**7. Becoming** *Australian* **through Sports and Business**

*I still love the Imams. But human beings are just a product of infinite consciousness and who we are being. Our names, our genders, our cultures – they're all labels.*

—*Ali*.

As the middle child, *Ali* occupies a similarly distinct role to *Musa* and *Hassan*. *Ali*'s engagement with Shi'ism as a belief system began in Quetta and continued during his early years in Australia. However, due to reasons not dissimilar from *Hassan*, *Ali* slowly lost faith because of the inherent contradictions in the religious communities in Australia. *Ali* found a unique pathway to advancement through his engagement with sporting communities in Australia, culminating in representing Australia at the highest junior level. Scholars such as Saad (2011) have highlighted the interrelationship between sport, culture, and the construction of national identity. Representing Australia in Europe was stressful because of the difficult logistics involved in attaining a European visa as an Afghan-Hazara with permanent residence in Australia. Stressed from the visa situation and dissatisfied with the support from the relevant Australian sporting body. *Ali* was relieved to reach Europe and be able to compete in the competition. As discussed, the "red light" district incident was particularly disturbing because *Ali* was still very faithful in 2017. Before departing for the competition location, team members told him "let's go for a walk around the shops". He recounts how things soon appeared odd as he ventured down certain streets,

So we left the hotel. There was this one street name it gave me a bizarre feeling. When I got there, I realised, this is purely haram. I was apologising to Allah and Imam Husayn. My

team members were encouraging me to look around, telling me it was interesting. It was a shock to my system and I did pray that night. I was already emotionally drained from the visa issues, and needed to focus on the competition".

After the competition, instead of drinking with foreigners, *Ali* chose to read the *Ziyarat Ashura* – a prayer that forms part of the liturgy used during the pilgrimages to the shrine of Imam Husayn in Karbala. Upon returning to Australia, *Ali* did not attend Friday prayers at the Mosque in Australia. He still observed the holy month of *Muharram*. Because of the globalised content at his disposal, *Ali* was able to remain spiritual by listening to *Nohas* and also various *Majlis* convened by imams (scholars) he liked. Some of the influential imams (scholars) included Allama Talib Johri, Allama Nasir Abbas, Allama Irfan Haider Abidi, and Allama Syed Mohsin Naqvi. Globalised Afghan-Hazara's are uniquely positioned to derive spiritual purpose from digital religious platforms. One particular event that solidified *Ali*'s decision to abandon the local religious community as a means of advancement came when a community leader in Brisbane approached him and told him they would get a sponsorship for him from a local MP. The community leader told *Ali*: "send me your bibliography and we'll talk to the local MP and get you a sponsorship. However, some weeks later *Hassan* came home quite distressed telling *Ali*, "they're planning to use the money for themselves". Describing the magnitude of the event, *Ali* recalled, "that made me lose faith in the institution, they were a bunch of hypocrites". *Ali* messaged his contact in the community to let him know he was no longer interested in receiving the sponsorship.

Despite the disappointing news, *Ali* remained highly spiritual and observed the holy month of Muharram at home. *Ali* rationalised this decision by noting that "during Muharram at the mosques, I never felt a sense of peace. It wasn't helping my spirit. I was wondering why it was happening. I was there with good intentions – for *AhluBayt* and for Imam Husayn". Because of his poor experiences with the leadership of the religious community and the feeling of detachment from Muharram observance, he said "because of these things, I had lost confidence in the mosque and the community". Collectively, these factors contributed to *Ali*'s decision to pursue pathways to advancement in Australia through sport and business. By this point, Ali's sporting abilities for his age in Australia and throughout Queensland were unrivalled. He subsequently sought Australian identity and advancement in Australia through this pathway. He said "sport helped me a lot with my identity. It gave me a new sense of identity and also confidence as to who I am and who I am becoming. Sport was something that I liked to do. I liked the interactions, I enjoyed the interactions". Representing Australia and integrating into new social circles through sport, *Ali* found purpose and advancement outside of the diasporic religious community, and into local sporting communities.

