"*It's also good for our relationship, it's good to have such a short break (...). That brings in a certain freshness.*" *(Interviewee #6)*

The presence of the offshore partner at home was reported to allow for a higher quality of communication through face-to-face talks. A further advantage of the time spent together was that the partner could be involved in the child care and housekeeping. Family fathers were also able to follow their children's development more closely during their free time at home.

More generally, some women described time-wise benefits of the daily living together, such as a greater flexibility for the couple in terms of planning short vacations or having breakfast together during the week. Financial benefits of the offshore job (e.g., in the form of good salaries) that contributed to family life were also mentioned.

#### 3.3.2. Disadvantages

A main disadvantage of the daily living together in the 14/14 schedule concerned the lack of habitualness and missing daily routine which could not be established in the course of two weeks:

#### "*We are all habitual people and habits can be very di*ffi*cult at 2 weeks*/*2 weeks, I think.*" *(Interviewee #11)*

A few interviewees described feeling an increased need to talk to their partners and to plan appointments when they were home. Some women even described a perceived pressure to get all everyday things—for which they normally had four weeks of time—done during the two weeks together:

"*You always have the feeling that you must put everything into these two weeks, because afterwards, your time together is over. Need for action, discussion needs* ... *what you just can't always hold on the phone.*" *(Interviewee #9)*

In terms of their work, many women described their own job as meaningful to them, regardless of the presence or absence of their partners. However, some women found it harder to go to work with their partners being at home and preferred staying at home with them, e.g., because they experienced feelings of guilt for leaving the partner alone.

In addition, some women reported that the situation was especially disadvantageous for their partners: their free turns could be rather unsatisfactory, since the time they were able to spend with their families and friends was restricted due to other people's normal work routines:

"*It was not satisfactory for him either. He was not socializing as much as he had wished. The days are long when all people around you work full time.*" *(Interviewee #11)*

Other interviewees explained that their partners struggled to find a balance in terms of the time spent with the family and with friends outside home. This was due to the fact that the workers were solicited a lot during their onshore turns, in particular on the weekends:

"*The time on the two weekends becomes very, very scarce. When there should be time for the partnership, but also for family, friends, and your own interests.*" *(Interviewee #4)*

Several women described that their partners absolved work tasks and were contacted for professional purposes during their free turns onshore. Talking about offshore work and being contacted by colleagues were associated with greater difficulties for the partners to mentally detach and recover from work. Therefore, many interviewees disapproved of this behavior.

#### 3.3.3. Conflicts and Compromises

When asked about conflicts and compromises due to the specific living situation, about half of the women stated not noticing any specific conflicts. The non-existence of conflicts was attributed to the couple's mutual understanding and awareness of their limited time together:

"*Because we are separated again and again, you appreciate it (the time spent together) very much. And that makes us both feel that we are not arguing so fast and so much.*" *(Interviewee #10)*

The other women reported that minor conflicts or discussions attributable to their specific living situation sometimes occurred. Conflicts, for example, emerged when the partner refused to get involved in housekeeping, or when he dedicated too much time to his work during his free turn. Further discussions were described to relate to planning difficulties of the couple due to the partners' offshore work. Moreover, minor discussions between the offshore partner and the children were reported to occur. In addition, it was stated that 'offshore couples' sometimes had to deal with a lack of understanding from their friends, who did not comprehend the amount of time the couple needed for themselves.

The majority of the interviewees thought that they had to make more compromises compared to couples living a 'normal life'. They expressed that more agreements and consultations were necessary to suitably plan living together. Compromises were, for example, described in terms of the parenting, since the children had to live without their father for a while. Moreover, planning difficulties were a central concern, since all appointments had to be made in accordance with the partner's offshore schedule:

"*We have to direct our everyday life according to these o*ff*shore trips. He never knows when the trips will be —they are not set at the beginning of the year—so we just cannot plan at all.*" *(Interviewee #5)*

#### *3.4. Transition Phase*

#### 3.4.1. Reunion with the Partner

The women described varying feelings, e.g., increasing anticipation and excitement, upon their partners' arrival back home. Typical behavior patterns were tidying up the house and avoiding other appointments:

