**Hunting Tourism as a Possible Development Tool in Protected Areas of Extremadura, Spain**

**Luz-María Martín-Delgado 1,\* , Juan-Ignacio Rengifo-Gallego <sup>2</sup> and José-Manuel Sánchez-Martín 1**


Received: 16 January 2020; Accepted: 12 March 2020; Published: 17 March 2020

**Abstract:** The constant declaration of new protected natural spaces that has taken place on a world scale in recent decades has caused changes in rural areas, where these spaces are often host to traditional activities that have acted over time as the area's main sources of wealth. Among these activities, hunting has been one of the most affected. For this reason, the following study analyzes the incidence of one of the economic sectors linked to *venatoria*, hunting tourism, in two protected areas with an established hunting tradition: Sierra de San Pedro and Monfragüe. In order to achieve this objective, a questionnaire was drawn up and subsequently completed by a large proportion of the tourist accommodation establishments located in these areas. The results were obtained by means of statistical techniques and yielded very interesting information. This included information about the strong presence of hunting tourism in both regions, the differences in the presence of hunters according to the type of tourist accommodation, and the interest of hunters in taking part in activities other than hunting.

**Keywords:** hunting tourism; natural protected area; sustainable development

#### **1. Introduction**

The protection of natural areas has a long history and is universal in nature [1], although a distinction should be made between the aims pursued in terms of the protection of territory before and after the declaration of the first national park in the United States in 1872. For example, in the Middle Ages in Europe, the first protected spaces appeared for reasons linked to hunting or timber interests [2], giving rise over time to exclusive hunting reserves where only kings and noblemen could hunt. However, after U.S. President Grant created the first national park in the United States (Yellowstone), a kind of protected space arose that was characterized by a public nature and a recreational purpose: " . . . a public park or pleasuring ground for the benefit and enjoyment of the people". The declaration stressed that the preservation of Yellowstone's natural state would be a priority: " . . . such regulations shall provide for the preservation, from injury or spoliation, of all timber, mineral deposits, natural curiosities, or wonders within said park, and their retention in their natural condition."

Therefore, starting with the year 1872, there was constant growth in terms of the number of protected spaces around the world. According to Tolón and Lastra, this increase can be divided into three stages of varying intensity [3].

The first of these stages included the period between 1872 and 1975, which was characterized by incipient development in the regulatory framework of protected areas and the creation of the first national and international bodies specializing in environmental protection. Likewise, the holding in 1962 of the first "World Congress on National Parks" in Seattle considerably encouraged the declaration of new spaces, since it was after that year that 80% of the protected areas of the world were created [4].

The second stage was between the years 1975 and 1992, during which policies on environmental conservation were intensified. At the same time, regulations became more numerous. In this period, the number of protected areas and their surface area increased considerably all over the world, although the differences between countries were significant.

The third stage began after the holding of the "Río de Janeiro Summit" in 1992, since after this date, a new ideological trend emerged regarding conservation, namely, one associating conservation with the principle of sustainability and the three pillars on which sustainability is based: social, ecological, and environmental sustainability.

These stages led us to the current situation: in 2018, protected territory accounted for 14.87% of the surface area of the world [5], with this percentage being much higher in some areas or countries. Examples include the European Union, with 18% [6]; Spain, with 27% [7]; and Extremadura (the territory in which this study was set), where the protected surface area exceeds 30%.

This growth in protected surface areas has had multiple and varied consequences and has given rise to a new context in which very different interests are interrelated, especially in terms of the regulations that affect both public and private land. These regulations have established "rules of the game" that describe the way in which the relationship between man and a protected territory must be sustained. As a consequence of this, on occasion there has been tension related to the restrictions imposed by regulations insofar as the use of certain natural resources is concerned. These restrictions can affect traditional activities such as hunting, which has generated a heated debate as to whether this activity should be allowed or restricted in the aforementioned spaces, given that in many cases the locations of protected areas and traditional hunting areas coincide. Likewise, although no pattern can be valid for all protected areas from a socioeconomic point of view, at least in Extremadura a considerable number of these areas are situated in spaces that currently have deficits in economic development (a lower level of income, higher unemployment, little economic diversification) and lack a suitable sociodemographic balance (the loss of population, regressive population pyramids, and aging). The European Union has implemented many development programs to alleviate this situation in rural areas, with measures such as the LEADER or FEADER programs, which seek to promote economic diversification and encourage the development of certain sectors, such as tourism. Thanks to the implementation of these initiatives, Extremadura currently has a wide infrastructure network linked to this sector, among which the existence of a large offering of accommodations stands out (on 31 December 2019, the number was 1778) [8]. Although all of this has led to an increase in the tourism sector, it is experiencing some problems linked to seasonality and the mismatch between the growth in supply and demand [9]. In this sense, hunting tourism is a possible tool for avoiding the seasonality of other forms of tourism in these territories, as it can be developed during periods of falling demand [10]. However, on many occasions, growth in protected areas has led to limitations on the practice of certain traditional activities, with hunting being one of the most affected due to various factors. All of this has happened despite the fact that it has been acknowledged that in many natural spaces (e.g., in Europe), a high level of conservation has been attained thanks to interests related to hunting [11]. In this sense, Extremadura represents a clear example of a location where protected areas and traditional hunting areas coincide, among which are the two territorial laboratories we studied: Sierra de San Pedro and Monfragüe [12]. In these areas, recreational hunting is practiced: this activity takes many varied forms [13], and hunting tourism is a derivation of it.

As a consequence of this, and given the new circumstances of many of the territories that are now protected, there are different points of view as to the role that hunting should play, taking into account that there are two conflicting approaches due to the fact that hunting is an activity that consumes wild resources [14,15]:

• The first approach affirms that hunting is compatible with nature conservation and can therefore be practiced in protected spaces for three reasons: its traditional character; its contribution to the conservation of habitats and fauna, provided that it is carried out under suitable management; and the generation of income, which has an effect on the local economy [10,12,16–22]. These arguments make hunting a sustainable activity conceived as the exploitation of hunting species and their habitats in a way and at a pace that does not lead to a long-term decline in biological diversity and satisfies the needs and aspirations of present and future generations [23]. At the same time, this focus is related to the theory that if wild resources are used under conditions of suitable handling this becomes a valid tool for maintaining biological diversity [24]. However, it is as well to specify that it is absolutely necessary to carry out suitable management and planning to avoid possible negative effects [25]. At the same time it is important for there to be regulations adapted to each territory so as not to trigger problems in environmental conservation [22,26], as regarding hunting one should not generalize and there are no formulae which cater to all territories and species. In this sense some authors consider that a surfeit of restrictions may lead to an increase in illegal hunting, the loss of numerous economic opportunities, and may even affect the conservation of spaces [22,26] by endangering habitats and biodiversity itself [27,28].

• The second approach stresses that hunting is not compatible with conservation and should therefore not be practiced in the protected spaces as this puts biodiversity at risk and has other kinds of impacts [29–31]. This approach is based on the negative effects of hunting which are a result not only of the death of animals but also of the consequences associated with its practice, as is maintained by various groups who argue that considerable harm is done to all kinds of species. At the same time, they understand that the income from visitors who are not hunters to natural protected spaces could replace that provided by hunters, which refutes one of the arguments generally put forward by defenders of hunting.

In relation to the above two positions, it must be said that this debate should be enriched with an intermediate position which defends that hunting is compatible with activities such as nature observation tourism, as both activities are not mutually exclusive, which means that the two together may considerably improve the economic benefits [32].

Apart from the aforementioned positions, in the present context there are two currents which oppose hunting owing to ethical and moral considerations. On the one hand we have a current represented by the animalist ideology which is against the death of animals on granting them the same rights as human beings, which implies respecting their lives on an equal footing. On the other hand, there is an opposing current against recreational hunting on the grounds that it is not ethical to kill animals for pleasure. This latter current was given a considerable boost by the death of the lion Cecil as this event triggered a much more profound debate on a world scale and encouraged the setting in motion of more restrictive policies on recreational hunting [26].

In synthesis, Extremadura is a clear example of the juxtaposition of natural protected spaces on hunting grounds—a direct consequence of the fact that the protected area amounts to 30.6% [33] in a territory of which 87% is considered to be hunting areas [34]. Moreover, as has already been mentioned, many protected areas in which hunting is exploited in a secular manner show a lack of social and economic balance as occurs in most rural areas of Extremadura [35]. Given this scenario, and taking into account that hunting and hunting tourism are activities which generate economic benefits to varying degrees (as reflected by various studies carried out at very different scales [17,34,36–41]), this study aimed to empirically corroborate the relationship between hunting and the demand for tourist services—to be precise, for accommodations located in two protected areas of great hunting tradition in Extremadura: Sierra de San Pedro and Monfragüe. In this way we intend to confirm whether companies of this kind in the municipalities located in both spaces benefit from hunting, as is habitually argued.

