**3. Conclusions: Caught between 'Soft' and 'Sharp Power'?**

This essay presented a detailed account of how the top–down project of 'moderate Islam' has redefined the UAE's international image as well as their post-Arab Spring regional policies. Time and again, colonial and postcolonial authority did not resist revisiting religious tradition under the pressure of external or domestic challenges. The Emirates' policies fit that historical pattern. The article concludes that, via their campaign, the UAE engaged with 'soft' and 'sharp power' alike. Throughout our presentation, we analyzed how religious tolerance has been utilized to whitewash domestic political intolerance and aggressive interventionism in other countries' internal a ffairs.

With respect to public diplomacy, the joint de-radicalization e fforts between the Emirates and al-Azhar are deemed as exemplary tactics in creating 'soft power'. Public opinion, of course, has not forgotten Yemen, or the Emirati occupation of some parts of this country, ye<sup>t</sup> the UAE leadership managed to rebrand itself as one of the world's earnest backers of interfaith dialogue and redirect the agenda to its favor. Pope Francis' visit stands as a testimony to the success of such diplomacy. Moreover, thanks to 'moderate Islam', the small Gulf monarchy re-emerged in international relations as a model exporter; following Abu Dhabi's lead, even the Saudi Crown Prince, Muhammad Ibn Salman, appears determined to reintroduce 'moderate Islam' in his ultra-conservative kingdom, in line with Riyadh's Vision 2030 (Kingdom of Saudi Arabia n.d.).

However, due to growing security concerns, the Emirates had to resort to what Nye calls 'sharp power' (Nye 2019, p. 17), such as funding anti-Brotherhood parties and militias, backing coups and disseminating conspiracy theories to discredit opponents. These practices are identical to US anti-communist activities during the Cold War and on no account produce 'soft power'. Perhaps, the UAE could be better compared to the Chinese model that rests on 'soft power' campaigns, e.g., ecological issues, climate change, etc., whilst crushing dissidents and ethnic groups in the interior (Nye 2019, pp. 18–19). Against the backdrop of increased calls for reforms, whether social, economic and, to a lesser extent, political, 'moderate Islam' endorses and legitimizes the status of the UAE monarchy by casting out opposition as 'intolerant' and consequently, 'unislamic'. Emirati policies will continue to be caught between 'soft' and 'sharp power' owing to authoritarian tendencies, unless bold constitutional reforms are instigated under mounting social pressure. This is a potentiality that does not fit into the monarchy's 'success story' for the time being.

Meanwhile, the monarchy is represented in the eyes of the US and some other Western partners as an 'enlightened model' for the rest of the region, despite the debates that have sparked in the parliaments of the UK, France, Germany, Sweden and elsewhere regarding the situation in Yemen. According to the Dubai 2021 Plan, the Abu Dhabi 2030 Vision and many others (UAE The Cabinet n.d.e), the ruling families aspire to transform the Emirates into a global hub of market economy, green growth and tolerance. This is the climax of the UAE rulers' public diplomacy indeed, notwithstanding that they could hardly tolerate political openness out of fear that it would backfire and cost them their centuries-old grip on power. As far as their Arab and Muslim audiences are concerned, the Emirati rulers are cautious enough to remind them that far from assimilating 'alien, Western values', they simply rediscover the Islamic Golden Age (9th–12th centuries) and revive the legacy of Damascus, Baghdad and al-Andalus.

**Funding:** This research received no external funding. **Conflicts of Interest:** The author declares no conflict of interest.