"*Then I just run from A to B and check that everything is neat (* ... *). That the food is ready and that no more laundry is lying around. That there are no disruptive factors in order for us to simply enjoy this moment together.*" *(Interviewee #5)*

Only a few interviewees stated that they did not perceive a certain transition phase when their partners arrived back home. The majority declared that they needed a familiarization phase in which they had to adapt to their partner and the two adult household again:

"*At the beginning, you often need some time to get close again, because you have not seen the other person for so long.*" *(Interviewee #7)*

The transition phase was generally described to last between one and four days. Women described that the arrival of the partner could upset the whole household, and that the habits and routines of the women at home were suddenly turned around:

"*You develop di*ff*erent habits—your own habits—when the partner is not there. And as soon as he comes back, it's all jumbled up.*" *(Interviewee #8)*

In households with children, it was pronounced that the children behaved more actively and turned up during the father's arrival, demanding more attention than usual:

"*When he comes back, the children are usually there, and then the alarm goes from 0 to 100 in the booth.*" *(Interviewee #13)*

#### 3.4.2. Needs and Expectations upon the Partners' Arrival

Needs and expectations of the women regarding the time as a couple consisted of spending as much time together as possible and following social activities. Some women particularly highlighted their expectation that the partner should get involved in housekeeping and other duties at home:

"*I indeed expect that he will also take care of the household and of the things that happened while he was not there.*" *(Interviewee #13)*

In contrast, expectations of the offshore partners stated by the women included that the women should await them at home upon their arrival and that the couple should share a good meal together on the first evening. A relevant need of the partner consisted of physical closeness to the women.

Some interviewees believed that their needs and expectations corresponded well with those of their partners; for example, when both partners wished for physical closeness, calmness, and time spent together. In contrast, other women perceived discrepancies, which were especially related to the women's "work situation" versus the partners' "free time situation": while the women had to continue their daily work routine, the offshore partners found themselves to be in a holiday mood:

"*I get up at the same time in the morning, go to work, and come back in the evening. And then my partner took the time as a vacation, but I was still in the working cycle.*" *(Interviewee #4)*

#### 3.4.3. Parting

The interviewees described that the time spent together as a couple usually passed rapidly. Some women described that during the last days before their partners' departure, the workers started to mentally prepare themselves for their offshore assignments. The departure was termed as a difficult situation by some women, provoking feelings of sadness. Some women also reported that their children's behavior changed during their father's departure. For example, they could demonstrate their displeasure by crying or working themselves up.

Figure 1 gives an overview of the specific features, advantages, and disadvantages of living the 14/14 schedule as related to the different phases of daily life.

355

#### *3.5. Coping Strategies*

#### 3.5.1. Strategies of the Women

When asked about strategies to cope with the absence of their partners, many women described that actively searching for the support of families and friends played an important role:

"*I think that you rely more on the social network around you. That you particularly promote your network. You simply intensify other social contacts, family, friends.*" *(Interviewee #4)*

In general, pursuing an active lifestyle was described as a coping strategy by many women. This included, for example, doing sports or meeting friends. Further ways to cope with the situation were stated to consist of adapting oneself to the schedule, focusing on the time spent together as a couple, and staying in regular contact during periods of separation:

"*For me, this is already somewhat normal. And we talk on the phone in the evenings and write each other during the evenings when he has enough time.*" *(Interviewee #12)*

Some interviewees stated that they coped with the situation by structuring their time in an organized manner, while others reported that they coped by keeping their expectations low regarding the time spent together. Some women reported that they did not apply any coping efforts.

When being asked about sustaining exchange with other women living in a similar situation, most interviewees responded that they had not made contact with other women of offshore workers, although some found such an exchange to be desirable. A few others, in contrast, described having irregular contact with other partners of offshore workers. These contacts were reported to be organized autonomously and without the offshore companies' support.