In order to achieve this objective this research was divided into the following sections:



#### **2. Hunting and the Demand for Tourist Services**

Tourism is a sector which, after an intense evolutionary process, has attained enormous importance on a global scale in recent decades. In Spain the relevance of this activity can be appreciated in current statistics, in which the number of foreign tourists in 2017 increased by 8.0% compared with the previous year. This trend continued during 2018 albeit with a slight reduction in growth (1.1%); the total figure exceeded 82 million foreigners [42]. These data express a continuous increase in demand from this type of tourist. Moreover, in order to get to know the situation of tourism in Spain it is necessary to take into account the movements of Spanish residents as they account for a large proportion of the travelling carried out within the country. To go deeper into this matter, the figures on the movements of residents within Spanish frontiers exceed 177 million journeys for 2018, which makes clear the considerable economic and social relevance of the tourist sector in Spain [43].

These movements are a response to varied motivations which may fall within types of tourism that can be classed as general (rural tourism, sun and beach, and urban tourism) or specific (sports, nature, cultural, etc.) [44]. Hunting tourism, which has become a strong line of research as can be seen from any repository of scientific studies, is one of the specific types which some authors classify with other more general types such as sports tourism, nature tourism [45], or rural tourism [21]. This is a consequence of hunters' interest in shooting various specimens which are distributed irregularly all over the world, thus giving rise to a considerable number of international and national journeys. As a result of this, the hunters require tourist services of various kinds (accommodation, guides, means of transport, restaurants) during their journeys, owing to which hunting has been considered as a tool which helps to develop or at least maintain the rural world. The demand for tourist services is reflected in all the economic studies that have been carried out on hunting. In the case of Extremadura, we can mention the study carried out by the Hunting Federation of Extremadura (2018) [34], which gives an estimate of the economic importance of hunting as far as accommodations and restaurants are concerned.

In contrast to other specific types of tourism, the history of hunting tourism is one of contrasts which led Rengifo (2008) [46] to distinguish three stages:

He situates the first stage in the 19th century which saw the first international travels with the aim of hunting in Africa and Asia [14]. During this period hunters were attracted by the possibilities of having an adventure and obtaining trophies of exotic species with the support of the progress in transport systems, colonization, and the dissemination of the natural treasures of little-known destinations.

The second stage covers most of the 20th century, during which the recreational nature of hunting became general. Little by little, hunting destinations became consolidated and their range became wider in the context of the growing improvement of means of transport and the increasing number of companies who provided services to meet this demand. Spain was one of the destinations chosen by hunters and is considered by some authors to be the "game preserve of Europe" [47]. This scenario led to the appearance and development of the hunting tourism industry in our country, with the advent of the first hunting tour operators. At the same time, the Spanish Public Administration began to promote this sector by means of campaigns and encouraged the carrying out of some quantitative analyses to measure the impact of the arrival of these tourists [48].

Finally, in the 21st century the sector has become more and more established worldwide, especially in its variant of hunting for trophies. At the same time voices have been heard advocating the restriction

or prohibition of this kind of hunting. Given this situation, various international bodies have stressed the need for trophy hunting to be practiced in a sustainable manner, in which case they consider it to be beneficial to local populations and conservation; a series of documents have been published along these lines [49,50].

#### **3. Materials and Methods**

#### *3.1. Case Study*

The landscape, climate, and relief characteristics [51,52] which define Extremadura make this territory an ideal place for the practice of hunting. The surface area currently occupied by hunting grounds amounts to 87% of the region, although the abundance of game in them is very irregular. In accordance with current regulations, the number of hunting species comes to 7 in the case of big game and 23 for small game. The hunting types of greatest interest to hunters from outside the region include wild boar and deer hunting and red-legged partridge beating, which are both highly developed in Extremadura [53].

In view of the undoubted advantages of the region for hunting, it is not surprising that Extremadura is chosen by a large number of hunting tourists and is therefore one of the main hunting destinations in Spain [36,47]. Likewise, its advantages for hunting are accompanied by a low level of transformation of the natural environment as a result of its low population density (25 inhabitants/km<sup>2</sup> ), property structure, low level of industrialization, and peripheral nature. These are some of the reasons why about one-third of its surface area is protected by one of the systems included in regional, national, and international regulations.

Two of the protected natural spaces of highest environmental value in Extremadura are Sierra de San Pedro and Monfragüe (Figure 1). These are territories in which on the one hand environmental protection and on the other hunting tradition coincide, as is expounded below:


case of Monfragüe.

**Figure 1.** Study area.

**Figure 1.** Study area. Although there are certain territorial disparities between these two protected areas, both constitute a common nexus of great importance for the purposes of this study: their different hunting Although there are certain territorial disparities between these two protected areas, both constitute a common nexus of great importance for the purposes of this study: their different hunting techniques, their environmental values, and also their demographic and socioeconomic imbalances.

techniques, their environmental values, and also their demographic and socioeconomic imbalances. In order to assess the importance of hunting in both spaces we have consulted the information of the General Hunting Plan (2015) [55] for Extremadura which divides the region into 23 districts. The information in this plan has allowed us to carry out an analysis of the hunting districts of Sierra de San Pedro–Tajo Internacional and Monfragüe–Sierras Periféricas, which coincide territorially to a certain extent with the protected spaces proposed in this research (Figure 2). In the latter case it should be pointed out that the municipalities making up the Area of Socioeconomic Influence of Monfragüe are distributed in three different hunting districts according to the system included in the General Hunting Plan, owing to which in this analysis we have taken as a point of reference that best fitting the study area. The choice of these hunting districts is fully justified in Table 1, in which it can be seen that the majority of the municipalities restricted to them are in turn part of the study area. In this sense, the data show the surface area that each municipality contributes to each hunting region such that in the case of the municipalities in the study area of this work they account for just over 85% of the surface area recognized as the region of Sierra de San Pedro; in the area of Monfragüe– Sierras Periféricas this surface area exceeds 94%. Thus, the rest of the municipalities that the General Hunting Plan integrates within both hunting regions and which do not appear in the area of study of In order to assess the importance of hunting in both spaces we have consulted the information of the General Hunting Plan (2015) [55] for Extremadura which divides the region into 23 districts. The information in this plan has allowed us to carry out an analysis of the hunting districts of Sierra de San Pedro–Tajo Internacional and Monfragüe–Sierras Periféricas, which coincide territorially to a certain extent with the protected spaces proposed in this research (Figure 2). In the latter case it should be pointed out that the municipalities making up the Area of Socioeconomic Influence of Monfragüe are distributed in three different hunting districts according to the system included in the General Hunting Plan, owing to which in this analysis we have taken as a point of reference that best fitting the study area. The choice of these hunting districts is fully justified in Table 1, in which it can be seen that the majority of the municipalities restricted to them are in turn part of the study area. In this sense, the data show the surface area that each municipality contributes to each hunting region such that in the case of the municipalities in the study area of this work they account for just over 85% of the surface area recognized as the region of Sierra de San Pedro; in the area of Monfragüe–Sierras Periféricas this surface area exceeds 94%. Thus, the rest of the municipalities that the General Hunting Plan integrates within both hunting regions and which do not appear in the area of study of this research barely represent 14.5% of the surface area of Sierra de San Pedro area and 5.38% in the case of Monfragüe.

this research barely represent 14.5% of the surface area of Sierra de San Pedro area and 5.38% in the


**Table 1.** Surface area.

*Land* **2020**, *9*, x FOR PEER REVIEW Source: General Hunting Plan [55]. 8 of 21

**Figure 2.** Representativeness of hunting regions. **Figure 2.** Representativeness of hunting regions.

The data included in Table 2 prove without a doubt the importance of hunting in both areas,



**Table 2.** Hunting grounds.

Source: General Hunting Plan [55]

Despite these differences, both districts have a large surface area devoted to hunting and also a considerable number of game preserves which correspond to different categories responding to the existence of two models of hunting exploitation in Extremadura: social and economic hunting. In this sense, big game and small game preserves that are privately enclosed are dedicated to the economic exploitation of the hunting resource, whereas the so-called social preserves try to guarantee access to the hunting activity under conditions of social equality for all hunters in Extremadura. This type of

**Number of hunting grounds** 

Social 35 81,753 26.89 Small Game 92 52,294 17.20 Big Game 166 170,026 55.92 Social 12 26,978 27.58 Small Game 14 9837 10.06 Big Game 68 61,002 62.36

**Surface area (ha)** 

**Surface area (%)** 

analysis (Casatejada, Saucedilla, and Torrejón el Rubio).

**District Type of hunting** 

Sierra de San Pedro–Tajo Internacional

> Monfragüe–Sierras Periféricas

**grounds** 

The data included in Table 2 prove without a doubt the importance of hunting in both areas, despite the fact that certain superficial differences exist. The hunting district of Sierra de San Pedro has a larger surface area devoted to hunting of over 304,000 ha, while in Monfragüe the figure is less than 98,000 ha. This situation is mainly due to two factors which are present in the latter territory:



#### **Table 2.** Hunting grounds.

Source: General Hunting Plan [55].