#### *7.1. Identity and Sport as a Pathway for Advancement*

Describing the importance of sport during this point of liminality, *Ali* recalled: "it helped me get out of the bad communities. I was feeling like I am a part of the country, I am a part of the people. We want people to accept us, and sports was doing that for me". Like his brothers, both *Ali*'s identity and purpose were in flux. He said, "Sport in this sense, helped me find family". For most of his junior years, *Ali* was somewhat infamously known for his ambition—to become the best sportsman in the world. Because of the prevalence of "tall poppy syndrome" in Australian culture, *Ali*'s honest ambitions were sometimes poked at and ridiculed by others in the sporting community. This was not a considerable problem, and after some time assimilating into Australian culture, he began to share his goals and ambitions less with his teammates. At the same time, local sporting communities grew to understand the roots of *Ali'*s convictions and ambitions. *Ali* continues to compete at the highest Australian level but also took on full time work in finance—precipitating a new passion enabled by the liberal capitalist nature of Australian society.

After spending some years honing his finance skills, *Ali* began a career the finance industry and immersed himself in new bodies of literature. In his words, "When I started working in finance, I saw a new world. I found a new passion. I was bad at school but I love finance, capitalism and entrepreneurship". This newfound passion began around 2018. However, working in Australian finance did not align well with the Islamic laws regarding finance, interest, and taxation. In entrepreneurial vein, he declared, "If Islam is stopping me from working at a bank, then *I'm done with it*. That's when I stopped praying, stopped doing Ramadan". He explained the inner balance struck by stating,

"I still love the Imams. But human beings are just a product of infinite consciousness and who we are being. Our names, our genders, our cultures – they're all labels. What is religion even saying? What's my purpose in this world? Islam actually does not tell you these things clearly. Everyone has a purpose that's why I'm here. I did not get that from Islam. I got it from other avenues. Human beings are a product and we are using that to experience consciousness".

#### *7.2. Australian Neoliberalism and Entrepreneurship as a Pathway for Advancement*

*Ali, Musa*, and *Hassan* certainly all share many sentiments regarding entrepreneurship. While *Hassan* seeks to integrate his Shi'i beliefs to complement his entrepreneurial mindset, *Musa* and *Ali* see less of a need to wed to the two for successful pathways to advancement in Australia. As the most globalised of the siblings, *Musa* is still in his tertiary education years, which *Hassan* and *Ali* were unable pursue after their year 12 studies. Australia has prospered greatly through neoliberalism. Harvey (2007) describes neoliberalism as a principle and pathway to advancement, which "values market exchange as an ethic in itself, capable of acting as a guide to all human activities and substitutes all previously held ethical beliefs" (p. 3). Bourdieu (1998) describes neoliberalism as "a programme for destroying collective structure which impede pure market logic". The existence of identity through neoliberalism squared with Shi'i Islam is a significant finding drawn from this study. *Ali*'s path to entrepreneurship involved several business-oriented jobs after year 12 before entering finance. He recalls,

"I didn't know that the finance industry existed. I never had that mind-set of being an entrepreneur. I thought Islam is just telling us to be workers. Once I got into finance I started reading more. I became curious, how does this money work? So I started studying rich people, how they make money—I want to be a capitalist".

*Ali* reflects that from a young age, he had entrepreneurial ideals, but they were discouraged because of Islam's emphasis on "staying poor". He believes that moving to Australia shifted his mindset dramatically. "Things changed so much between Pakistan and Australia, I feel like we always had it. Education is a big part of it. However, I found the correct education is financial literacy, learning to invest – to multiply it. And you can help people with that, that's my goal – to help orphans and the disabled. Money allows me to do that. It obviously doesn't buy you happiness but it does give you choices".

