4.2.4. Coexistence in the Employment Space

Most of the focus group participants reported that they felt that they were able to co-operate with common work norms on both sides. Compared to a closed ultra-Orthodox space that does not need coexistence, since the norms are monotonous and widely accepted. As Yaakov describes,

*The firm is mixed. It is secular, it also has quite a few ultra-Orthodox, but it's mixed. And thank God, we manage [* ... *] to co-exist very well.*

The success of coexistence can be dependent on the fact that the integrators use adaptive strategies and seek practical solutions to all the conflicts that arise at work. From the second point of view, the participants say that employers address all the difficulties of the ultra-Orthodox workers and try to solve any conflict that arises in a practical way.

In sum, most participants take active coping and planning as coping strategies to deal with conflict situations in their workplace. Most of them stated that, on a personal level, they are paving the way for success and dealing with stress situations on a daily basis. Socially, most of them share the feeling that they are able to reach coexistence and mutual understanding with both their employers and their non-ultra-Orthodox colleagues in the workplace.

#### 4.2.5. Employment in a National-Religious Space

In spite of the dichotomy that we initially aimed for in the study, i.e., religious versus secular, another challenge was raised and that is working with people from the national-religious sector. As has emerged from all focus groups, the challenge of working with national-religious is the most difficult challenge, as it presents the most complex conflict situations to ultra-Orthodox workers, on the basis of the supposedly shared religious identity, as Shoshi describes,

*It was precisely there [in the secular workplace] that it was much easier for me to maintain my boundaries, because I think the di*ff*erences were very clear, unlike today in the [accountants'] o*ffi*ce where II work with a lot of religious people, and what is the di*ff*erence between me and them?—"I'm religious too." And sometimes I feel that it is wrong to present yourself as more religious than someone* *else because he is also strict about halacha, so you cannot tell him "it is wrong." It is much easier to work there [in a secular workplace] than in a religious place, because there [in the secular workplace] my boundaries were stronger.*

The participants' statements reveal the wide gap in Israel between the ultra-Orthodox and the national–religious society and teach that sociological differences are also important in the employment world. In fact, the participants' statements indicate that conflicts on a religious cultural background arise not only between the ultra-Orthodox minority group and the secular majority group but also between the ultra-Orthodox minority group and another religious minority group. Indeed, ultra-Orthodox research participants also point out the difficulty of socializing with other workers who are national–religious in their workplace.

#### *4.3. Comparing Women's and Men's Coping Strategies*

The third question the study seeks to answer relates to the way in which men and women deal with employment. The main differences between men and women were found in their coping strategies—effective versus ineffective. Women use strategies of emotional support, instrumental social support, distraction, and emotion venting more than men do.

In the women's focus groups, they talked more about the difficulties there and sought emotional support and a framework for expressing their feelings. In the men's focus groups, the conversation focused more on the ideological level and the settlement of the contradictions between the world of employment and the ultra-Orthodox world. Hence, the ultra-Orthodox women feel less need than the ultra-Orthodox men to take into account the reactions of the environment to their departure for work, perhaps because they have been integrating into the general economy for years. The men, on the other hand, were already dealing with the environmental reaction regarding the ideological question of Torah study versus going to work. We note that in ultra-Orthodox society, men are commanded to study Torah and most totally aspire to it, compared to women who are required to support them. This "role reversal" may well explain the different ways of coping between women and men.

As mentioned, the family is an influencing factor on the integrators. Various studies have found that traditional families that embrace modern values have a major impact on the individual in coping with the adoption or rejection of those values, as well as in how she/he copes leaving the community for education or employment [12].

In the focus groups, men described the reality in which they must combine the ultra-Orthodox community and the family with the workplace, but their descriptions were characterized by striving to find practical solutions. Such as the solution of Moshe given below. Moshe describes the awkward conflict of exposing the children to the reality that Dad works in a non-religious place instead of studying Torah like the fathers of his children's friends:

*Since I work where I work, I know there is life at home and at work and I don't mix them up. When at home, I try not speak loudly on the phone so as not to change the atmosphere. Why? Because the kids are in a very specific framework and want to see that their dad is the same as their friends' dad, and I don't think that they should be exposed to this at their age. When they grow up they can do whatever they want.*

The women, on the other hand, used discussion in the focus groups as part of their strategy to get emotional social support in their trying coping efforts. At the end of the discussions, the women thanked us for the invitation to attend (despite the difficulty of attending them in the evening). They said the discussions game them food for thought about the process they were experiencing. They also offered to have such support groups, each in her own community, and reasoned that their identification with their peers' difficulties helps them—both because they allow them to express their feelings aloud and because they help them find practical solutions to difficulties in the workplace.