Despite these differences, both districts have a large surface area devoted to hunting and also a considerable number of game preserves which correspond to different categories responding to the existence of two models of hunting exploitation in Extremadura: social and economic hunting. In this sense, big game and small game preserves that are privately enclosed are dedicated to the economic exploitation of the hunting resource, whereas the so-called social preserves try to guarantee access to the hunting activity under conditions of social equality for all hunters in Extremadura. This type of hunting reserve is managed by groups of hunters under the name of Local Hunting Societies, which have managed to play a very important role in hunting in Extremadura [57].

Among these categories, the high figure of preserves devoted to big game hunting stands out, as it exceeds 50% in both territories. These percentages are not directly correlated with the situation in Extremadura, where the surface area devoted to big game hunting falls to 27% [55].

The statistics on the surface area devoted to the exploitation of big game hunting in these territories serve to confirm the potential of the study area as a hunting destination, as it is precisely this type of hunting which is particularly attractive to hunting tourists [46]. The strong presence of this kind of preserve is due largely to the forestry vocation of both areas (Figure 3a,b). This aspect and the occurrence of various crops shape a habitat that is particularly suitable for the development of big game species [58].

decrease.

**Areas** 

Sierra de San Pedro

**Name Municipality Population** 

of big game species [58].

*Land* **2020**, *9*, x FOR PEER REVIEW 9 of 21

hunting reserve is managed by groups of hunters under the name of Local Hunting Societies, which

Among these categories, the high figure of preserves devoted to big game hunting stands out, as it exceeds 50% in both territories. These percentages are not directly correlated with the situation

The statistics on the surface area devoted to the exploitation of big game hunting in these territories serve to confirm the potential of the study area as a hunting destination, as it is precisely this type of hunting which is particularly attractive to hunting tourists [46]. The strong presence of

have managed to play a very important role in hunting in Extremadura [57].

in Extremadura, where the surface area devoted to big game hunting falls to 27% [55].

#### (**a**) *Land* **2020**, *9*, x FOR PEER REVIEW 10 of 21

#### (**b**)

**Figure 3.** Land use in (**a**) Sierra de San Pedro and (**b**) Monfragüe. **Figure 3.** Land use in (**a**) Sierra de San Pedro and (**b**) Monfragüe.

Sierra de San Pedro, where the rate of growth showed an increase of more than 10,000 inhabitants, although in contrast to what happened in Monfragüe, only the city of Cáceres showed positive growth (Table 3). The lack of employment opportunities is one of the main reasons for this demographic decline, which is the direct reason why young people tend to move to the large urban centers in search of work. This situation is evident in the district of Sierra de San Pedro where it can be observed that the size of the municipality influences the dynamic of population increase or

**Table 3.** Population changes.

**Population in 2018** 

Alburquerque 5645 5340 4.6 −305 −5.4 Aliseda 2265 1850 1.7 −415 −18.3 Cáceres 82,235 96,068 82.3 13,833 16.8 Carbajo 280 208 0.2 −74 −25.7 Herreruela 470 342 0.3 −128 −27.2 Membrío 873 634 0.5 −239 −27.3 Salorino 796 581 0.5 −215 −27.0

**Percentage of population that contributes to the area (2018)** 

**Balance of population growth (2000– 2018)** 

**Population growth rates** 

**in 2000** 

Figure 3 shows a decrease of 570 inhabitants in the period from 2000 to 2018. In spite of this, it should be pointed out that several localities within this area (Malpartida de Plasencia, Mirabel, Romangordo and Saucedilla) showed positive population growth. This situation does not transfer to Sierra de San Pedro, where the rate of growth showed an increase of more than 10,000 inhabitants, although in contrast to what happened in Monfragüe, only the city of Cáceres showed positive growth (Table 3). The lack of employment opportunities is one of the main reasons for this demographic decline, which is the direct reason why young people tend to move to the large urban centers in search of work. This situation is evident in the district of Sierra de San Pedro where it can be observed that the size of the municipality influences the dynamic of population increase or decrease.


**Table 3.** Population changes.

Source: National Institute of Statistics [59].

Unemployment is another of the serious problems affecting the rural world under study. According to the sources consulted, these municipalities are in a worrying situation where their unemployment rates are higher than the national and regional averages (Table 4). These data show that the unemployment registered in Monfragüe affects over 20% of the population in most settlements and even exceeds 30% in the municipalities of Higuera and Saucedilla. However, this scenario is not reproduced in the same way in Sierra de San Pedro, the registered unemployment rate of which is below 20% in 7 of the 11 municipalities of the territory. These figures augur an uncertain future for both areas; the development of activities to encourage economic diversification may help to mitigate this scenario, and these activities include hunting.


**Table 4.** Registered unemployed rates by municipality.

#### *3.2. Materials and Methods*

Taking into account the extensive surface area devoted to hunting, together with the worrying sociodemographic situation of the municipalities of these territories, we aimed to corroborate empirically whether there is a relationship between hunting and the demand for the tourist services of the accommodations located in these territories. If this is the case, hunting would be contributing to the generation of wealth and employment.

In order to attain this objective we used data from primary sources of information (surveys) and also consulted secondary sources. The alphanumeric data come from the results obtained after the distribution of a survey among all tourist accommodation establishments located in the two territories under study, irrespective of their type: hotel, non-hotel, and rural. In order to do so, in the first instance a list of accommodations was drawn up from the official information provided by the competent authority, in this case the Regional Government of Extremadura. It is however necessary to point out that in the case of the city of Cáceres only those tourist accommodation establishments corresponding to the hotel type as described in current legislation [61] were selected after detecting that they were the only ones in which hunters were interested owing to their accessibility and other characteristics. In this sense it must be taken into account that Cáceres is a heritage tourist destination in which there is accommodation designed to work with these market segments owing to their location and other characteristics. The surveys were answered by the managers of the establishments, except in the case of larger hotels when they were answered by reception personnel. In both cases, we consider that the informants are the appropriate ones due to their responsibility and because they have direct information from the establishments, which are essential requirements to respond with solvency to the survey. In order to complement the data obtained from this survey and obtain further evidence, we resorted whenever possible to a comparison with

Source: datos.macro.com [60].

the data from a survey carried out on the travelers who visited the various tourist offices located in the whole of Extremadura in 2017. Given the slant of this study, however, only the surveys in which hunting was mentioned as a major motivation for visiting Extremadura (82 cases) were studied (82 cases). As far as the use of secondary sources of information is concerned, the following were consulted: data of the municipal census of inhabitants from the National Union of Statistics, registered unemployment figures drawn up by Expansión (https://datosmacro.expansion.com/), and the National Topographical Database at a scale of 1:100,000 available at the National Geographical Institute (http://centrodedescargas.cnig.es/CentroDescargas/index.jsp).

The survey featured in this study consisted of five questions, which are described in the table below (Table 5). The number of questions is reduced in order to stick to our objectives, which were to evaluate in an approximate way the relationship between hunting and the demand for tourist services in the selected territories of Sierra de San Pedro and Monfragüe. These questions allowed us to obtain interesting information on various key aspects: the use of the tourist accommodations in the area by hunters, the existence of any patterns when choosing a specific type of establishment present in the area, the carrying out of activities to complement hunting, and the duration and seasonality of hunters at their destination.




The technical data sheet (Table 6) shows the statistical reliability of the results obtained after the dissemination of the survey included in this research. In this manner, in Sierra de San Pedro 63 completed forms were obtained from the total of 78 tourist lodgings, which means that the sample error in the most unfavorable case is 5.4% and in the most favorable 3.3%. The situation is similar in Monfragüe, where 37 of the 44 tourist lodgings currently operating in that area answered the questionnaire. For this reason, the sample error in the worst-case scenario is 6.5% and at best 3.9%.



The data obtained in these questionnaires were processed by means of univariant and bivariant descriptive statistical techniques—to be precise, the distribution of frequencies and crosstabs. This allowed us to determine the presence of hunting tourists in the study area together with a wealth of relevant information (the duration of overnight stays, preference for a type of tourist accommodation, etc.). As a complement, Geographical Information Systems were used for the production of maps, which made it possible to determine the geographical distribution of some of the variables studied.

#### **4. Results**

The data given in Table 7 reveal the presence of hunters in the tourist accommodations located in the two protected spaces under study, although it should be pointed out that the incidence in Sierra de San Pedro was higher. In this area 88.9% of the tourist lodgings declared that they received hunting tourists in 2018, while in Monfragüe this figure was 70.3%. This confirms that hunters contribute to the economic sustainability of the accommodation of these territories. The percentage differences between the two areas may be explained by the fact that, in Monfragüe (the emblematic space for the protected species of Extremadura), almost one-third of the accommodation establishments have no interest in receiving hunters.