#### **8. Advancement through Individuation: Radical Revision of Previously Held Beliefs**

*My life in Quetta and the transition to Australia was defined by my experiences as a Shia.*

*Islamic scholars liked to sell this idea of depending on Allah under the elaborate fallacy of, "Allah will help you, as long as you have tried your best and exhausted all the means that would help you reach your goal." I did not fully grasp this horrendous logic while in Quetta but living in Australia for a short while cleared my mind.*

—*Musa*.

This section details the contradictions *Musa* found in Shi'i Islam as a belief system in both Pakistan and Australia, and the alternate pathways to advancement he consequently sought. Contrasting *Hassan*'s unsolicited new "vanguard" role for the family in Australia, *Musa*'s position in the family as the youngest made him most malleable to globalisation, and to non-traditional pathways to advancement in Australia. Because *Musa*'s religious scepticism developed in Quetta from a young age, he reflects "my understanding of Islam seems like a blur". Like *Hassan*, *Musa* attributes his disillusionment with Shi'ism largely to the thematic contradictions evident between communal practice and doctrinal theory. As a pathway to advancement in Australia, *Musa* expresses an optimistic philosophy of identity through individuation.

## *8.1. False Prophets and "Horrendous Logic"*

#### *They left no room for individuality and it felt like I was a soldier bound to strict training regimes.*

*Musa*'s candid views on the inherent contradictions in Shi'i Islam began in Pakistan and further solidified once relocating to Australia. His engagement with belief systems offers a unique account of previously held beliefs and new philosophic potential pathways for advancement. Reflecting on the appropriation of Shi'ism as a communal tool in Pakistan, *Musa* recounts, "The community had a shared system of belief in Islam, with Shia majority in the area we resided in. Religious gatherings (Majlis, Jashan, Nazar/Niaz etc.) were commonplace to unify people, create a social environment, sense of unity and strengthen connection with Allah/ Ahl al-Bayt". However, in retrospect, *Musa* saw "no distinction between cultural practices and the teachings of Islam. Ideologies that were not part of Islam were upheld and spread by "scholars" and the average citizen". Reflecting on these false prophets in Quetta, *Musa* concluded "Unsurprisingly, this left no shortage of hypocrites who presented themselves as devout, kind and genuine Shia".

Unlike *Hassan*, *Musa* viewed the practical mutation of Shi'ism as partly due to its ambiguous doctrine and its malleability to incorrect interpretation. In Quetta, he identified several ideological misrepresentations negatively affecting the Hazara community. These included "outlook on life, their standards, ambitions, education and their faith in their own abilities". *Musa* also remarked that "Islam was accountable in part because of its flawed philosophy towards modern society". In his view,

Islamic scholars liked to sell this idea of depending on Allah under the elaborate fallacy of, "Allah will help you, as long as you have tried your best and exhausted all the means that would help you reach your goal." I did not fully grasp this horrendous logic while in Quetta but living in Australia for a short while cleared my mind. Once I developed the courage to develop my beliefs, I started to think: if I put all the effort and achieved everything myself, what role did Allah play in it? How do I know He helped? To what extent did He help?

Though not initially pursued in depth, philosophic questions concerning the nature and the existence of God were central to *Musa*'s identity and purpose in Australia. He concluded that "the concept of religion and specifically Islam was foolish as any other person's answer to the origin of life". In his experience, "Islam inhibited me and many others from thinking critically or finding answers contradictory to our religious beliefs." A noteworthy finding relevant to the themes examined in this study was the existence and prevalence of black magic (*kala jaddu*) and possession (*jinn*) in Pakistan (Rytter 2010; Hardie and Khalifa 2005). *Musa* viewed such localised Islamic superstitious norms as making "the Shia more prone to believing in superstitions/miracles, whether they were part of Islam's preaching or the Quetta culture".

An issue *Musa* identified in his experiences in both Quetta and Logan was doctrinal (mis)interpretation by Ayatollahs and Islamic scholars. Squaring this thematic issue of interpretations of the infallibles, and flawless texts, such as the Qur'an, *Musa* explains,

It does not seem right having select humans explaining to a larger set of humans what the word of God (or in this case, Allah) is. These Ayatollahs are making interpretations, and interpretations can be flawed. Plus, if Quran requires high-level study to understand/derive its message, then to me this suggests that (1) it was not written to be understood by an average person (which is counterproductive) and (2) it is not the word of Allah and its ideologies are not timeless.

