreholes, safeguarded dug wells, safeguarded springs, and rainwater [20]. Innovative ways of solving water shortages as well as large investments will be needed to provide water and to maintain ageing infrastructure in order to serve this growing need that should be at the forefront when envisioning the future of cities [21].

Studies have documented the inability of cities to provide improved water [10,22,23,24,25], the importance of water as a critical good and questions of water supply [26], access and management in both quantitative and qualitative terms. Many of these studies propose guidance towards improving water operations or building infrastructure to increase water supply based on informed decision-making that is pivoted around supply side initiatives that seek to mitigate scarcity amid a forecasted population growth. Others, such as Mutune and Maingi [27], Molden, Khanal and Pradhan [28], Jepson, et al. [29] and Wutich, et al. [30], have revealed considerable evidence regarding the need for pragmatic measures to improve access to improved water supply, including the use of watergens, harvesting, and the use of desalination plants. Abubakar [31] and Achore and Bisung and Kuusaana [32] have researched the approaches adopted by households in response to the inadequacy of domestic water supply and the various elements that influence the selection of coping strategies. However, as water resources grow increasingly scarce, more scientific and empirical data are required regarding water services that are provided and to address other answers that have little or no impact on already stressed ecosystems.

Water woes have continued to persist in informal settlements, and further disparities also exist in smaller communities, with some residents having higher difficulties when accessing improved water. Hutton and Haller [33] suggest that most agencies responsible for providing water sometimes discriminate against informal and marginalized groups [8,34]. Informal settlements and marginalized groups are more vulnerable because they have less access to the financial and social assets needed in order to cope, such as land tenure, political participation, livelihood opportunities, governance, and infrastructure [35]. Most utilities undermine or underprovide these services for residents in informal settlements because they do not have a clear obligation to serve them and, in some instances, cities may not have the authority to do so [36].

Indeed, many subsequently gain recognition from the local authority through political patronage, and, where the authorization to provide services does exist, water-providing utilities tend not to place a priority on the needs of informal residents because they are technically, commercially and legally more challenging to serve than formal settlements [33]. This evidence reflects the need to effectively increase access to improved water for the urban poor in informal settlements. An unreliable water supply makes it difficult to reduce water-related diseases [36], increase water access [37] and cope with the challenges associated with water shortages [38]. Therefore, this study explores decreasing access to water and low resilience to shortages in Calabar. It analyses two complementary pieces of data: (i) households’ coping strategies and (ii) satisfaction with services. The overreaching questions are as follows: how is water provided? What are the household’s coping strategies across the sampled settlements? How satisfied are residents with the quality of water services provided? The empirical investigation, alongside recommendations, will help contribute to a better understanding of the approaches that are taken in order to provide improved water at both the city and household levels. It will also positively impact the development of sustainable water management policies and practices and the achievement of sustainable water management.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. The Study Area

This study was conducted in Calabar, the administrative capital of Cross River state, in the southern part of Nigeria (Figure 1). Calabar is estimated to have approximately 550,000 inhabitants, with a high poverty rate of over 50% [39]. The local economy is heavily reliant on petty trading, urban agriculture, tourism, and fishing, with a large proportion of the population employed in the informal sector [39]. Water stress, inequitable access to water supply, inequalities and inadequate financing for established water sources, and lack of information about the state of water resources and their use still exist in the city. The increasing frequency and intensity of water shortage in the region has significantly impacted health and livelihood opportunities, with many informal residents lacking access to water supply [40].

Cross River Water Board Limited (CRWBL) still bears responsibility for the water supply in Calabar. However, in reality, there is a gross shortage of water. This is evidenced by the provision of water reservoirs and water tankers by private enterprises and water vendors (Maruwa) to fill the demand. The CRWBL acknowledges that there needs to be more adequate access to water supply and better services. This has led the public sector to implement water-saving measures and to shift responsibility through investment in systems to reduce shortages.

2.2. Research Design

A mixed-method (triangulation) approach was used in this study. A mixed-method research approach allows the triangulation of different research data, provides a better understanding of the research problems and offsets the weakness of using either quantitative or qualitative methods alone [41]. This method is also advantageous because it utilizes both methods to capture the responses of stakeholders and households and to connect layers of frameworks used in data analysis to enhance the quality of the research outcomes. By leveraging the strengths of both approaches, results from mixed methods strengthen the robustness of the research and stimulate an alternative understanding of the research problems, including how water services are provided, by illuminating the conditions associated with specific outcomes [42]. In terms of specific design, the research used a cross-sectional mixed-method (quantitative and qualitative) design. The quantitative survey included inquiries about the coping mechanisms of households when faced with water scarcity and qualitative data were collected through interviews and focus groups in order to gain an understanding of these coping strategies.