**Table 7.** Accommodation establishments that receive hunters.


Despite the presence of hunters in most of the accommodation establishments surveyed, one cannot speak of a significant dependence of this market segment in either of the two territories. According to the data shown in Table 8, in 62.5% of the establishments located in Sierra de San Pedro the impact of hunting tourists represented less than 5% of the total number of tourists received in 2018, while this percentage was 46.2% in Monfragüe. However, in Sierra de San Pedro rather more than 30% of lodgings considered that the demand from hunters represented over 16% of the total, while in Monfragüe it accounted for 19%. The differences between both areas can be found in the size of the surface area devoted to hunting in Sierra de San Pedro—a territory which exceeds 300,000 ha. Likewise, to interpret the data correctly at least one observation must be made: the impact of the demand for accommodation from hunters is limited to the hunting season, which coincides with the autumn and winter months (essentially from October to February), owing to which the impact of the demand during these months is much higher. In this sense hunting tourism cannot compete with other forms of tourism which may be practiced throughout the year.

**Table 8.** Incidence of hunting tourists.


With the aim of determining whether there is a correlation between the type of tourist accommodation and the preferences of hunters, the following crosstab was drawn up in which clear contrasts can be appreciated. In order to do so, the different categories of hotel accommodations (hostels, guest houses, 1 to 3 star hotels, and 4 and 5 star hotels), non-hotel accommodation (tourist apartments and albergues), and rural accommodation (casas rurales and rural hotels) were distinguished. These contrasts were analyzed independently in the two territories studied:



**Table 9.** Incidence of the hunter by type of accommodation.

In view of the data it can therefore be appreciated that hunters tend to choose hotels. This tendency was also observed in the results obtained from the survey carried out by the Extremadura Tourist Observatory in which hunters' preference for hotel-type accommodation can be seen. The explanation for this can be found in the observations of various owners of the accommodation establishments polled, who mentioned that hunting tourists require restaurant services which are only provided by hotel-type accommodation. Likewise it should be said that road accessibility has considerably improved in recent years, which makes it easier for a hunter to travel to a municipality with the desired accommodations within a limited period of time.

To go deeper into this matter, in the survey carried out by the Tourist Offices it was found that hunters are willing to choose the municipality of their overnight stay in accordance with the presence of this kind of accommodation. As a consequence, the selection of the municipality in which hunters spend the night may depend on this circumstance.

Those in charge of tourist accommodations located in the study area corroborate the interest of the hunting tourist in carrying out activities other than hunting, among which stand out those related to other forms of tourism as diverse as those involving nature, culture, and the rural milieu (Table 10). Nevertheless, the declared interest of this kind of tourist in protected natural spaces is noteworthy, to the extent that in both territories the visits to these spaces represent a preferred practice for hunters. In the answers given in the survey of this study there is once again a certain parallelism with the results deriving from the survey of the Tourist Observatory, in which the strong interest of the hunting tourist in protected natural spaces stands out, particularly in Monfragüe National Park. This is not surprising given hunters' interest in natural spaces and their inclination to contribute to the conservation of ecosystems by means of various initiatives [12,57–63]. Along the same lines, their interest in local gastronomy can also be mentioned; this is of greater importance in the Monfragüe area (31.6%). Practices related to cultural and rural tourism and birdwatching appear less frequently. Note that birdwatching only occurs in the Monfragüe area because of the great richness of the National Park.



The hunting season conditions the travel of hunters, as the most recent closed-season regulations published in Extremadura [64] generally establish hunting periods as weekends and long weekends between the months of October and February, to which Thursday must be added for some specific forms of hunting. This rule has two exceptions, although there is no doubt that they have a much lower impact. This situation therefore conditions the duration of the stays of hunting tourists and the concentration of their travels essentially on weekends (82.5% in Sierra de San Pedro; 92.0% in Monfragüe) (Table 11). The establishments polled ratified the short duration of the stays, declaring that they tend to vary between one and two nights, with few stays lasting longer (1.6%, Sierra de San Pedro; 8.0%, Monfragüe).


#### **5. Discussion and Evaluation of Results**

Hunting and by extension hunting tourism is an activity which has been carried out without interruption in numerous protected natural spaces in Spain [65] and in other countries, playing an important role in the economy of the rural milieu and also in the conservation of the environment [22,66–68]. However, for various reasons there is heated debate as to whether it is convenient to allow hunting in spaces which are environmentally representative. The central idea is currently to restrict some traditional forms of exploitation such as hunting, which in certain places such as national parks is forbidden, at least in the case of Spain. Monfragüe National Park is an example of this, owing to which the population of ungulates has grown continuously to exert strong pressure on the ecosystem, contributing to the degradation of the area's vegetation. Given the pressure on the environment, the Park Management approved certain culls [69]. This confirms the role that hunting may play in the conservation of these spaces in which certain species have no natural predators, which means that an increase in their populations may lead to the deterioration of the landscape.

This situation occurs despite the fact that sustainable hunting can provide social, economic, and environmental benefits, as mentioned in various studies. It is however necessary to be prudent as to the decisions made because no formula can be suitable for all protected spaces or for all species. Owing to this, a planning and management policy appropriate for each case must be drawn up. In this sense it is being insisted upon that, given the lack of alternatives, the prohibition of hunting may have an undesired effect in terms of the loss of biodiversity, especially on private land.

The results of this study prove that hunters make moderate use of the accommodation establishments located in Sierra de San Pedro and also in those in part of the Area of Socioeconomic Influence of the Monfragüe National Park, which contributes to the generation of economic benefits. Both spaces have serious problems of employment, loss of population, and ageing, owing to which the sustainable exploitation of the endogenous resources, which include hunting, may encourage the maintenance of rural life. Nevertheless, it should be stressed that more studies using specific areas as a territorial basis need to be carried out with the objective of assessing the role of hunting as a tool for development and the generation of knowledge which serves as an instrument for management and planning. As was seen in the survey, hunters choose a certain type of accommodation based on the different services it may provide. There is no doubt that this knowledge may provide a competitive advantage with the view to a specific territory capturing a larger number of hunting tourists.

Finally, in view of the lack of data on the characterization of the demand of the hunting sector in Extremadura and its impact on accommodation, it must be pointed out that this work is innovative in that it allows progress to be made in the knowledge of an issue that has a direct impact on hunting territories of great environmental value, where there are serious social and economic problems. Therefore, this knowledge has an undoubted applied character for managers of tourist accommodations located in the study area, as well as for the public administration, with a view to designing strategies to attract hunting tourists in sustainable terms. Nevertheless, and taking into account that we are facing a work that represents a first approximation on this subject, it is necessary to open new lines of research that answer specific questions:


#### **6. Conclusions**

The results of this study show that the municipalities within the Area of Regional Interest of Sierra de San Pedro and the area of socioeconomic influence of the Monfragüe National Park are located in territories with a long hunting tradition. As a result, both areas currently have a large number of hunting grounds, to which must be added the presence of a network of accommodation establishments of different types and categories in accordance with the information obtained from the secondary sources consulted. At the same time it was found that both territories are experiencing serious sociodemographic and economic difficulties in common with other rural areas of Extremadura: loss of population, ageing, and high employment rates.

Given these circumstances, the objective of this research was to verify the hypothesis of whether there is a relationship between hunting and the demand for tourist services, to be precise for the accommodation located in the municipalities making up the two territories.

In order to achieve this objective it was necessary to draw up a list of the accommodation establishments located in these municipalities and to request collaboration in the form of answering a survey. The collaboration obtained was very high, thanks to which it was possible to draw the conclusions given below:


There is no doubt that as the socioeconomic impact is one of the aspects quoted to defend hunting in the current context, the carrying out of studies of this kind should be encouraged so as to determine whether establishments located in rural areas are the main beneficiaries of the expenses incurred by hunters. This knowledge can become a tool for the management and capture of flows of hunters in the future.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, L.-M.M.-D. and J.-I.R.-G.; methodology, L.-M.M.-D., J.-I.R.-G., and J.-M.S.-M.; formal analysis, L.-M.M.-D., J.-I.R.-G., and J.-M.S.-M.; investigation, L.-M.M.-D., J.-I.R.-G., and J.-M.S.-M.; resources, L.-M.M.-D., J.-I.R.-G., and J.-M.S.-M.; data curation, L.-M.M.-D.; writing—original draft preparation, L.-M.M.-D., J.-I.R.-G., and J.-M.S.-M.; writing—review and editing, L.-M.M.-D., J.-I.R.-G., and J.-M.S.-M.; supervision, L.-M.M.-D., J.-I.R.-G., and J.-M.S.-M.; project administration, J.-M.S.-M.; funding acquisition, J.-M.S.-M. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This publication is part of the research carried out within the research project "Diseño y elaboración de productos estratégicos diferenciados para la potenciación del turismo rural en Extremadura. De la detección de problemas a la propuesta de soluciones basadas en criterios geoestadísticos" (Code IB 16040). This project is funded by the Consejería de Economía e Infraestructuras de la Junta de Extremadura (the branch of the regional government that covers economy and infrastructure) and by the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). This work was supported by Junta of Extremadura and co-financed by the European Regional Development Fund through help GR18052 (DESOSTE).