By living in Australia for a mere three years, I developed my philosophy to this extent because I was given the freedom to explore, critique and question ideas. In the big picture, this reflection and account of events serves to demonstrate the way in which Islam could have influenced the wisdom and intellect of an average person like me. It also serves to show that whether my views are right or wrong is not important. What is important is the action of critical thinking, having the courage to contest ideas, explore other answers and present one's beliefs for critique/correction. These attributes are not characteristic of Islam as it clings to its foundations as absolute truth ... which is a philosophy that a well-developed religious system should absolutely avoid in the absence of empirical evidence.

## *8.2. Leaving Nothing to Allah*

As discussed, Shi'ism is entrepreneurial in nature. While *Hassan* sought to integrate Shi'ism to complement his entrepreneurial ambitions, *Musa* saw this philosophy as flawed insofar as it was only entrepreneurial to those in positions of religious and social power. He describes the entrepreneurial features of Shi'ism largely as a tool for normalising conformity and rationalising hierarchical subordination. Recalling some doctrinal examples, "There was/is an emphasis on humility and forgiveness, considering haram the acquisition of wealth via simple/compound interest and listening to music, as well as the prevalence of the mindset "leave everything to Allah". Reflecting on the guilt and shame-based cultures of the past, *Musa* recalls "I was unaware of my beliefs at the time because I was young, I showed signs of doubt in these approaches.

The emphasis on humility prevented people from wanting better things (clothes, cars, money, luxuries) and instilled a mindset that having good things, wanting them, and feeling confident because of them posed you as materialistic/greedy. This had a subconscious effect on the way I responded to my own ambitions, achievements, and mistakes; mostly in a way that made me feel inadequate and below Allah. The problem I saw with feeling below Allah, whether it be in admiration or to seek repentance is that it made you feel powerless and trivial when you experienced hardships or when other people mistreated you.

It compromised your ability to defend yourself and made you more likely to forgive unconditionally. These attributes translated into your character and with a complete lack of awareness as to why. This was often the case with the women because they tended to be more agreeable, so feelings of triviality were not advantageous in a third-world city like Quetta.

Upon moving to Australia and experiencing the capitalist nature of society, *Musa* identified further problems with the issue of "simple/compound interest" being haram. After studying science and mathematics at university in Australia, *Musa*'s views of Shi'ism as a tool of subjugation further solidified.

I did not have a proper understanding of this [interest in Islamic finance] until we moved to Australia, but I do recall mentions of it being haram while living in Quetta. Anyway, interest is a major part of our current economic system, so I found it very foolish to limit people to only noble means of acquiring wealth. This is probably one of the reasons why many Muslims including Shias were poor in Quetta; there was not enough emphasis on other forms of education such as finance, science etc. In fact, there was not enough emphasis on proper quality Islamic education.

#### *8.3. Dogmatic Doctrine: Shi'ism as an Obstacle to Individuality and Personal Advancement*

Beyond the economically dogmatic features of Shi'i Islam preventing pathways to advancement, *Musa* identified a broader trend of doctrinal dogma limiting human behaviour. This feature deals largely with the normative social tensions between Shi'i Islam within the context of Afghan-Hazara culture, and its contrasts with the Australian society *Musa* largely grew up in.

Forbidding music was another rule that made no sense to me. It was mainly because I did not like the idea of constrained individuality and freedom to explore other "non-Islamic"

areas of life. It closed the Shia's minds to only religious activities and created unquestioning, brainless individuals following a strict Islamic system. The common explanation I was given is, "Music about drugs, alcohol, sex, romance etc. causes you to daydream and disconnects you from reality." And it makes sense why not many Shia in Quetta cared about this rule; it is/was a very over-simplistic perception of human behaviour.