2.3. Data Collection

Regarding the sample design, a multistage cluster sampling procedure from the existing enumeration of households from the Nigeria Population Commission [13] was used to select the respondents. The targeted population was the household. The choice of household was determined based on whether they were in a better place to provide information on the coping strategies to shortage within the period of study. The first stage was a cluster of housing units called enumeration areas (EAs). Clusters were located using maps provided by the Cross River State Geographic Information Agency (CRSGIA), Calabar, Nigeria.

The selected settlements featured here are the result of fieldwork conducted between December 2019 and November 2020 and subsequent trips to Calabar, Nigeria. The primary reason for choosing Calabar is its seemingly unremarkable profile as a medium-sized city in Nigeria that is affected by water stress due to the vulnerability of its coastal region. Thus, it has the potential to demonstrate the complexity and limitations of a region with water challenges compounded by the urgency of a growing informal population.

Three informal settlements, Mbukpa (squatter settlement and coastal community), Ekurinum (middle-income earners) and Ikot Ansa (unplanned buildings in informal settlements), were selected based on the peculiarity of the challenges, accessibility, income level and the structure of the study area. Mbukpa is an unplanned neighbourhood in the southern area of Calabar, 5 km from the creek. Ekurinum is a squatter settlement on the western coast 5 km from the city centre. Ikot Ansa is an unplanned community located east of Calabar, 10 km from the city centre.

Systematic sampling and simple random sampling techniques were used to select the buildings and streets considered in this study to give each household an equal opportunity to be selected and to ensure a sample that truly represents the entire population. A sample size of 120 households was selected from each settlement, making a total of 360 households. The sample populations were deemed sufficient to detect an outcome affecting 10% of the people using a power of 95%, with an error margin of 5%.

Computer-assisted personal interviews (CAPI) were used to collect data from respondents aged 18 years and above. However, 317 (88%) of the household’s questionnaires were retrieved. The high return rate was due to the ability to find the respondents included in the study. The questions were designed to elicit information on socioeconomic characteristics, the households’ coping strategies and satisfaction with improved water. Respondents were asked about their perception of the quality of water supply, reliability of services and their related costs within the settlements, and satisfaction within the settlements. A complaint procedure to the service providers and relocation plans in the three selected settlements was collected from households who have spent more than two years in the study area.

In terms of the qualitative data, in-depth interviews were conducted with key informants and two focus groups were conducted. The interview participants include professionals or experts (water consultants, non-government organization officers, the government official in CRWBL; 12 males and 8 females), interviewed in their offices in Calabar.

In addition, four (4) household heads (three male and one female) were conveniently sampled in Ikot Ansa and Mbukpa for interviews. Questions were structured to provide insights into challenges and potential improvements in water access. Two focus groups were conducted, one with technicians at the water pumping station and the other with community youth groups in Mbukpa. Data were collected using a structured interview guide and a tape recorder. Information solicited from the focus groups focused on water access and resilience to the shortage, how households cope with unreliable services and challenges and how water access can be improved.

2.4. Data Analysis and Ethics

Quantitative data were analysed using Statistical Package for Social Science (IBM SPSS 24, 2016). This involved cross-tabulation, a chi-squire test of analysis and descriptive statistics, presented with tables and graphs. Qualitative data collected through in-depth interviews and focus groups were coded and analysed using NVivo. Interview recordings were transcribed manually, checked, and thematically analysed and ‘themes’ were generated. These themes include water access, coping strategies and satisfaction. A convergent mixed-method procedure was introduced to merge the quantitative and qualitative data, which were then triangulated in order to provide comprehensive research findings.

Ethical consideration was very important in the inquiry and required the researcher to always protect the dignity of the research subject throughout the period of investigation. To maintain a climate of trust in conducting this research, the key ethical consideration before the fieldwork was to maintain transparency in our identity as researchers and to maintain the purpose of the research and its attendant goal. Throughout this research, the legal requirements for research in the Data Protection Act of 1998 and the general research ethics of Newcastle University guided the entire study. We met all of the international rules and regulations for academic and professional best practices.

3. Results

3.1. Households Socioeconomic Characteristics

Table 1. Household size per settlement.