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflicts of interest. The funders had no role in the design of the study; in the collection, analyses, or interpretation of data; in the writing of the manuscript; or in the decision to publish the results.

#### **References**


© 2020 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

### *Article* **Rural Districts and Business Agglomerations in Low-Density Business Environments. The Case of Extremadura (Spain)**

**J. Francisco Rangel-Preciado 1,\* , Francisco M. Parejo-Moruno <sup>2</sup> , Esteban Cruz-Hidalgo <sup>3</sup> and Francisco J. Castellano-Álvarez <sup>3</sup>**


**Abstract:** The strategy of the institutionalization and development of business agglomerations, in any of its analytical aspects (industrial district, local production system, cluster, etc.), has not had great results in Spanish regions with low business-density, probably due to the difficulty of finding an adequate implementation framework in administrative, geographic, and institutional terms. Based on the limitations presented by the identification methodologies of business agglomerations in low business-density territories, in this work we propose some methodological corrections that allow for reconciling these economic realities with the institutional and geographical framework offered by the local action groups (LAGs). This reconciliation is a useful tool to take advantage of the economies of agglomeration and, consequently, to explore the possibilities of endogenous development in rural areas, so that it can be a factor to take into account when planning and executing the public strategy of local and rural development. Finally, the results obtained for the specific case of Extremadura, the only Spanish region listed as a less developed one in European rural development policies, are presented.

**Keywords:** local action group; rural development; industrial district; local productive system; rural district

#### **1. Introduction**

The local action groups (hereinafter LAG) have become the main tool of the European Union for structuring the local and rural development strategy [1,2], this being the reason why industrial or rural development policies in areas with low business-density, or rural areas, must consider them. In a way, they exemplify the open participation of the main economic agents with a presence in each territory at the county level, bringing community decisions on rural development closer to the rural territories of the member states. Conceived as a strategic tool, LAGs emerged with a dual function: on the one hand, they should be in charge of planning and channeling funds for the European rural development strategy in the territories, and on the other, they must contribute to the dynamism of the socioeconomic fabric of rural regions, directly attacking structural problems that affect them, such as depopulation and inequalities in living standards with respect to the urban environment [3] (p. 596), [4]. One way to face such challenges is by enhancing and optimizing the region's endogenous resources [5] (p. 230), [6], wherein the correct definition of productive specialization seems crucial to us. In this sense, the tools offered by the theory of business agglomerations for shaping the LAG strategy cannot be ignored; as such, we consider its adaptation to the rural environment necessary.

"Business agglomerations" is a generic way of referring to the different terminologies that have been defined by the literature to define the grouping of firms around a certain

**Citation:** Rangel-Preciado, J.F.; Parejo-Moruno, F.M.; Cruz-Hidalgo, E.; Castellano-Álvarez, F.J. Rural Districts and Business Agglomerations in Low-Density Business Environments. The Case of Extremadura (Spain). *Land* **2021**, *10*, 280. https://doi.org/ 10.3390/land10030280

Academic Editor: Carlos Parra-López

Received: 21 January 2021 Accepted: 27 February 2021 Published: 9 March 2021

**Publisher's Note:** MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

**Copyright:** © 2021 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

territory (industrial districts, cluster, local productive systems, rural districts, quality agrifood districts, . . . ). Each of these concepts presents its nuances, although they all start from the same premise: the concentration of companies that are dedicated to the same product or productive chain in a given territory. Broadly speaking, the industrial districts (IDs) [7,8] and, more generically, the local productive systems (hereinafter LPSs) [9,10], are socioeconomic realities that are based on taking advantage of the endogenous industrial growth capacity that certain geographical enclaves have, which constitutes an attraction factor that favors the location of companies and, consequently, the formation of specialized business agglomerations in a certain product or branch of activity, in rural areas that have set up a so-called rural district [11]. These realities generate a series of competitive advantages, allowing small and medium-sized companies, which by themselves would not have the financial capacity to invest in technology or to execute an internationalization strategy [12–14], to do so, being able to balance, through cooperation and agglomeration, the scale economies associated with large companies, in Chandlerian terminology [15]. Undoubtedly, this favors the generation of employment and income, allowing local and rural development [16–26] and, even if it is only for an arithmetic effect, regional development too [27–32]. Thus, the aforementioned concepts of ID and LPS have evolved towards newer and more recent theoretical notions such as the rural district (RD) or the quality agri-food district (AFD), more appropriate to the nature and characteristics of the rural regions and environments [33] (Legislative Decree No. 228 (18 May 2001) relative to the Italian normative), or even as "bio" districts [34,35].

Given the above, the main objective of this work is to evaluate the theoretical and practical lessons of business agglomerations and to facilitate their incorporation into the rural development strategy by LAGs, particularly with regard to the detection and identification of the endogenous productive capacities of the territories to which they are circumscribed, so that they can enhance the comparative advantages associated with them, and may also prioritize investments, allowing a better use of resources to achieve the objectives of income and employment generation and fixation of the rural territories. In summary, we seek to find the tool that allows one to localize business agglomerations into the LAG regions without giving up the postulates of the economies of agglomeration; that is, to locate municipal or supramunicipal business agglomerations with a capacity for generating incomes and employment and with influence and significance throughout the LAG region, so that they can be used as an economic engine for it, as well as being a focus for the attraction of new investment. To meet this objective, the text has been structured into four sections, in addition to this introduction. In the first, the reasons that in our opinion explain the poor practical development of theories of the Italian school of industrial districts in Spain, or at least their lesser degree of consideration compared to the Italian case when articulating rural development, are analyzed. In the second section, we reflect on various ID or LPS identification methodologies, and in particular, on their advantages and limitations when used in the LAG development strategy. In the third section, we propose some methodological adaptations that would facilitate, in our opinion, such use. Finally, in the fourth section, we outline the main conclusions of the investigation.

#### **2. From Theory to Practice, from the Industrial District to the Rural District**

This article arises from the authors' conviction that in Spain, the enormous scientific and theoretical efforts that many regional researchers have made in the last two decades in the field of business agglomeration analysis are not translating into applied results in regions with low business-density (district effect [36–41], i-district effect [42,43], social capital [44–48]). As an example, and unlike what has happened in other nations, Italy is, without a doubt, a reference in this field, not only for the remarkable development of the existing research in this regard [49–53], but for the broad regulatory development that the industrial districts have had in this country, which are already a relevant element in industrial policy planning [54,55]. The creation of the National Observatory of Industrial Districts (http://www.osservatoriodistretti.org/ (accessed on 1 May 2020)) is clear proof of

this, which denotes the institutional commitment decided by the promotion of this type of economic reality. There has not been a regulatory or institutional development in Spain that efficiently explores the potential of these agglomerations, and this has been the case even in the regions where the greater historical development of such industrial agglomerations has been evidenced, which have also been those on which scholars have focused most of the research efforts in this regard, namely, the Valencian region [39,56–58], Catalonia [59–62], and the Basque Country [59,63–66].

The previous reflection, which seems clear despite the fact that the elements that should serve as the basis for the inclusion of industrial agglomerations in the country's industrialization strategy are known with some precision, is even more true if we refer to the agrarian field, where the whole path, including the scientific one, has yet to be covered. In this sense, at least three aspects seem relevant to us, which, if given their full value, would contribute to the better planning of productive activities in rural areas. The first one is the adaptation of the concept of business agglomeration to the reality that we find in agricultural environments. This aspect has already been partially resolved by the Italian school of industrial districts, having coined the concept of the rural district, whose theoretical specifications are assimilable to the rural agglomerations that we find in Spain and other Mediterranean countries [67,68]. In our opinion, this is crucial, since it determines, for example, the methodology to be applied for the identification and detection of these rural agglomerations, as well as in defining the tools to be used in their empirical analysis and in developing other not-yet-studied concepts, such as the so-called quality agri-food districts, which are also linked to a greater extent to the agrarian environment.

The second aspect to take into account is the absence of specific legislation that protects and develops these realities in rural areas. It should be noted that Spain has been applying legislation for a number of years to promote industrial districts under the name of innovative business groups ((hereinafter IBGs, http://www.minetad.gob.es/ PortalAyudas/AgrupacionesEmpresariales/Paginas/Index.aspx (accessed on 1 May 2020)). These realities, which have already been analyzed in the context of Spanish industrial policy by Trullén and Callejón [69], bring together different forms of agglomeration, namely, industrial districts, value chains, knowledge-intensive activities and ICT-intensive activities, and tourism [70] (p. 380). In our opinion, this legislation, in its current formulation, is not adequate to link economic activity to the territory, something that should be a priority in the rural development strategy [71,72]. In fact, the need to have a sufficient critical mass to access the financing lines included in the regulations has led to the association of companies from different provinces and regions, so that the IBGs have ended up being institutions without a clear link to a certain locality or region [73,74]. The correlation between the detected business agglomerations and the IBGs existing in the Extremadura region is presented in Table 1.