As I was growing up in Australia, I began understanding my childhood doubts about the approach of "leave everything to Allah". I realised that without clarification, this mindset relieved all levels of responsibility from the individual and discouraged the use of one's own natural abilities. I felt this approach was common because of a lack of education amongst the wider Muslim community in Quetta. But more importantly, to me, this belief in Islam dulled people's minds and took advantage of their tendency to choose the easiest path, i.e. depend on a higher being and let it take care of you. Perhaps this had the most profound effect on the collapse of my belief in Islam (and any religion for that matter). I began seeing religious people (mainly Muslims) as lazy, that they did not have the capacity to think for themselves and have the courage to explore other answers.

#### *8.4. Polysemic Poetics: Nobility or Victimhood*

Many of *Musa*'s experiences with communal issues as a pathway to advancement in Australia are similar to those expressed by *Hasan* and *Ali*. Throughout this study, however, the powerful poetic narrative of Imam Husayn's martyrdom arises as a *motif* of somewhat obvious relevance to the plight of Afghan-Hazaras, particularly during the process of migration. Because of the uniquely fluid and context-dependant factors affecting 'identity', one might hold onto the story of Karbala beyond Shi'ism. Similar to the crucifixion of Christ, the story serves as a substitute for some other kind of emotion that is at play. This might be memory of childhood in Quetta or workplace encounters in Australia. The historical event serves as something to evoke and legitimate grief where one might be expected to show a stiff upper lip. It is important to note that much of *Musa*'s upbringing was in Australia. Therefore, the aforementioned guilt and shame-based societal factors prevalent in certain cultures and diasporic communities are of epiphenomenal relevance to *Musa*'s identity. Describing the Karbala narrative in his eyes, *Musa* says:

Imam Husayn is probably the main figure that comes to mind when Islam is mentioned. His martyrdom was a lesson for courage, patience and mercy. While I saw such a sacrifice as sincere and dedicated to peace, I felt some of these historical scenes were over-embellished to present an image of nobility rather than victimhood. I could see how Muslims or non-Muslims studying the event of Karbala could subconsciously confuse the message of courage with silence in the face of oppression. In Islam, I am certain there is heavy emphasis on standing up against evil and oppression; it has good moral standards when it comes to injustice, which is why I would choose it as my religion, should I come to conclude that God does indeed exist. However, there are elements of victimhood in the story of Karbala which I thought does not fit well with the message of peace and courage being taught in a typical Majlis.

The context-dependant contrast in locality is crucial to understanding the evolution of *Musa*'s perception and individual connection to Imam Husayn and the Karbala tragedy. He recounts,

In my time as a Shia, I felt most of the religious gatherings were about grief, sadness and morbid events. As a Shia in Quetta, I started questioning whether it is okay to carry on smiling/ being happy after spending the past hour mourning and crying over the demise of an important Islamic figure. It just seemed insane that we could be crying in one moment and smiling/laughing/cracking jokes in the next. But more importantly, I felt there were psychological consequences stemming from the plethora of negative emotion experienced in this kind of practice.

My life in Quetta and the transition to Australia was defined by my experiences as a Shia. For example, the overemphasis on humility taught me empathy and respect, praying regularly taught me discipline and I also learned the importance of being kind to other people. What you will also notice is that I have not placed as much emphasis on the actions of the Shia Muslims and the way they treated me and each other. This is because I think a religion should not be judged by the actions of its followers, but rather the ideas it represents in its scripture. At the end of the day, humans are flawed creatures and they will make mistakes. Having said that, there is a high degree of human influence in Islam because of the existence of Ayatollahs.

#### *8.5. Squaring Guilt and Grievance with Opportunity and Advancement*

Despite *Musa*'s critical take on the practical implementation of Shi'ism, he offers several important observations concerning hidden sectarianism in Quetta compared to Brisbane.