	Mbukpa n = 112	Ekurinum n = 95	Ikot Ansa n = 110	Total n = 317
Mean	7.47	5.76	6.00	6.5
Median (IQR)	8 (7, 8)	6 (5, 7)	6 (5, 7)	6 (5, 8)

shows the mean household size of 6.5 persons in the three settlements, with a median of 6 people. There are variations in the distribution of household size across the settlements. Mean household sizes in Ekurinum and Ikot Ansa are 5.8 and 6, respectively (median is 6), and in Mbukpa, the mean is 7.5 (median is 8). The interquartile range (IQR) of Mbukpa and Ikot Ansa at 25 quartiles and 75 quartiles are 7 and 8 and 5 and 7 individuals for each settlement, respectively, which demonstrates that there is a concentration of large households in these settlements.

Regarding the gender of household heads,

Table 2. The socioeconomic characteristic of household heads (percentage) by settlement.

	Mbukpa n = 112	Ekurinum n = 95	Ikot Ansa n = 110	Total n = 317
Gender
Female	63.4	69.5	63.6	65.4
Male	36.6	30.5	36.4	34.6
Educational status
Formal education	42.7	60.0	55.9	54
No formal education	52.0	36.0	41.0	42
Do not want to say	5.4	4.2	4.5	4
Educational level
Primary/elementary	62.5	44.2	40.9	50.8
Secondary	24.1	21.1	23.6	24.9
Tertiary/higher	13.4	34.7	35.5	24.2
Employment status
Unemployed/laid off	42.0	31.6	35.5	37.0
Paid work (full-time)	7.1	28.4	25.5	21.4
Self-employed	20.5	14.7	21.0	20.5
Paid work (part-time)	10.7	13.7	7.3	8.5
Daily working	16.0	5.3	5.5	7.8
Taking care of family member	2.7	5.3	1.8	3.3
Retired/pensioner	0.9	1.1	3.6	1.6
Types of occupation
Trading/sales worker	35.7	38.0	41.5	38.4
Artisan	23.3	19.8	15.6	19.6
Agriculture and allied sector workers	22.0	12.2	25.0	20.0
Civil service/technical related workers/administrative workers	12.7	16.0	10.0	13.0
Student/scholar	4.1	7.3	6.4	6.0
Skilled construction work	2.0	4.0	3.0	3.0
Others	0.2	2.7	1.5	1.4
Tenure
Owner of the house	25.9	51.6	38.2	38.5
Rented	66.1	46.3	57.3	56.6
Family owned	8.0	2.1	4.5	4.8

shows that about 65% were female and 35% were male. This is mainly because most of the respondents were housewives whose husbands were absent at the time of the survey. These figures differ from the earlier findings from the Nigerian Demographic and Health Survey, 2018, which show that the gender of household heads was 50% male and 50% female.

There are relatively significant proportions of older people, with 21% of household heads aged between 51–60 years that make up more than one-quarter of the population. About 7% of household heads are over 61 years of age (the official retirement age is 60 years for both men and women). Most household heads (27%) are aged between 31 and 40. This shows that the population is economically active and is within working age. Of these household heads, 45% have one or more dependent children. The numbers of those aged between 25 and 30 years are significantly higher than that of the household heads aged 61 years and above.

Results on the distribution of respondents’ level of education show that 44% and 60% have completed primary school in Ekurinum and Mbukpa, respectively. Household heads in Ekurinum have comparable levels of education to the other three settlements, with 21% having had at least secondary education. Thirty-five per cent have completed tertiary or higher education in Ekurinum. Household heads in Ikot Ansa have the highest level of education, as 36% have been educated to the tertiary level. Of the households surveyed, only 13% completed tertiary education in Mbukpa.

The most common occupations are trading (48%) and agriculture, all allied sectors. Artisan and skilled construction workers comprise only 12% and 7%, respectively, of the sample. A significant number (12%) of the total sample of households in all settlements are engaged in agriculture and allied sectors, most of whom are women. Other occupations include fishing, selling of tobacco and selling of scrap iron. There were variations regarding occupation between respondents across the sampled settlements. Trading was prevalent in Mbukpa (38%). There is a predominance of artisans in Ekurinum (22%), but only 3% of workers in Ikot Ansa take artisanal jobs. Other occupations are well represented in all of the sampled settlements, including charcoal burners, the food processing and beverage industry, welders, and painters.

Over half of the households are rent-paying tenants (57%). Rental tenure is characterized by the use of a tenement or single room house type. Owner–occupier households accommodated in multifamily housing constitute 38%. Only 5% of houses in the study were family owned. A disaggregation of data shows that more of the households in Mbukpa (66%) are tenants than in Ekurinum and Ikot Ansa (46% and 57%, respectively). Thus, there are more tenants in central than in peripheral settlements. Renting ranges across a continuum of forms, from tenants living in formal housing with legally binding contracts with the owner (which is beyond the scope of this study) to those in squatter settlements and slums with only verbal contracts with the owner. Other tenure forms have a more ambiguous legal status, somewhere in between these two extremes.