**Table 1.** Business agglomerations vs. innovative business groups (IBGs) listed in Extremadura, 2013.

<sup>1</sup> Local Productive Systems (LPS) and Industrial Districts (ID). <sup>2</sup> In the public funds program for IBGs in 2008, the Extremaduran Federation of Furniture and Wood Entrepreneurs (http://www.fedexmadera.com/es/.html (accessed on 1 May 2020); consultation May 2020), which is currently not recognized as an IBG, appeared among the beneficiary institutions. The same occurred with the Extremadura Construction Materials Cluster, which in 2008 also received funds due to its status as an IBG, which it no longer has. <sup>3</sup> The Extremadurian Cork Cluster, based in San Vicente de Alcántara, was a beneficiary of the IBG funds program in 2007. However, it has subsequently lost the status of IBG. It is important to mention that this IBG term contains companies from all over the country, which minimizes the agglomeration effect in competitive terms. <sup>4</sup> The metal IBG is based in Badajoz. It is, however, the industrial agglomeration of metal located by Boix and Galletto [75] in Jerez de los Caballeros. Source: Own elaboration.

Finally, the third aspect has a methodological nature, and refers to the fact that the ID or LPS identification, detection, and analysis methodologies usually take the so-called local workforce systems (LWS) [76] as spatial reference. This term fits, more or less, with the municipal term, and in no case adheres to the region or the LAG territory-of-influence. This factor must be corrected if what is intended is to incorporate the theory of business agglomerations into the strategic planning of LAGs. In addition, its correction is also desirable to assess the regional relevance of the agglomeration, its impact on the economic and social development of the region, and its supramunicipal area of influence; in short, to evaluate and measure the agglomeration effect of the region.

To sum up, when looking for a methodology for the detection of business agglomerations in the rural world, the most appropriate type of agglomeration is the so-called rural district. In this sense, Castillo and García [67] suggested that the basic territorial unit that best adheres to the theoretical definition of this type of agglomeration is the local action group.

#### **3. Methodological Limitations for Regional Analysis of Rural Agglomerations**

Starting from the existing methodologies for the identification and detection of business agglomerations, in Table 2 we have tried to synthesize the advantages and disadvantages that these present for their adaptation to the territorial analytical framework proposed here; that is, the areas of influence of the current LAGs. Broadly speaking, if we do an overall analysis, we find four major methodological limitations for the analysis of business agglomerations at the county level or within the geographic demarcation associated with LAGs. The first of these is the delimitation of the productive specialization of the territory. In this sense, the existing methodologies usually start from the search for a productive specialization in a smaller geographical area of the region, usually municipal or close to it, when taking the LWS as a functional administrative (and geographical) unit [77].

The second major limitation that these methodologies present as regards being useful in the LAG strategy is their industrial orientation. That is, these methodologies usually ignore the fact that productive specialization is not necessarily limited to the industrial field, and may be found in activities in the agricultural or service sector. Furthermore, they do not contemplate the existence of branches or value chains that include agricultural, industrial, and tertiary activities (from the production of raw materials to the commercialization of manufactures), despite the fact that one of the main lessons of the theory of business agglomerations is the promotion of the vertical integration of processes, or the integration of the value chain of products. This aspect is key to the identification of the comparative advantages in rural areas, which are usually found in the availability of a certain raw material or natural resource, regardless of whether its industrial transformation has developed in the region.

**Table 2.** Industrial districts (IDs) and/or local productive systems (LPS) identification methodologies and their adaptation to the local action group (LAG) geographical area.


<sup>1</sup> We leave out of the analysis of the methodologies used [85–92] as they have already been improved, in our opinion, by more recent methodologies. <sup>2</sup> Adapted by Climent for the study of La Rioja. <sup>3</sup> The Sforzi-ISTAT methodology, although it has undergone several updates, is considered here in its ISTAT version [93,94]. This is one of the most contrasted methodologies in the existing literature, whose results have served as the basis for other research. <sup>4</sup> Sforzi-ISTAT methodology, but changing the criterion related to the size of the dominant industry from SMEs to large companies. <sup>5</sup> Corrected by [77,81]. <sup>6</sup> We use the version provided by Legislative Decree No. 228 (18 May 2001). In Spain, and specifically in the case of Castilla-La Mancha [67,68], it has been used to analyze rural districts, but is very focused on population movements, and not on productive specialization and business concentration. We have ignored it in this analysis.

The third limitation is the use of the national context as a frame of comparison when determining the productive specialization of the territory in a given productive activity. In our opinion, this prevents the detection of business agglomerations that show some relevance in rural areas but appear less significant in the national context. As an example, an agglomeration of 20 companies that generate 200 jobs will be significant and should be considered in a hypothetical regional development strategy if it is located in a certain rural region, but it will probably be diluted if it is located in the metropolitan area of a large city. Failure to take this aspect into account supposes the exclusion of business agglomerations from rural development policies, which, although not very relevant at the national level, constitute or may constitute an economic engine for some rural areas.

The last limitation has to do with the restrictive nature of the businesses that make up the agglomerations being studied. Normally, the existing methodologies adopt criteria oriented towards the identification of agglomerations of small and medium-sized companies, without prejudice toward the existence of works that have been concerned with the locations of large company districts [66,67]. In our case, we understand that this "SME vs. large company" approach is unhelpful, since the existence of an agglomeration of SMEs is as relevant to the development of a rural environment as the location of an agglomeration led by one or more large companies. Thus, the methodology to be used should be flexible enough to include both realities.

Source: Expanded from [26] (p.129).

#### **4. Methodological Adaptation to Regions with Low Manufacturing Density**

The exercise carried out in the previous section leads us to conclude that the methodology most easily adaptable to the geographical area of the LAG is that designed by Lainé [81], with the improvements that have been introduced by other authors [33,77,82]. The resulting methodology can be applied to geographical areas wider than that delimited by the LWS, without the detected agglomerations losing the theoretical characteristics of LPSs—those that empower them to achieve competitive advantages. However, this methodology continues to be quite restrictive, since it does not identify realities such as protodistricts [95–98] nor does it allow the detection of extended value chains, since it focuses solely on industrial activity. Furthermore, it requires a high business-density for the location of the agglomeration, which makes it difficult to apply it to the regions with the highest rurality and depopulation index, as is the case of Extremadura [99–101]. It is difficult to identify LPSs based on this methodology in regions with little or no industrialization, such as Extremadura in Spain [102–105], not only for the reason of industrial arithmetic (scarcity of industries, low active population in the secondary sector, etc.), but also due to the scarcity of sources available on a regional scale. For this reason, we consider a methodological adjustment that emerges from Hernández, Fontrodona, and Pezzi [83] to be appropriate, which is useful when we work with regions with a low manufacturing density, such as Extremadura.

In this section, we make a methodological proposal that allows for a better adjustment to the reality of the least economically developed regions, allowing the identification of LPSs in more ruralized and not strictly industrialized environments. This proposal does not invalidate the aforementioned methodologies, but it is based on them, particularly the one used by Hernández, Fontrodona and Pezzi [83] for Catalonia. Furthermore, it seems to us a more flexible proposal, since it does not predetermine either the territorial unit of reference for the analysis or the codification of the activities with which to work. In this sense, it allows for by-county and regional analyses and exercises to identify LPSs of the value chain and polyspecialized ones, thus not adhering to the mere detection of manufacturing LPSs (it would, in fact, allow for the identification of rural LPSs specialized in the agriculture, livestock, or extractive industry).

In accordance with the above, a previous step to adapt the methodology is to choose the geographic level to which it will be applied. As we have seen, the way to integrate LPSs into the European regional development strategy is to use the LAG's territory-of-influence

as a geographical unit. For the analysis of the productive specialization of the possible LPS identified, we understand that it is better to use an aggregated classification of the branches of activity, since, although it lacks specificity, it facilitates the identification of value chain LPSs, that is, agglomerations, that work in different parts of the production chain of a specific branch. In this sense, it seems appropriate to use the sectoral grouping of activities proposed by the CNAE 2009 (Table 3), which would distinguish 16 major productive branches with various activities, each representing the vertical integration that exists within them.

**Table 3.** Sectoral classification of the CNAE 2009 activities proposed.



**Table 3.** *Cont.*

Source: Own elaboration from Galetto and Boix (2006: 8) and from the table of equivalences between CNAE 93 Rev. and CNAE 2009 Rev. of the Spanish National Institut os Statistics.

> Once the statistical information has been compiled according to the regional territorial demarcation (LAG) and the proposed classification of activities (Table 4), our proposal suggests the following three steps: (1) look for the productive specialization of the LAG territories and verify the relative importance of this (that is, the LPS that is identified) in the economy at the regional or sectoral level; (2) once the previous one has been verified, look for formal (or informal) signs of collaboration or cooperation between the companies that make up the LPS; and (3) verify the international character of the LPS companies, that is, their exporting vocation (this has to happen at least for some of the companies that make up the agglomeration).