Hazaras were a minority in Logan. I did not feel a part of the community because I guess I was already moving away from Islam. This sense of disconnect in Logan and even after moving was also related to the hypocrisy of the people and them pretending to be good/genuine people. In fact, my aversion to religious people even outside the Shia community was generally due to this and their virtue signalling habits. There was not much of a division in terms of the rich and poor; all types of people came to pray. I never really noticed any Sunni at the mosque and other places of gathering because I saw everyone as equal. But maybe they did attend, and I was not aware. I am inclined to think the Shia in Logan were more open-minded than those in Quetta, so it is a likely possibility.

When asked about the importance of a "moral centre" and squaring his Islamic background with Australian society, *Musa* offers a unique perspective on the nature of materialism in Quetta compared to Australia: "I would rather say people in Quetta were focused on material sources of pleasure due to an overwhelming rate of unemployment and lack of education". In his words, "all that was left to do for the Shia community in Quetta was engaging in materialistic pleasures. I felt that Australia actually had a stronger moral centre on a governmental level, but of course, I would say there was still an uncontrolled indulgence in material sources of pleasure".

Finally, on the topic of opportunity and pathways to advancement in Australia, *Musa* holds broadly optimistic views for his future in Australia. *Musa* describes Australia as "more accepting of homosexuality, sex workers, cultural practices, religious beliefs, and people of different backgrounds. While there was a level of racism and discrimination, that was of course a minority of instances". On the issues of racism and education in Australia, he believes "an issue like racism will never be eradicated (as is the case for many other social issues), so I moved past it. The Australian education system was also much better, and I never felt forced to mould into a specific "Australian identity". *Musa* identifies several opportunities and future pathways to advancement in Australia, such as sports, university, and many other fields. Entrepreneurial and optimistic of his future in Australia's globalised society, he concludes: "There are some language barriers at times, but that is because English is not my native language and I am still learning about Australian lifestyle and culture. It is nothing that proper education could not solve, though".

#### **9. Conclusions**

The primary implication of this study is one of individuation through lived-experience and the fluidity of identity. Everyone is an individual and while we speak of the impact and culture, lived-experience is very different. People always have choices they can make about what lessons they might derive from experiences. In this study, three male members of a single family not separated greatly by age hold radically different experiences with religious and social integration in Australia. This spans from *Hassan*'s intense sense of religiosity although not grounded in the local community,

through to *Ali*'s reconciliation of entrepreneurialism and religion, in an inclusive sense that involves making money to help the vulnerable. Having spent most of his life in Australia, *Musa* holds a largely sceptical approach to religiosity. Distinctive in *Ali*'s case was being networked into international sports and sporting social networks. This took him out of Afghan and Shi'ite social worlds into a different world where socialisations and encounters were much different. As a student at an Australian university, *Musa* is taken out of the Afghan and Shi'ite world, into a different kind cosmopolitan educational world. Culture may have the appearance of immutability. However, like any social formation, it is produced, reproduced, and contested through time.

As individuals, everyone has a capacity for individual agency. The study highlights very distinct pathways that *Hasan*, *Musa*, and *Ali* have taken, not just occupationally but ideationally as well. Each engaged in a multiplicity of social worlds, and they share different world views. This militates against any type of homogenising view of Hazaras in Australia. These do not reflect generational scale differences. Rather, different socialisation experiences in Australia demonstrate that people adjust to the social worlds they enter and are not fixed in their ways. For all that they are same family and same generation, they have been living in different social worlds. This works against fixed senses of identity. While faith is thematic in this study, individuation is not tied to culture or faith. Rather, it is a process of psychological differentiation through lived-experience. Ultimately, identifications are complex, and people have agency in choice and through this, the capacity to make individual lessons.

**Funding:** This research received no external funding.

**Acknowledgments:** An ethnographer's greatest debt is always to those who have allowed him to peer into their lives. For this, I thank the participants. Sincere thanks are also owed to William Maley for his generous guidance and feedback throughout the development of this manuscript.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The author declares no conflict of interest.

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