3.2. Source of Water

Water sources and supply are important services for households in Calabar. The provision of improved water is a fundamental intervention. It is an essential requirement of people’s livelihood security with a directly productive purpose and role in increasing labour productivity because of its impact on health or in combination with other capital assets.

Table 3. Source of water supply (%) by settlement.

	Mbukpa	Ekurinum	Ikot Ansa	Total
Shared tap/Standpipes	50.9	28.9	46.4	42.1
Borehole	21.4	28.9	16.4	22.2
Rainwater harvester	13.4	3.2	17.3	11.3
Private tap	1.8	30.5	3.6	11.9
Protected dug well	5.4	5.3	10.0	7.0
Stream	1.8	1.1	2.7	1.8
Other	3.6	2.1	3.6	3.0
Do not want to say	1.8	-	-	0.6

shows that 42% of households obtain water from a shared tap/standpipe. This result is very much in line with the widespread belief that shared tap/standpipes are the main source of water for the urban poor and that informal residents are likely to comprise a larger proportion of standpipe users [43].

About 22.2% obtain water from boreholes and 11.3% from rainwater harvesters. At the same time, 30% of households in Ekurinum have a private tap, compared with only 2% in Mbukpa and 3.4% in Ikot Ansa. The substantial differences in this situation may be due to improved housing environment and socioeconomic status. Only 3% of households own a well in Ikot Ansa. The sampled settlements in Calabar manifest a combination of low- and middle-income dwellings. High-income settlements exhibit a more secluded demeanour. Thus, residential areas frequently encompass households with diverse levels of water accessibility, primarily contingent upon their socioeconomic status and tenure of housing. For instance, out of the sampled households, 11% possess an indoor connection and are proprietors of their living quarters, while the majority of the participants who use water from a shared tap/standpipe are tenants.

The chi-square test shows no statistically significant difference between Ekurinum and Ikot Ansa regarding access to water sources (X2= 8.234 df = 5 p-value = −0.142). However, some households in Mbukpa obtained drinking water from shared taps, as its proportion was higher than in Ikot Ansa. The private water supply in Calabar was neither sufficient nor reliable. Most of the private tap connections in the settlements supplement the water they receive from piped distribution with water from other sources.

The other category of water sources in some sample settlements comprises tankers and water vendors. Vending is a common practice in many parts of Nigeria, where a lack of infrastructure limits access to adequate quantities of improved water [44]. People pay a water vendor to fill their tanks and buckets. Sometimes, the water is supplied by a water system constructed by the residents. Households, mostly women and girls, have to queue for longer hours for water. A respondent in a focus group in Ekurinum said:

“Access to improved water is a problem for us, especially in the dry season. It is common to see people constructing drinking water sources like boreholes and wells themselves. Some of us who cannot afford our own boreholes employ the services of water vendors. Some people wait for hours for water vendors (maruwa) to bring them drinking water” (FG2, R19, Ekurinum, M, 29, 12/09/2019).

Though many residents within the communities have appropriate equipment for treating sufficient amounts of water, other households need a mains connection, leading to a reliance on expensive water vendors or the creation of illegal connections to mains water pipes. In addition to the occasional water shortage, a reduction in the quality and flow of water causes people to resort to unsafe sources (see Figure 2) that can almost erase the health benefits [45]. These also have significant health and livelihood consequences.

Further disparities also exist within informal communities, with residents having higher difficulties accessing improved water and younger women, especially those with children, having higher difficulties accessing enough water. In an interview, a householder stressed that the water accessibility was one of the top problems facing the community:

Every newspaper in Calabar metropolis runs at least one photograph and a new item each week condemning another breakdown of water supply. Despite numerous appeals to the government for assistance, we continue to struggle to get water from the water board. (Interviewee, R23, Mbukpa, M, 55, 11/10/2020)

Respondents described water shortages as water cuts, undesirable water quality and water rationing. Utility operations are less significant, and it is not interesting that it will serve more than the small fraction of residents. Operators of the water treatment plants within these communities often cite a lack of funding and support as critical factors, resulting in an inability for them to adequately provide water to meet the demand for the communities. An interviewee from the CRWBL commented that:

One significant factor contributing to water supply interruptions is the inadequacy of funding to purchase purification chemicals, this is usually compounded by delayed delivery. Distributing untreated water to the public would create a catastrophic situation, hence the only feasible recourse is to obstruct the water supply until the necessary chemicals are obtainable.

Many of the settlements’ water supplies cannot meet the demand and face additional strains. An efficient and effective water supply infrastructure is necessary in order to alleviate the daily difficulties faced by water users. However, most people access their water sources by filling jerry cans from the trucks of small water vendors, packaged water, and emergency water trucks.