**Table 4.** Description of indicators.


Source: Own elaboration.

The first of the steps suggests slightly modifying the specialization index set forth in the criteria used in other methodologies, so that it is sensitive to the size of the companies. This is achieved by calculating the index based on the number of companies and the number of employees, and not only using the number of firms that work in the productive activity considered; that is, converting the equation of criterion 6 into the following two equations.

Equation (1): Depending on the number of firms

$$\mathbf{L1\_{ij}} = \begin{array}{c} \frac{\mathbf{E\_{ij}}}{\mathbf{E\_{j}}}\\ \frac{\mathbf{E\_{i}}}{\mathbf{E}} \end{array} \tag{1}$$

where:

L1ij is the specialization index in territory i and in sector j measured in terms of the number of companies ("territory i" being understood as the LWS or LAG territory considered, and "sector j" as the productive activity on which we apply the methodology); Eij is the number of firms of sector j in territory i;

Ej is the total number of firms in sector j in the geographical area that we are going to take as a reference (we consider it convenient to take the region or autonomous community, and not the nation, as the top territorial reference unit, in order to make the agglomerations' detection process more flexible);

Ei is the total number of firms in territory i (of all the productive sectors);

E is the total number of firms in the territory taken as a reference (that is, the number of firms in all sectors in the region, which serves as reference).

Equation (2): Depending on the number of employees

$$\text{L2}\_{ij} = \begin{array}{c} \frac{\text{L}\_{ij}}{\text{L}\_{j}}\\ \frac{\text{L}\_{i}}{\text{L}} \end{array} \tag{2}$$

where:

L2ij is the specialization index in territory i and in sector j measured in terms of number of employees ("territory i" being understood as the LWS or LAG territory considered, and "sector j" as the productive activity on which we apply the methodology);

Lij is the number of employees of sector j in territory i;

Lj is the total number of employees in sector j in the geographical area that we are going to take as a reference (we consider it convenient to take the region or autonomous community, and not the nation, as the top territorial reference unit, in order to make the agglomerations detection process more flexible);

Li is the total number of employees in territory i (of all the productive sectors);

L is the total number of employees in the territory taken as a reference (that is, the number of employees in all sectors in the region, which serves as reference).

Specialization will be verified when the specialization index in both cases is greater than 1, as this would indicate that, in terms of both firms and employment, the LAG territory considered presents a degree of specialization higher than the upper reference territory (in this case, region). This step must also verify, as Hernández, Fontrodona, and Pezzi [83] maintain, that the LPS has an important influence at the regional and/or sectoral level. These authors propose that the relative weight of the productive branch in the LPS should be greater than 15% of the productive branch in the reference space (region), or what is the same, that the production of the main productive branch in the LAG territory represents more than 15% of the total of the same productive branch at the regional level. The relative importance of the LPS would also be verified if it represents more than 0.1% of the set of productive activities in the region under study. Both seem adequate to us, so we endorse them.

To correct the limitations presented by any methodology relative to the specialization index, two criteria enunciated by Laine are proposed [81].

*Criterion Number of employees.* This criterion is complementary to the previous one, since it serves to verify the productive specialization of the territory through the active population. In addition, following Giner, Santa María, and Fuster [65], and taking again their more restrictive criterion, we consider that a LAG contains an LPS if it has at least 200 employees directly dedicated to a specific branch of activity, in which the territory would be specialized.

*Criterion Business density.* This criterion tries to verify the presence of a high geographic concentration of businesses that are dedicated to the production of the same product or to the same branch of activity in the analyzed LAG territory. For this to be verified, the number of firms dedicated to the same productive activity per km<sup>2</sup> in the LAG territory under consideration must be higher than the average of the same indicator in the geographical area chosen to establish the comparison (the region or autonomous community, preferably, in this case).

Finally, following Hernandez, Fontrodona and Pezzi [83], the existence in the LPS of social capital is desirable for a better result, ensuring for it, for instance, business cooperation. Such a factor has a positive impact on competent performance of firms at the international level, and it can be verified with the following two criteria.

*Criterion Internationalization.* One of the main characteristics of LPSs is that they provide a competitive advantage that allows companies, even if they are small, to compete in the international market. That is why the acceptance of this criterion requires the verification of the existence of companies belonging to the agglomeration that compete in the international market, that is, that export all or part of their production.

*Criterion Business cooperation.* Another characteristic that the theory of industrial districts assumes is the existence of business cooperation between the companies that make up the agglomeration, in such a way that the existence of business cooperation must be a sine qua non condition to identify an LPS. The measurement of business cooperation can be verified formally and informally, although we understand that a simple way to do it is verifying the existence of agreements between companies or the participation of some of them in the capital of others.

In short, this methodology allows us to identify business agglomerations of a local or regional nature with contrasting importance in terms of employees, number of companies and income generated, and with a significant influence at the LAGlevel and a high level of business cooperation and presence in international markets.

As the intention is to enable the construction of local development strategies covered by the rural development strategy at the European level, it is necessary to understand at what stage of its life cycle the agglomeration is, that is, whether it is in an incipient development stage or in a mature or decline stage. This is important because the actions to be implemented in each case are different due to what the LPS and the companies inside it really need from an institutional point of view [106–113]. In this sense, to identify this we will use the methodology described by Branco and Lopes [106], and Rangel [113], which uses the indicators of employees, number of companies, and income generated to catalogue each of the agglomerations previously detected.

#### **5. Result for the Extremadura Case**

The local sources available for deriving the indicators that we have been describing are difficult to find. As such, we use the database built by Rangel [26], which is described in the following table.

The use of this methodology shows us up to 22 productive specializations in Extremadura with a root at the local or regional level, considering their relative importance in terms of number of companies, employment, and level of generated income. These 22 LPSs are located in 13 LAG territories, which implies that there is polyspecialization in some of them. Mostly, we find that the LPSs that start from an advantage in agriculture and livestock (rural districts) are very relevant, as reflected in Table 5.


**Table 5.**Rural districts (LPS) in Extremadura.

1 Percentage of the total revenue generated by LPS in the Extremadura sector to which the specialization belongs. 2 Percentage of total revenue generated by LPS in the total Extremadura economy. Source: Own elaboration.

Finally, we present the life cycle status results for each of the LPSs, represented in Table 6. This analysis is based on the parent trend by income, employment and business indicators from 1993 to 2018.

**Table 6.** Life cycle of Extremaduran rural districts.


Source: Own elaboration.

In our study, the intention is not to analyze the impact of the LEADER program through the LAG territories, because this fact is already perfectly well described in the research developed by Nieto and Cárdenas for the case of Extremadura [3–5,114–116]; nor is our intention to define the location of Extremadura's industry [117], but it is instead to check whether the methodology described allows us to identify and detect productive specializations and business agglomerations at the local or regional level whose economic influence is significant at the LAG level, so that this specialization can be enhanced in the rural development strategy.

In the Extremadura case, unlike regions with high business-density, we find that the business agglomerations and productive specializations that have been detected have a moderate level of employment and generated income, as shown in Table 5. However, some cases, particularly those with a special link to agri-industry, have a clear growing trend. In them, taking into account economic theory, it can be understood that they have a certain competitive advantage that favors companies and projects linked to productive specialization. Following the Italian example described by Toccaceli [118], these territories considered to be rural districts fit into policies developed through LEADER projects (LAG) or in the Common Agricultural Policy.

#### **6. Discussion and Conclusions**

The local productive systems identified in Extremadura by the methodology proposed in this paper are characterized by their modest contribution to the regional level in terms of employment and number of firms, this being much lower than the contribution evidenced by the industrial districts identified in other studies at the national level [15,75,76,78]. In this sense, what is verified is that these agglomerations have a great impact in terms of income and employment when the analytical and comparative territorial framework is local, and even regional [33], as evidenced, for example, in the business agglomeration

dedicated to the cork manufacturing found in the Sierra de San Pedro-Los Baldíos, located in the west of the Extremadura region. Its importance has led to the fact that, facing the decline stage of the agglomeration, all the agents that comprise it (employers, workers, institutions, research units, etc.) have worked in unison to reverse the situation [119], in what can be classified as an effect of the social capital that the agglomeration possesses.

Among the productive specializations that have been identified for Extremadura, we find a common nexus, namely, they are all based on the possession and use of natural resources, which gives the territory a uniqueness in the form of a comparative advantage that can be used in international trade. We observe this fact in other similar studies carried out at the national and international levels, and in particular in studies carried out in regions such as Andalusia [21] or Castilla-La Mancha [120], where the same phenomenon happens. Even in Italy, a paradigm of the economic literature on agglomeration economies, we already refer to agri-food industrial districts or rural districts [118], and there is also a similar pattern that links business agglomeration with the exploitation of endogenous natural resources, especially in regions with a high incidence of rural areas, such as Sardinia [121].