3.5.2. Strategies of the Couples

In terms of coping strategies applied by the couples, many women emphasized the meaning of communication and structure for dealing with the phases of separation:

"*This always means a lot of exchange with each other, and a lot of talking and communicating. Then it works. But those who do not have this ability will find it di*ffi*cult.*" *(Interviewee #9)*

The importance of adhering to fixed and regular contact times was stressed. Additionally, spending time as a family/couple when the partner was onshore was underlined, explaining that other obligations or appointments were avoided in order to create more family-time:

"*Certain rituals are that, when he's at home, (* ... *) the last weekend before he leaves, or at least 1 or 2 days, that you have these days completely to yourself. And then accept no appointments.*" *(Interviewee #10)*

Mutual understanding and trust were also highlighted as important. Still, there were couples who did not apply any coping strategies or rituals to deal with the specific situation. Table 4 summarizes the coping strategies applied by the women and couples.


**Table 4.** Coping strategies of the women and the couples.

### *3.6. Reconciliation of O*ff*shore Work and Family Life*/*Partnership*

### 3.6.1. Opinions on Reconciliation

The women's views on whether or not they considered offshore work and family life to be reconcilable differed. There were some interviewees who described offshore work as being sufficiently family-friendly, especially when the children were already older in age. The primary reason for the family-friendliness was that fathers were able to spend intensive periods of time at home:

"*Which father of a family can say that he is completely at home for 2 weeks, from morning to night?*" *(Interviewee #10)*

In contrast, other women did not consider offshore work to be family-friendly due to the several named disadvantages implied by the 14/14 schedule. This was particularly pronounced by interviewees with smaller children, emphasizing that the partner would miss out on too much of their development:

"*I just think that the men miss too much. Especially when a child is born. In the first year, our son actually had only me, his dad was always a bit of a rival.*" *(Interviewee #5)*

A dividedness regarding interviewees' opinions was also apparent with regard to the reconciliation of offshore work and partnership. Some women believed that offshore work was partnership-friendly and that it helped in keeping the partnership alive. Living with the periodical absences of the partner was reported to be practicable without children:

"*Without a child, I'd say, it works. Then you can deal with it, even without noticing a negative impact on the relationship.*" *(Interviewee #4)*

However, other interviewees stated that the 14/14 schedule imposed heavy demands on the relationship, and that they personally perceived the situation as burdensome:

"*The big disadvantage is that the private life su*ff*ers greatly, that one must cut back on the partnership because the contact is missing.*" *(Interviewee #5)*

The appraisal of whether or not offshore work was partnership-/family-friendly was stated to depend on the couples' expectations (e.g., the amount of time the couple wanted to spend together and the desired frequency of contact). Moreover, the amount of support from external sources (e.g., parents, friends) played a role in the women's judgement:

"*If you do not have family support, then it is not necessarily family-friendly. So I think that the environment still plays a big role.*" *(Interviewee #7)*

#### 3.6.2. Needs and Wishes for Improving Reconciliation

When asked about wishes for improving the reconciliation of offshore work and family life/partnership, some women stated that they did not have any specific wishes, or explained that they did not think that any measures for improvement could be taken due to the unchangeable 14/14 schedule. Others, however, described wishes regarding their partners' work schedule (e.g., other days of arrival and departure, longer offshore or onshore stays). The wish for greater regularity and predictability of the offshore assignments was also expressed:

"*These are my concerns, reliability and predictability.*" *(Interviewee #6)*

Furthermore, it was proposed that the workers should get more free time offshore in order to increase chances for communication with the families and to strengthen the workers' recovery from work. A few women also wished to get to know their partners places of work to develop a better understanding of the work situation offshore.

#### 3.6.3. Support from Offshore Companies

The women mostly described that they did not know about specific offers provided by their partners' companies to facilitate the reconciliation of offshore work and family life/partnership. However, they described single offers provided by the companies that they considered to be helpful, e.g., flights back home at short-notice in case of emergencies:

"*Of course, if there was a death in the family or something, definitely. Or now with the child's birth, I could call him anytime and would try to get him o*ff *the platform.*" *(Interviewee #10)*

Some women said that company events were organized for the whole family, and that parental leave for fathers was an option. Further offers consisted of the free use of a telephone and internet connection on the offshore platforms, allowing the couples to stay in contact:

"*That's a good option, I think, that companies put a lot of emphasis on enabling the workers to have regular contact with their families at home.*" *(Interviewee #10)*

#### **4. Discussion**

By conducting our interview study, we were able to gain important insights into the challenges, advantages, and disadvantages, as well as the psychosocial adaptation, associated with living the 14/14 schedule from the perspective of women of offshore wind workers.