In terms of distance to water sources,

Table 4. Distance to water source (%) per settlement.

Km	Mbukpa	Ekurinum	Ikot Ansa	Total
Less than 1	37.0	54.0	42.0	44.3
2–3	23.7	31.0	22.0	25.6
3–4	23.3	11.0	26.0	21.0
More than 5	16.0	4.0	9.0	9.6

shows that households access water at places between 150 m and 2 km from their home. Distance from water sources constrain people’s productive capacity and, therefore, the human capital at their disposal. Consequently, more time and effort must be spent meeting the household’s basic needs. Comparing distances to water sources in Mbukpa with those in Ekurinum, the latter is better than the former. Distances to a water source in Ekurinum and Ikot Ansa were generally shorter than those in Mbukpa. This is because of the relatively small area covered and the proximity of a shared tap to almost every household in the settlement.

Securing water resources for households in these localities has been transferred to the residents. Households may not own a well or borehole if they live in an area where the water level is too low if their well or borehole has dried up, or if they cannot drill within their settlements. In this case, private utilities play a vital role in the provision of water services. However, their coverage may not extend to the most marginalized individuals. For instance, a limited number of individuals residing in informal settlements have the opportunity to access in-house or plot connections. The most disadvantaged residents often depend on various water sources, including private vendors, packaged water, and storing water within their residences.

3.3. Cost of Water

Different types of water sources vary in price level and payment structure. About 40 cans add up to a cubic metre, and a household of 6 members consumes about 1000 such cans monthly. We found that buying water takes up a considerable amount of household income for residents across the three settlements. Households consuming 50 litres per person per day according to WHO recommendation through direct piped supplies would have to allocate between 10–25% of their income for water.

In terms of the cost of water in the three settlements, there was no substantial difference in the cost of the water in the sample settlements. We inquired about the amount respondents paid for water, to which the respondent stated the price of water varied with the income level of the settlement, starting from 50 jerry cans for 2 USD according to official rates. In Mbukpa, water appears relatively affordable and was resold at between 0.20 USD and 0.50 USD per can. Some water vendors have their own private connections, and the price depends on the conditions of water supply and the location of the consumers’ premises. The households pay ten times more per litre to water vendors every month than they would if they had piped water. This is much more than they would pay if they were served by the public water supply. Thus, the water supply falls far below the levels required to satisfy minimum healthy living conditions, and the supplies are thus prone to contamination (see Figure 3).

Respondents indicated that the price of water was generally lower in areas where piped water flowed more frequently (Interviewee, R11, Mbukpa, F, 35, 11/10/2020). We then asked the respondents why they believed the price was lower, suggesting that it was only because there was a pipe. The respondent confirmed this, stating that the lower price was due to where water was available. It is believed that when the water did not flow, the price would be higher. The respondent confirmed this, explaining that in Ekurinum, if the water did not flow for approximately three days, the price would increase.

Although vendors charged higher prices for water and the cost was subject to fluctuations, it appeared that the range of costs was relatively predictable and manageable. In fact, interviewees generally considered the prices charged by vendors to be reasonable and consistent. Some interviewees also mentioned that if the price was too high, they had the option to use less water or wait for the price to decrease before doing their washing or engaging in water-intensive activities to a certain extent (Interviewee, R7, Ekurinum, F, 45, 11/10/2020). In addition, the time spent searching for water was considered an important cost to consider.

3.4. Coping Strategies with Water

Table 5. Household coping strategies (%) per settlement.

	Mbukpa	Ekurinum	Ikot Ansa	Total
Water conservation (changing routine/reused)	35.0	28.5	32.0	32.0
Storing	20.7	34.0	19.6	24.6
Purchasing (alternative water)	27.0	32.5	23.0	27.5
Rainwater harvesting (collecting)	16.0	4.0	22.0	14.0
Pumping	1.3	1.0	3.4	1.9

shows that most respondents (32%) used water conservation (changing routine/reusing/storing) as a coping strategy. This coping strategy reduces the quantity of water used, reduces time spent obtaining water from street vendors and increases the time spent collecting water from public or community water supply. This was also seen to be the case with purchasing (27.5% spent a significant proportion of their income on buying water). It has additionally been found that the availability of water is progressively transforming into a pricey resource within the community. A female respondent in Mbukpa said the following:

“In terms of the monetary expense of water, it looks like we employ water in nearly every aspect of our activities here, specifically for consumption, personal hygiene, cleaning, labour and so on. Living in this locality has become problematic for us since we are required to pay for all these necessities, that is, potable water, bathing, and sanitation, thereby leaving a diminished amount of funds allocated for our sustenance”.