A significant difference was found between ultra-Orthodox women working as a single individual in a foreign system and ultra-Orthodox women working together to form a cohesive group. In the public service, such organizing is particularly evident in the designated sections for ultra-Orthodox women, a kind of enclave. A similar arrangement also exists in the Jerusalem municipality, in one of the divisions, where it was not intended in advance to separate the ultra-Orthodox workers from the other workers, but in practice the ultra-Orthodox women were grouped together under a division manager who happens to be ultra-Orthodox herself, and also serves as their informal representative. The same division manager participated in one of our discussion groups, and the strategy she presented in her workplace is active coping, mostly receiving instrumental social support. She explained that her power to dictate norms in her department is based on the incorporation of the ultra-Orthodox employees, who together are empowered when facing the City Council.

Dina (division manager) said,

*These conflicts occur and I deal with them, my employees deal with them, I guide them how to deal with certain situations [* ... *] there are some kind of fun days with a program that I see are not appropriate for me. I inform the Division Manager that this is not right for me and we are not coming, and I back up my employees when they also decide not to come. I've created some kind of consensus when it comes to sports department, where there needs to be greater sensitivity. If there is a man in the environment who expresses himself in an improper or rude way, I am not embarrassed. It may not be for everyone. I get up and explain to him that we are married ultra-Orthodox women and we have children [* ... *] and do not talk in this way [* ... *] and they have learned to respect this over the years.*

### 4.3.1. Lack of Professional Knowledge

One of the gaps in professional knowledge in the workplace is the knowledge of English. Moshe argues that the lack of knowledge of the English language eventually translates into a lack of professional knowledge, and in his words, "occupational disability."

The lack of knowledge of the English language links the cultural gaps between the ultra-Orthodox society and the entire Israeli society, and this issue is more felt and spoken of by the men who are already in the work market or those who want to join it. This is undoubtedly one of the biggest barriers to entry into the labor force, especially among men, since they do not learn English in their study settings. Some have used a strategy of repression or reconciliation with the matter, and others have reported that they are trying to learn in parallel with working. The ultra-Orthodox men encounter the problem of lack of professional knowledge in their encounters with technology, computer use, etc. With this difficulty, they deal relatively easily, study in the workplace, and report a speedy closure of the gaps.

#### 4.3.2. Level of Religiosity

Women report a higher level of religiosity than men. Women also attach importance to the Halacha and hold views that are at odds with what is customary in their workplace. The feeling is that women are constantly trying to settle their conflicts with the "outside." The men, on the other hand, feel relatively relaxed even though they are aware of the problems that arise when they work "outside" the community. There is also a difference between young women and older women in their religious-spiritual adaptation to the workplace. This difference is noticeable in the words of Rachel, the oldest participant in the group, who is already a grandmother:

*I was much more hysterical. I went through some complex situations. I am 25 years among these people. The people have changed, the dynamics changed and higher education has also allowed me to look at things di*ff*erently. When I left the seminar I was a 19-year-old and came to the sports department and was scared of everything and came home pale and told my husband what I was going through. That's no longer today because I have a bachelor's degree in educational administration, we have experienced some insights, and we have acquired a master's degree in conflict management and settlement, which in itself has given us insights into accepting the other without sacrificing our own principles. My sons and husband are "Talmidei Chachamim" (very learned), my kids study at holy*

*yeshivas, and what shouldn't come into our home doesn't come in. But you really need some resilience. Do not be alarmed, live it without being hysterical and give it time.*

#### **5. Discussion**

The present research is of importance in the field of social policy and service planning for ultra-Orthodox society in particular and Israeli society in general. It is characterized by a particular observation of the researched community and the formulation of appropriate policy in accordance with the results of the qualitative research based on the voices of the participants in the various focus groups.

The empirical research materials combined with the theoretical aspects form the basis for the conceptualization strategies of members of the ultra-Orthodox community in their encounter with the "outside." In other words, the participants' comments allow for an overall view of ultra-Orthodox society in the context of changing processes in the employment space. It seems to us that a new model of working ultra-Orthodox people is emerging, one that adopts the integration strategy and at the same time practices different degrees of differentiation. In the working ultra-Orthodox community there is integration in the general society and there is a desire for them to be partners in the Israeli economy, and at the same time they draw an emotional and practical boundary line between themselves and the sector outside, and in this case, employers and their colleagues in the workplace.