We generally found the proposed differentiation between the three distinct social realities for offshore couples (her single life at home, a phase of transition, and the couple's common life together), as suggested by Solheim [11], to be similarly described in our study. Moreover, our results seem to be in line with the FIFO cycle proposed by Gallegos [12] for both offshore employees and their partners. For example, the occurrence of mixed emotions during transition phases, as identified in previous research [12,15], was also prevalent for the women in our sample.

Overall, despite some burdens, the women in our sample seemed to have adapted relatively favorably to the challenges and demands of living the 14/14 schedule. Although minor difficulties and problems related to the partnership and family life were stated, most women seemed to be able to cope with the challenges associated with the 14/14 work schedule. When contrasting our findings with those of earlier research studies in the offshore oil and gas branch, we found previous research to illustrate a slightly more negative picture regarding the psychosocial adaptation of offshore families [21]. However, the situation seems to have improved over the last decades. For example, Parkes and colleagues [8] noted a positive trend, and our study further supports this development.

#### *4.1. Single Life without the O*ff*shore Partner*

As regards the single life of the women, we found the main advantage to consist of the greater self-reliance and independence women perceived in their daily living. This is in line with previous results showing that women were able to enjoy their independence and freedom [21,22], and that they could benefit from their partners' absences in developing greater personal confidence [8]. However, in general, we found that the women in our study reported more disadvantages than advantages of their single life. Negative aspects, such as perceptions of loneliness when the partner was away, have been similarly revealed in previous studies [8,12]. For example, in an interview study, two thirds of the spouses of offshore oil and gas workers reported loneliness to be a problem "sometimes" or "often" [8].

In contrast to earlier studies in which women reported experiencing social isolation due to their partners' absences [8,13,22], our interviewees did not describe difficulties in fully participating in social life during this phase. This difference could be related to the fact that the women in our study did not seem to center their social lives strictly around their partners; in contrast, many of them stated that they actively engaged in social life when their partners were away. In earlier studies, women were found to deliberately restrict their social lives when their partners were away [8,22].

An important finding of our study relates to the use and impact of new ways of communication as a result of technological advances. We found the women in our study to positively highlight their chances for communication via the use of diverse social media. While earlier studies declared problems in communication due to the—back then—existing communication systems [13], today's offshore women may draw on several communication systems which allow them to keep in contact with their partners. The importance of improved telecommunications in facilitating adjustment and maintaining family connectedness has also been noted for offshore and FIFO families [8,10,22]. One study, for example, found that women who could initiate calls to contact their offshore partners had less difficulty in adjusting to the absence compared to women who were unable to do so [8].

Our results indicate an intrinsic work motivation among the women in our sample: becoming engaged in work was identified to be important, helping them to fill the days when their partner was offshore. In contrast to an earlier study in which women's employment tended to increase family strain [23], we did not find this to be the case in our study. This discrepancy should be interpreted in view of the specific sample: six out of 14 women did not have children in the household, thereby potentially increasing their chances to engage in paid work. Furthermore, the result may also be attributable to sociocultural changes that have occurred during the last decades: nowadays, it is more common and socially accepted for women to build their own careers. The trend of increased employment rates among women is also reflected in our sample, in which all women were employed (despite five women currently being on parental or maternity leave). In contrast, in earlier samples of offshore wives, only one third [23] and two thirds of the women [8] respectively, were engaged in paid work. Similarly, only two women in our study were in part-time employment, whereas more than half of the women in the study of Parkes and colleagues [8] worked part-time, which was found to be influenced by the demands of childcare. The fact that most women in our study worked full-time may also be related to currently increasing options for child care, e.g., provided by day care centers and kindergartens.