Only 1.9% of the respondents choose pumping as a coping strategy. This may be due to the limited number of water pumping points in the study area.

Disaggregation of data shows that 22% of respondents used rainwater harvesting (collecting) in Ikot Ansa compared with 4% in Ekurinum. The collection consists of walking to and from a water source of 10 min per trip with a different average waiting time of 20 min. About 83.5% of household heads were concerned about getting enough water to meet their daily requirement of 40 litres. In terms of improved services, households expressed worry about the quality of water supplied.

Respondents using public water supplies reported an average of six breakdowns in the supply system and two breakdowns from the shared water supply each year. One of the factors that contributed to the failure of the CRWBL policy implemented for direct-to-water homes was that many people needed to have in-dwelling pipe-borne water sources.

We asked respondents if utility networks provide intermittent piped water supply, respondents said they had been supplied with contaminated water due to storage and handling practices. They expressed different opinions on the water supplied during supply periods, such as regarding fluctuating pressure from the CRWL, the breakdown of pumping systems, and increased risk of contamination. The perception that an exclusive reliance on private water provision would be disadvantageous arose partly from the failure of piped services. An interviewee, aged 35, living in Ekurinum explained the following:

“depending on piped water could result in the inconvenience of having to wake up in the middle of the night to fill barrels” (Interviewee, R23, Mbukpa, F, 35, 11/10/2020).

Even individuals with higher or more regular incomes faced challenges in planning their water usage around piped services. Another interviewee, a retired lecturer living in the Ikot Ansa area, where he owns his home and a fish farm, recalled that he was unable to access water when he attempted to bathe on the same morning (Interviewee, R6, Ikot Ansa, M, 67, 11/10/2020). However, he had the means to purchase sachet water or store large quantities to supplement his water security. As he stated, “We have water storing facilities which are helping a lot of us too. If you don’t like this (share tap) water you buy large storage or a sachet of water and put it in your room”. Likewise, a woman who sold beverages by the roadside in the Mbukpa stated the following:

“We have a pipe but there is no water in it, we have become used to the practice of reusing/storing water, as it is possible for taps to cease flowing at any given moment, and it is important that we remain prepared for any circumstances. In order to avoid facing hardships during periods of scarcity, we ensure that water is stored in large quantities. We bought a number of drums that is of great assistance during times when water is scarce. Occasionally, my children and I dedicate an entire day to the task of collecting water from one standpipe to another, filling up as many jerry cans as possible. We persevere through the passing days, conserving this water until it is completely consumed” (Interviewee, R3, Mbukpa, M, 39, 11/10/2020).

During this period, she supplemented her water source by collecting rainwater for washing and cooking, strategically placing large metal pans around the courtyard of her compound. In a focus group discussion, another respondent added the following:

I fetch water and store, reducing the need to waste time waiting in line each day. Unfortunately, we do not have sufficient storage drum, which necessitates my daily wait in the queue and subsequently causes me to be late for work. In the event that there is no water at the standpipes, I can spare the expense of purchasing water from vendors, which can be exorbitant in price.

We observed that the daily consultations surrounding how a household copes with water scarcity involve various forms of conflict and negotiation in order to gain access to water institutions.

3.5. Satisfaction with Improved Water

Table 6. Satisfaction with service and decision to move (percentage).

Satisfaction	Settlements
	Mbukpa	Ekurinum	Ikot Ansa	Total
Yes	47.2	24.1	30.0	33.8
No	52.8	75.9	70.0	66.2
Dissatisfaction with service and planning to move
Planning to move	37.0	68.8	30.0	45.3
Not planning to move	48.0	24.2	62.0	44.7
Don’t want to say	15.0	7.0	8.0	10.0

shows the pattern of satisfaction with improved water sources in the three settlements. Most respondents (66.2%) were not satisfied with the water provided in the study area. Disaggregation of data in the three survey settlements indicates that 76% of households in Ekurinum were not satisfied with the water provided compared with 52.8% in the Ikot Ansa settlement.

We asked households if they planned to move if sufficient water services were not provided; about 75.9% of households in Ekurinum were dissatisfied with the services, but only 24% of households were planning to move. About 69% of households were dissatisfied with service in Mbukpa, and a record low of 30% planned to move if improved services were not provided. The interview also shows that households who complained to the utility agency lived in owned housing compared with those who lived in rented housing in the three settlements.

