**2. Literature Review**

### *2.1. Fear of Crime and Its Determinants*

The definition of 'Fear of Crime' is not unanimously accepted by researchers, perhaps because our understanding of FoC is largely based on how it is measured rather than how it really is [20] (p. 658). Put simply, FoC can be understood as a set of emotional reactions that occur out of fear of being a victim of certain types of crime [21] (p. 126) or symbols associated with the crime [22] (p. 23). Considered as such, FoC would be the result of a coherent process. However, several studies have shown that this is not the case. One of the 'paradoxes' identified by scientific experiments is the grea<sup>t</sup> difference between the low victimisation of certain categories of people (such as women and the elderly) and their particularly high FoC [23] (p. 160). In a defining and otherwise widely accepted approach, Shepherdson [24] (p. 1) and Lee [25] (p. 33) argue that FoC is not a 'coherent' entity, but 'an experience or set of experiences that are deeply individual'. In an earlier definition, Skogan noted the existence of a link between FoC and a broader set of modern anxieties, 'a diffuse psychological construct affected by a number of aspects of urban life' [26] (p. 14). Thus, in this study, we define FoC as an individual's emotional and physiological response when confronted with symbols associated with crime.

The concept of FoC was first introduced in the 1960s [27] (p. 33). Originally discussed by criminologists, it has gradually become an area of growing interest for researchers [28] (p. 14). A significant number of studies have demonstrated that certain defensible characteristics of space and territoriality contribute significantly to reducing the level of perceived FoC [4] (p. 81). For example, from the 1970s onwards, Oscar Newman's work brought crime closer to its physical context (the neighbourhood, house, company, and public space). Newman focused mainly on how urban planning and architectural devices can reduce or prevent crime and FoC from occurring and his numerous publications from 1972 to 1996 enabled him to explore in greater depth how space managemen<sup>t</sup> can lead to FoC control [6]. This work by Newman and criminologist C. Ray Jeffery, based on previous publications by authors such as Elizabeth Wood [7], Jane Jacobs [4], and Schlomo Angel [8], gave birth to the concept of Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED) in the early 1970s, which was considered to be a crime prevention approach that can help reduce feelings of FoC through natural, mechanical, and procedural means [3] (p. 81). Furthermore, these studies cumulatively made it possible to deduce five different theories of FoC. Although these theories have been widely accepted by all researchers, the prevailing debate has focused on how to construct a measure of FoC, what indicators should be considered [29] (p. 8), what the causes of FoC may be, and how to mitigate them [27] (p. 18). Factors influencing the level of FoC identified in previous studies have been summarised by Austin et al. [30] (p. 418) into three main areas of interest: (1) demographic effects, (2) victimisation experiences, and (3) neighbourhood and urban condition. In his report for the Auburn City Council, Shepherdson detailed the following factors: gender, age, socio-economic status, prior victimisation, ethnicity, media, neighbourhood factors, lack of neighbourhood cohesion, specific locations, and global insecurity [24]. Overall, however, little research has been conducted to examine how the overcrowding of a space influences the level of perceived FoC. This lack of interest is understandable since many previous studies have concluded that a space is more secure if there are 'eyes on the street'. However, this statement is still the case, which led to the idea of this study, to address the issue of FoC in densely exploited and occupied urban spaces.

### *2.2. Pedestrian Density and Fear of Crime*

Although few studies have analysed the association between FoC and pedestrian density in a given space, several studies have focused more broadly on the relationship between crime and density. In 2010, with the support of the U.S. Department of Justice Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (the COPS Office), Khadija et al. published a guide on street robberies [31]. According to the authors, the density of pedestrians influences where robberies occur on the street. However, since the densest activity centres are subject to more extensive surveillance, very few robberies are recorded in these areas. In the peripheries, on the other hand, the reduced number of robberies is justified by the reduced number of targets. Thus, the areas most targeted by offenders are located between these two extremes. While it is true that 'extensive surveillance' and 'number of targets' defined by Khadija et al. actually influence the offender who wishes to move to the criminal act, what is not clear is the degree of influence of these parameters, since some parameters are obviously minimised and ultimately give the impression that they no longer really count. For example, Bernasco et al. in their study utilise the discrete choice framework to assess which criteria motivate the location decisions of street robbers [32]. The authors identified several other criteria: (1) the proximity of the crime scene to the offenders' place of residence, (2) the accessibility of the crime scene, and (3) the presence of legal and illegal cash economies [32]. For this reason, we disagree with the approach adopted by Khadija et al., particularly with regard to the link between population density and the level of crime on a given street.