#### *4.2. Life as a Couple*

With respect to life as a couple, the women in our study had differentiated views on the costs and benefits of the 14/14 schedule for their living situation. A major advantage related to the 14/14 schedule was seen in the workers' rest periods onshore, allowing an increased duration of presence at home and favoring family life. This advantage was also noted in earlier studies [8,12,13,21].

As previously identified [11,12,24], we found that both partners initially needed a familiarization phase to readjust to having another adult in the household. Similar to our results, it was previously found that reunions and partings are the most difficult times emotionally for couples and families [10,12]. Moreover, in accordance with previous findings [12], women in our study reported that their routines could become less structured when their partners returned home.

In terms of the children's behavior, some women described their children's conduct as varying and depending on the phase of absence, presence, or transition. Gallegos [12] has similarly described that the behavior of children of FIFO workers could become clingy, and that it could take some time for the children to feel comfortable upon their father's return.

Notably, there were only a few conflicts described as having occurred during the time spent together, although conflicts seemed to be a stressor for couples in previous studies [21–23], especially during the first days spent together [21]. In contrast to previous research highlighting women's increased responsibilities as a potential source of conflict [13,15], conflicts described by our sample seemed to emerge from the partners' behaviors at home, e.g., their reluctance to get involved in housekeeping. In earlier times, housework did not represent a source of conflict for offshore oil and gas couples [21]; the major responsibility for domestic work remained with the wives, which was attributed to the more traditional views on household division back then [21]. In contrast, our results support the notion that women's aspirations and role models have changed [8], since women in our sample reported distinct expectations regarding the workers' engagement in the household.

The fact that conflicts among the couples were described to occur rather seldom could also be related to the coping strategies that were applied, which may be effective in reducing potential conflicts. Moreover, the women in our study seemed to be aware of existing differences compared to non-offshore families; for example, they acknowledged that more compromises had to be made in contrast to other couples. It has been noted previously that such an awareness may increase the implementation of strategies to support family functioning [15].

#### *4.3. Coping Strategies*

We found the women in our study to apply several coping strategies for dealing with their situation, such as seeking support, thinking positively, and regulating adverse emotions. Thereby, our results undermine previous findings indicating that many offshore women actively pursue some form of coping, e.g., engaging in an active lifestyle or utilizing social support [8,12,22,23]. In earlier studies, women of offshore oil and gas workers were found to use coping strategies to mitigate loneliness when the partner was offshore (e.g., keeping busy, keeping in touch with the family, and taking part in recreational activities [8]). Similarly, FIFO workers were found to engage in social networks providing them with assistance and companionship while the workers were away [12]. Still, there is a need for further investigation of the women's coping strategies. Aspects such as work schedules (full-time, part-time) and childcare may require different coping strategies that should be examined by further research.

An important strategy of the couples was reported to consist of staying in regular contact, which was also of importance for oil and gas, as well as FIFO, families [8,10,12]. In studies among FIFO families, regular effective communication was the most important strategy to protect family cohesiveness [12], and was found to be strongly associated with family satisfaction [10].

#### *4.4. Reconciliation of O*ff*shore Work and Family Life*/*Partnership*

Women's views regarding the reconciliation of offshore work and family life/partnership seemed to partly depend on their availability of external sources, such as support from friends and family, as well as on the couples' own expectations. This agrees with the notion that a stronger accordance between perceptions and expectations of partners, e.g., regarding family satisfaction, could lead to less family conflicts [10] and less critical family structures [13].

A support offer provided by offshore companies was named in terms of the flexibility of shifts in cases of emergency. This has also been noted by women of offshore oil and gas workers, who were confident that their partners could be flown home in a family emergency [8]. However, in sum, the women in our study did not report an intensive bandwidth of offers provided by offshore companies to facilitate the reconciliation of offshore work and family life. This finding might either indicate a need for the companies to improve their offers, or to make existing offers more visible for offshore families. In contrast, in FIFO, as well as oil and gas industries, more company support has become evident, e.g., consisting of counseling services, peer-programs, organized family events, or visits to the site for families [8,12]. Such offers may also add to the reconciliation for couples and families in the offshore wind industry.