Of the households surveyed, about 69% of households in Ekurinum planned to move, compared with less than 30% in Mbukpa. Households dissatisfied with the water that was supplied were more likely to complain and plan to move to another location. However, the income level of households, tenure status and location were determinants of the extent of the household’s plans to move. The analysis of this study revealed some important outcomes. The chronic shortage of water was recorded as one of the complaints of 60% of the households in the study who are planning to move if services were not provided. About 68.8% of the Ekurinum residents have water facilities connected to their homes compared with Mbukpa, with 39% lacking adequate water supply to their homes. Most households only receive water from the CRWBL once or twice a week and sometimes stay for an average of 3–6 weeks without a water supply from the service providers.

Correlation analysis was used to test the extent of the relationship between water supply and households’ level of satisfaction. It can be seen in

Table 7. The relationship between water and level of dissatisfaction with service.

Correlations		Water Supply	Satisfaction
Water	Pearson correlation	1	0.017
	Sig. (2-tailed)		0.724
	N	424	424
Satisfaction	Pearson correlation	0.017	1
	Sig. (2-tailed)	0.724
	N	424	425

that a positive relationship exists between water supply and occupants’ level of satisfaction (rho = −0.017, n = 424, p < 0.05), indicating that occupants’ level of satisfaction was attributed to the level of water provided. The data show that improved water supply is unreliable, and that households are generally dissatisfied with the quality of water provided and have often resorted to self-help or private water vendors to advance the level of water supply on an individual and household level.

This enforces a system of rationing whereby the flow of water is directed to specific settlements on specific days. According to a senior representative of CRWBL, the rationing schedule was implemented in order to ensure an equitable distribution of water resources across densely populated settlements (Interviewee, R9, M, 45, 12/10/2020). However, despite the complexity of this system, it does not result in an equal distribution of water to all areas. Certain settlements receive continuous service (their mains are always connected to the municipal water supply), but they may still experience issues with water pressure and overall shortages that affect the entire system. On the contrary, the three survey settlements receive water only once a week or not at all. Although the rationing schedule has reportedly been in operation for more than 10 years, it has not been made publicly available and most people do not receive advance notice of water flows.

Households may rely on occasional newspaper publications to find out where water will be available on a given day, but when respondents described their experiences with water services, it became clear that the distribution of water was highly inconsistent. Despite the water utility’s control over water flows in the urban areas of Calabar through the pipeline and rationing schedule, these infrastructures can be difficult to access, understand, and predict. The lack of water led residents to seek out other means and services. In this way, residents make decisions to move or to rely on their sources to access water services on a daily basis, placing a particular emphasis on their ability to adapt and navigate a system of sporadic water distribution.

4. Discussion

Though economic issues are noticeable drivers of water vulnerability in informal settlements, other factors, such as existing water quality, community demographics, availability, types of contaminants, and social engagement, can vary from one settlement to the other, making the development of generalised approaches challenging. In this research, interviews with communities in Calabar found that women and girls are responsible for making daily decisions when accessing water. Household water collection has been conceptualized to segment gender norms into objects, activities, and roles. Within these settlements, those households without access to water are more likely to experience illness resulting in missed of school or work. Sarkar’s [46] study in Kenya found that the strategies of women and men vary significantly in the same household, with women resorting to practices that are can compromise their health, hygiene and wellbeing, leading to emotional and physical distress. Water accessibility and collection have been, and continue to be, culturally stereotyped into biological sex roles, with women in the study region, and across Africa as a whole, responsible for its collection and usage [47,48].

The results from this study demonstrate that approximately 72.5% of households in Ekurinum and 65.8% of households in Ikot Ansa have access to a source of water, specifically shared tap/standpipe water. This development is noteworthy, particularly when considering the average municipal percentage of individuals with access to improved water. Water utilities and other public agencies supplying water are experimenting but it should be emphasized that, while this experimentation appears to be extending access, prices prevent low-income households from being able to purchase sufficient quantities of water from public suppliers. For example, the primary source of water in urban settlements in Calabar is public tap/standpipe, from which 42% of households obtain their water. Approximately 26.8% of households in informal settlements of the municipality had access to pipe-borne water that was not within their homes. Studies by Mitlin and Walnycki [49] and Rhoderick [50] suggest that households experience greater advantages when water is directly piped to their premises, compared with the use of shared taps. The amount of water consumed by a household is influenced by the level of accessibility, which is primarily determined by the factors of distance and time. It has been observed that the quantities of water used in situations where residents have to carry the water may not be adequate to effectively mitigate risks [45]. The issue of in-house water facilities has become a prominent topic in the discussion of access to improved water [51]. Accessibility to water on premises improves water access, and thus, more effort should be made to extend in-house water facilities.