Our position is more or less justified by the results obtained by Chen et al. [33], who, on the basis of statistical data from a Chinese city (not specified by the authors), examined the impact of a floating population on residential burglaries. Using a negative binominal model and a geographically weighted Poisson regression model, the authors found that 'the floating population of other provinces has a significant positive impact on residential burglaries, while the impact of the floating population of the same province on burglaries varies across the city' [33] (p. 13).

Using a similar approach to that presented above, Lee et al. [34] also studied the relationship between crime and population flow in a Korean city. By overlaying the sedentary and floating population hotspots and crime hotspots of the city under study, the authors found that there is a strong correlation between the two types of hotspot (0.5297 with r = 0.71) but no correlation between the sedentary population hotspots and crime (0.0948 with r = −0.13). The authors thus conclude that, 'Given the population flow pattern of urban residents, high population density in particular time periods and spaces may greatly affect crime occurrence' [34] (p. 7). Another important result of Lee et al.'s work is the location of criminal acts. According to the authors, the areas or activities of people who have changed significantly based on their location are the most vulnerable. These are specifically those areas between residential and commercial areas [34] (p. 10). Although these results were obtained in an analysis related to crime and not to FoC, we believe that they are quite revealing insofar as, crime and FoC variables are positively linked [28,35–40].

However, concerning studies on the FoC itself, there are theoretical studies to understand how urban design, urban planning and managemen<sup>t</sup> influence the fear of crime. Examples include approaches such as Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED) [41] and Crime Prevention through Urban Design and Planning (CP-UDP) [42].

Also, using applications and crowdsourcing to collect more accurate spatial and temporal data, Solymosi et al. explored the fear of crime based on people's experiences in their immediate environment. This approach allows the authors to inform evidence-based policy making and urban planning for safer places [43] (p. 35). Additionally, by applying digital sketch maps and statistical GIS methods, Jakobi et al. found both in coincidences and opposite correlations of crime statistics and perception of unsafe places [44].

### *2.3. Fear of Crime in the Context of Yaoundé*

In recent years, Cameroon has been facing major security crises. The northern regions of the country are under attack from the terrorist group Boko Haram, while the eastern border faces threats from gangs and armed groups scouring neighbouring countries but making incursions into Cameroon [45] (p. 3). In addition to these two major crises, there is also the crisis in the North-West and South-West Regions. According to the International Crisis Group report, in 20 months, the conflict has killed 1850 people, displaced 530,000 internally, and displaced tens of thousands of refugees [46].

These crises have had a significant impact on the FoC situation in the city of Yaoundé. Although there are no up-to-date data to quantify the phenomenon, exchanges with experts and heads of security services demonstrate that the feeling of insecurity is increasing in the city. This opinion must be taken with grea<sup>t</sup> care. Indeed, it is generally accepted that security o fficials often tend to exaggerate the real situation on the field. However, to support their position, they refer to the significant migratory inflows to the capital city of refugees from other regions and neighbouring countries [45].

Even before these crises, however, the security situation was already in bad shape. In 2001, all actors (populations, civil society, and religious leaders) were already calling for the governmen<sup>t</sup> to take responsibility for security, an issue that was considered to be of grea<sup>t</sup> concern [1] (p. 28). The 2014 national survey conducted as part of the Governance, Peace and Security (GPS) programme, which included a representative sample of 4926 randomly selected households, found that 29% of adults had been victims of assault or robbery in the 12 months preceding the survey. This investigation also revealed that most crimes and misdemeanours are not reported and when they are, it is not necessarily to the authorities in charge of security (police and gendarmerie) but to acquaintances who may be friends or relatives. In addition, 7% of the households surveyed consider that the risk of being a victim of crime is high, while 21% think it is rather high. Another important result of this survey is the feeling of mistrust in interpersonal relationships. Indeed, approximately half of the households surveyed (49%) said that they did not trust most of the people around them [47] (p. xi). In a survey organised as part of the diagnostic study of urban crime in Yaoundé, 89% of respondents stated that their neighbourhood is not safe [1] (p. 91). This widespread sense of insecurity may explain the ine ffectiveness of Jacobs' principle of presumption of general support for people [5] (p. 55).