#### *4.5. Strengths and Limitations*

A strength of our study is the fact that we recruited women with varying sociodemographic characteristics, e.g., different ages and family status. This enabled us to establish a more complete picture of the situation of offshore women with varying backgrounds. To increase the trustworthiness of our findings, we employed rich descriptions of our results and displayed many direct quotes from the interviewees [25]. Moreover, we discussed our results profoundly within the group of researchers, and contrasted them with empirical references.

However, it should be noted that our findings are based on a convenience sample which was partly achieved via a snowballing technique, thereby increasing the risk of self-selection among the participants. For example, women with a greater interest in the topic might have been more prone to participate, and may not be representative of other female partners of offshore workers. Moreover, our sample is likely to represent a self-selected group of 'survivors', as it has been noted for other samples of offshore women [8,21]. There are several indications for this assumption: for example, interviewees' partners were currently working offshore, and many of them had already worked offshore for several years. It can be assumed that offshore workers are more likely to continue with their work when their women are also able to adjust to the offshore lifestyle [8]. Our sample, therefore, likely represents a survivor group of women that have responded rather positively to this lifestyle and experienced less difficulties in adjustment. Moreover, it should be kept in mind that 10 out of 14 workers were already involved in offshore work at the beginning of the relationship, meaning that most couples did not have to deal with a disrupt change of their living situation during the course of the relationship.

Further methodological limitations concern the fact that we conducted telephone interviews instead of face-to-face interviews, implying an asynchronous communication of place by telephone and a reduction of social clues [26,27].

Another limitation of our study may be seen in the relatively small sample size. However, the size of interviews in our study appeared to be sufficient to achieve data saturation. In support of this, it has been concluded that data saturation usually occurs within the first twelve interviews [28]. In any case, generalizations of our results are impeded by the nature of our qualitative research design.

Further research studies with larger sample sizes are needed. In such studies, it would be interesting to conduct interviews with couples in order to incorporate both the views of offshore workers and their female partners. Moreover, quantitative research studies should be conducted to statistically explore the antecedents, moderators, and outcomes of psychosocial adaptation among offshore couples. Previous research has, for example, suggested that role expectations, the presence of dependent children at home, and the quality of communication in the relationship may influence the effects of stressors on psychosocial adaptation [10]. Moreover, since our sample likely represents a survivor group of couples living the 14/14 schedule, it seems worthwhile to compare their situation with the situation of families where workers decided to leave offshore work.

#### **5. Conclusions**

The present study expanded upon the current scientific evidence and provided an up-to-date perspective on the situation of offshore wind couples and families living the 14/14 work schedule. The women in our study reported differentiated views as to the benefits and costs associated with their particular lifestyle. Various coping strategies were stated by the women, which could facilitate psychosocial adaptation. Despite experiencing certain burdens, most of the women in our sample seemed to have adapted relatively favorably to their living situation. Our results suggest that certain sociological and technological advances within the last decades, e.g., changes in women's role models and improved communication technologies, may ease psychosocial adaptation among offshore families.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, J.M., S.R., M.K., V.H., and S.M.; methodology, J.M., M.K., and S.M.; recruitment of participants and conduct of interviews, J.M. and M.K.; data curation and analysis, J.M. and S.R.; writing—original draft preparation, J.M. and S.R.; writing—review and editing, M.K., V.H., and S.M.; visualization, J.M.; supervision, S.M. and V.H.

**Funding:** This research received no external funding.

**Acknowledgments:** We would like to thank all women who participated in the interview study. We would also like to acknowledge Johanna Bertram for her help in data preparation.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

**Data availability:** The data analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to German national data protection regulations. They are available on individual request from the corresponding author.

#### **References**

1. Stiftung Offshore Windenergie. Status des Offshore-Windenergie-Ausbaus in Deutschland. Available online: https://www.offshore-stiftung.de/sites/offshorelink.de/files/documents/Factsheet\_Status\_Offshore-Windenergieausbau\_1.\_Halbjahr\_2018\_20180731\_0.pdf (accessed on 13 December 2018).


© 2019 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

International Journal of *Environmental Research and Public Health*