Various studies that examine minority employment areas report primarily on a form of integration that does not recognize individual liberties and particular heritage. The present study is connected to other studies [26] that seek to assimilate the cultural complexity of integration and enable them to sustain their way of life in the workplace as well. Wasserman and Frankel argue that this is how we can ensure better integration of women along with maintaining their autonomy.

In fact, even when acquiring higher education, the enclave members are dismantling and reassembling modern values. In fact, the ultra-Orthodox integrators use problem-solving strategies as opposed to less effective ones. Using these strategies is a dual process of integrating into the majority group by adopting modern traits (higher education and employment) and strictly adhering to the traditional values of the minority group culture from which they come.

The ultra-Orthodox men and the ultra-Orthodox women adopt the integrated strategy differently. The academic ultra-Orthodox women, from the various streams, advocate conservatism and adherence to the values of the ultra-Orthodox community, i.e., Torah study for men and their children, and a desire for gender segregation. Women also rank their religiosity in a place higher than that of men, although they have been in the labor and education market longer than men and also define themselves as more open to different environments. Despite the acceptance of "outside" values by the women, they show stronger loyalty to the basic conservatism upon which they were educated. There are two distinct groups: integrating in mixed workplaces and maintaining their social religious values, and advocating segregated integration, i.e., claiming a homogeneous "enclave" in the work place that avoids social integration.

The use of adaptive strategies by most research participants is broader and converges to formulate the unique coping patterns of most participants with conflicts that have arisen in the employment space. The intention is to adopt a transition strategy that combines conservatism with the use of modern features and adaptation to Western work patterns. In fact, ultra-Orthodox academics are becoming the mediators between the enclave and the "foreign" population.

To sum up, it seems that, paradoxically, out of conservatism and the need for coping with those in a secular space, an innovative model of academic conservatives joining modern and advanced workplaces is emerging. The same model is worthy of development and assistance as presented in the solutions below.

#### **6. Conclusions**

On the basis of these findings, it seems that three main directions of action should be recommended. First, a psycho-educational program should be developed, during their academic studies, toward

the integration of the ultra-orthodox academics into the employment space. The program will help strengthen the inner world of those who integrate and reduce tensions and fears of personal identity. In addition, the program will pay special attention to building effective coping strategies when joining the world of work. Furthermore, the program will accompany that group in the employment space in the early stages of entering the workplace, monitor their dilemmas and difficulties, and provide answers by way of the resources and coping strategies found to be effective in research. (Adaptive strategies include acceptance strategy, active strategy, and instrumental support.)

Creating a work support service system, in the early years of work, will help solve the professional difficulties brought up by participants during their work. This recommendation is related to the phrase "occupational disability," conceived by one of the research participants to illustrate the difficulty of coping with one of the main barriers to ultra-Orthodox society in integration into academia and employment: lack of English proficiency. This gap is connected to a wider lack of knowledge, especially amongst ultra-Orthodox men. Therefore, it is recommended to incorporate those who intend to go to work in pre-employment preparation courses for obtaining tools and skills for optimal integration, and to assist them by providing professional knowledge as a tool for work, with emphasis on English studies and working with computers.

The third idea is aimed at developing, in cooperation with employers, employment training when the ultra-Orthodox employee is already working. Since employers in the economy have discovered the potential of the ultra-Orthodox workforce, both in terms of high output and in terms of the moral values, it is advisable to continue developing employment training programs for academic ultra-Orthodox graduates, led by employers and government encouragement. These training programs will improve the quality of work of the ultra-Orthodox workforce in reducing conflicts and tension in the workplace and will of course greatly contribute to the Israeli economy.

#### *Study Limitations*

At the end of the present study, I can point to three methodological limitations that should be addressed in future studies. First, we propose to conduct a more comprehensive study that will also include the population of employers and will reflect the integration process from their perspective. The second refers to the examination of ultra-Orthodox society as one unit regarding their integration into the workforce. In our opinion, it would be desirable to examine this phenomenon among each ultra-Orthodox stream separately in order to better understand the way these societies struggle with the important trend discussed in this paper. The third and last recommendation is a comparison of the ultra-Orthodox community to another conservative religious group outside of Israeli society. Such a comparison is likely to bring a wider perspective to processes of change among traditional religious women who seek an education and intend to enter the workforce.

**Funding:** This research received no external funding.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **References**


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