As demonstrated in the study, one of the factors that has contributed to the failure of the CRWBL implementation of direct water to homes has been that many people needed to have in-dwelling pipe-borne water sources. The main water accessibility challenge has been the increased cost of water (41%), this despite water provision having been supposed to be free during the pandemic. This study has found that most households faced accessibility problem and adapted to the lack of water access by storing water using small-sized storage facilities, using emergency trucks, and also by buying from other vendors at an expensive rate.

It has been found in this study that the process of accessing water services entails an intricate combination of connections and disconnections, which are negotiated on a daily basis through practices embodied in the pursuit for water supply. Respondents in the study utilized a range of water sources (shared tap/standpipes, borehole, rainwater harvester, private tap, protected dug well) as well as networks (including vendors, neighbours, and the CRWBL). Both individuals who had a direct connection to the piped water network and those who did not reported dissatisfaction water flows. However, while the participants expressed the uncertainties in the water flow, they also emphasized the limited opportunities in which they could improve these deficiencies. In this particular case, the lack of water access necessitates that the residents of Calabar develop various coping strategies, with a majority of the respondents (32%) using water conservation (changing routine/reusing), purchasing (27.5% spent a significant proportion of their income on buying water) and pumping.

Regarding the decision to move, the extent to which they had continual access to water was constrained, not just by the housing tenure status but the household’s income and the location of settlement. This is similar to the study by Amankwaa [52], in which different social perceptions of the settlements, such as accessibility of services, tenure status and socioeconomic status, were clear determinants of a household’s decision to move and a determinant of the use of coping strategies. A crucial differentiation exists between a larger population being granted access to water versus certain individuals receiving access to a greater quantity of water [53,54]. The practice of supplying water to some settlements while others do not have access to water has given rise to informal residents becoming progressively more resistant to water scarcity. This shift transfers the responsibility for governing water resources to the inhabitants, thereby redefining their role to cover both consumers and suppliers [55]. It can be argued that households must sacrifice essential needs in order to purchase water from vendors or acquire products that improve water quality. This situation is particularly arduous for people who are primarily responsible for water collection, which could further impede the household’s capacity to cope with water scarcity.

5. Conclusions

Sustainable urban management relies on accessible socio-economic services. Water access is crucial for life. All aspects of life depend on water availability. Insufficient water supply in informal settlements are major concerns for development efforts. This research study explores the decreasing access to water and low resilience to shortages in Calabar, Nigeria. The findings show disparities in access to improved water among different communities in Calabar. However, the majority of households obtain their water from a shared tap/standpipe. In terms of the cost of water in the three settlements, there was no substantial difference in the cost of water in the sample settlements. However, coping strategies were developed to deal with short-term water stresses. The impending crisis of poor access partly leads to a larger-term impact. Most households were not satisfied with the water provided and those dissatisfied with their water supply were more likely to complain and planned to move to another location. The income level of households, tenure status and locations were determinants of the extent of a household’s plan to move.

The government’s focus solely on providing piped water services as the solution to providing domestic water in urban areas means that informal settlements are neglected, as they are often considered illegal and are unrecognized by governments. As a result, these areas are excluded from resource distributions, which creates institutional barriers and necessitates the use of the coping strategies by households. As informal residents collect and supply their water, they form a new type of localized privatization that feeds into power governance and changes the relationship within the city.

Therefore, there is an urgent need to increase the innovative efficiency of use by implementing strategies by which to improve the ways that households access improved water. This includes the construction of new water sources and distribution points through water bending and intermittent water supply. For example, the use of rainwater harvesters has been among the specific adaptation measures that the water sector must undertake in order to cope with future climate change. Regulatory failures to achieve water efficiency for these communities has been widespread and longstanding. This requires guidance from local government policies and regulations and freedom from a one-size-fits-all approach. There is a need to establish and strengthen local-level institutions as a way of improving rainwater harvesting approaches. Productive economic activities in providing accessible water resources to urban households are needed, as are constructive strategies in allocation and distribution beyond mere physical service. Upgrading water point installation and maintenance of extending trunk infrastructure can significantly reduce exposure and vulnerability to water-related stress, especially for those who are most at risk. This includes funding infrastructure projects and redevelopment of shared water points for water storage, building the needed social cohesion for groups so as to better engage in decision-making regarding the access to improved water technologies in informal areas, including peri-urban areas, outgrowths, and urban corridors. In conclusion, the incentivizing and/or regulation of water supplies and the deployment of new infrastructure services with an increased focus on the informal and marginalized groups will alleviate the current challenges of the sustainable utilization of resources. Further study should be conducted in order to understand the political context, powerbrokers and decision-making processes that define the agenda when providing water for marginalized groups.