Another aspect that should be highlighted from the results obtained is the verification of polyspecialization in several of the Extremadura territories. Indeed, the existence of more than one productive specialization has been found in several Extremadura regions, which has positive effects on their economic development, perfectly described by Ruíz [122], as observed in the greater dynamism that regions such as Vegas Altas del Guadiana (one of those in which polyspecialization has been more clearly evidenced) present [12].

In line with the foregoing, empirical evidence shows that the agglomeration industry when organized in the form of agglomeration obtains better results in competitive terms than when it is achieved in a dispersed (non-agglomerated) way [123]. In this sense, we find that the agglomeration of activity identified in Extremadura around a product or branch of activity permits a capacity for the integration of the value chain, ranging from primary activities to wholesale trade, and in some cases passing for the complete transformation of the products. This fact, which can be presented as a common behavior pattern in border regions [124], invites us to think that the clusters detected exhibit the behavior described by industrial ecosystems, in accordance with green and circular economy policies.

All of the above contributes to the design of a bottom-up development strategy for Extremadura, since the methodology allows for locating local productive systems in rural areas with a significant influence on employment, number of firms and income generated at the local and regional level (or in the territories of influence of the local action group), based on the unique production and resource endowment that some Extremadura territories have, and with the possibility of developing primary, secondary and even tertiary branch activities around these products or resources. In short, transforming natural resources into value-added products makes possible the development of services linked to these productive specializations, in particular of a touristic nature, a fact that would lead to a full use of LEADER development strategies, which have been put into practice in Extremadura as regards rural tourism as well [125].

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, J.F.R.-P., F.M.P.-M. and E.C.-H.; methodology, J.F.R.-P. and F.M.P.-M.; investigation, J.F.R.-P., F.M.P.-M., E.C.-H. and F.J.C.-Á.; writing—original draft preparation, J.F.R.-P. and F.M.P.-M.; writing—review and editing, J.F.R.-P., F.M.P.-M., E.C.-H. and F.J.C.-Á. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** Funding granted by the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) and by the Junta de Extremadura to the GEHE and DESOSTE research groups through the aid with references GR18140 and GR18052.

**Acknowledgments:** The dissemination of this work has been possible thanks to the funding granted by the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) and by the Junta de Extremadura to the GEHE and DESOSTE research groups through the aid with references GR18140 and GR18052.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **References**


*Article*

### **Enhancing the Territorial Heritage of Declining Rural Areas in Spain: Towards Integrating Top-Down and Bottom-Up Approaches**

### **Ángel Raúl Ruiz Pulpón \* and María del Carmen Cañizares Ruiz**

Department of Geography and Land Use Planning, University of Castilla-La Mancha, 13071 Ciudad Real, Spain; MCarmen.canizares@uclm.es

**\*** Correspondence: Angelraul.ruiz@uclm.es

Received: 17 June 2020; Accepted: 2 July 2020; Published: 3 July 2020

**Abstract:** The population of a considerable number of rural areas in the interior of Spain is in decline. Faced with this problem, various institutions are launching initiatives to enhance the territorial heritage (natural and cultural) of these areas and, starting with a minimum of economic diversification, help to reverse these depopulation processes and promote local development overall. Two specific initiatives are analysed here: the Almadén Mining Park and the Molina-Alto Tajo District Geopark, both of which are located in central-southern Spain and have been officially recognised by UNESCO as World Heritage Sites. These two examples allow us to demonstrate, as our main objective, the today importance of territorial revival processes that were initiated by institutions (top-down approach) and then backed up by increasing participation by the local communities (bottom-up approach), encouraged by, among other factors, rural development programmes. In this regard, two aspects are important: the need for an interrelationship between the two approaches in terms of collaborative governance, in order to minimise the current processes of depopulation and territorial dislocation; and the use of the potential synergy between the resources in these two districts to ensure the viability of the initiatives and provide visitors with a high-quality experience.

**Keywords:** territorial heritage; rural areas in decline; rural enhancement; top-down approach; bottom-up approach; collaborative governance

#### **1. Introduction**

Territorial cohesion is one of the European Union's current fundamental objectives [1–6]. In addition to the essential social and economic cohesion proposed by the EU since its origins, territorial cohesion was included in the 2007 Lisbon Treaty to call for the balanced and harmonious development of all European territories on the basis of their strengths [1,7,8]. In order to achieve this objective, the European Union recognises that there is a uneven pattern of land occupation, as urban areas, especially the major cities, continue to take in the majority of the population, while a considerable number of rural areas, located in remote places or far from urban centres, are in gradual demographic decline [9,10]. It is evident that better-endowed rural areas with good communications that are within the area of influence of an urban centre have a greater capacity for setting up more balanced territorial development projects, as compared to other areas, in which a declining population hampers territorial cohesion and aggravates the social, economic and territorial problems that they have been experiencing for decades. These problems include the risks of poverty and social exclusion, difficulties with preserving their natural and cultural heritage and a limited response to the impact of globalisation, climate change and other environmental risks [11–14]. An essential role in the ability to adapt to each of these challenges is played by the demographic issue and, in particular, the processes of ageing and

rural depopulation, which, according to the European Territorial Agenda 2020, constitute one of the main challenges in the immediate future of territorial cohesion [14] (p. 6). Although the ageing of society is a reality found in all geographical contexts, in rural areas it is interpreted as being a direct consequence of the large-scale migration from the countryside to the city that has occurred in recent decades. Rural depopulation is, therefore, limited to the areas that have been suffering from this rural exodus, one of the main factors behind social and spatial change in rural areas today, in addition to the phenomenon of counter-urbanisation and intra-European migration [15].

#### *1.1. Demographic Problems in Rural Europe*

Europe's regional development policy, which is embodied in a variety of community initiatives, including Interreg and LEADER, and also implemented through successive territorial agendas (European Territorial Strategy 1999, the 2008 Green Paper on Territorial Cohesion, and the recent Territorial Agenda of the European Union 2020), emphasises the strengthening of inter-territorial and social cooperation to promote the competitiveness of the territories and, as a result, reverse the trend towards depopulation. While such policies are based on a very firm diagnosis of territorial imbalances in general, they are not, strictly speaking, policies aimed at reversing depopulation [16]. In the case of LEADER, its main objectives are to improve the quality of life in rural areas through economic diversification, the participation of local stakeholders, inter-territorial cooperation, the redistribution of financial resources and the enhancement of endogenous heritage, in order to contribute to stabilising the population [17,18]. The absence of specific policies to counter depopulation is one of the reasons several institutions, such as the European Committee of the Regions, the Demographic Change Regions Network and the Northern Sparsely Populated Areas network, have been insisting on prioritising the problem of depopulation in European regional policy and, more specifically, on taking it into consideration when allocating structural funds for the next financial period, 2021–2027 [18]. This concern has resulted in recent debates in the European Parliament, where it was accepted that each member state of the union should receive 5% of these funds for areas with a demographic crisis. In principle, the northern regions of Europe start from a more than favourable situation for benefiting from such initiatives, although it should be clarified that they have not suffered as rapid a population loss as the southern and eastern regions of Europe [10].

For example, in Spain, rural depopulation has been particularly important since the second half of the 20th century. The population living in rural municipalities has shrunk by almost five million people since 1950, from 40.3% of the total population in that year, to only 12.1% of the total in 2018, according to official population censuses. This rural exodus is related to the demand for urban employment, which accelerated during the dictatorship of General Franco (1939–1975) as a result of the Stabilisation Plan (1959) [19], and coincided in time with a lack of job opportunities in rural areas, an increasing shift to a service-based economy and growing mechanisation of agricultural tasks [20,21]. From the spatial point of view, the process resulted in the emptying out of the interior of Spain and a dense population around the periphery and in the main metropolitan centres [21]. This ongoing emptying out of rural areas simply corroborates two facts: firstly, widespread neglect of the demographic problems of rural areas, a situation similar to that experienced in other European countries [22] (p. 355) [23]; and, secondly, confirmation of the fact that Spanish regional policy has not implemented measures to promote true spatial planning to correct these imbalances, nor has it been able to adapt to the changes and increasing complexity of the rural environment resulting from the effects of globalisation [24] (p. 278).

#### *1.2. The Enhancement of Territorial Heritage, Top-Down and Bottom-Up Approaches and Collaborative Governance*

The problem of depopulation that we have just described represents one of the demographic challenges with the greatest social and political significance in Spain today. In fact, the Government Commission for the Demographic Challenge and the Ministry for the Ecological Transition and the Demographic Challenge were created in 2017 to specifically address these processes. Both bodies are working to amass a set of proposals, measures and actions that will balance the population pyramid, in collaboration with other institutions, such as the Autonomous Regions and the Spanish Federation of Municipalities and Provinces (SFMP). In general, the provision of basic services, access to the digital society, job creation, improved accessibility and economic diversification are some of the basic aspects on which decision making will focus in the immediate future [25–27].

Many of these initiatives have a strong territorial component, which is why they are also shared by the European Territorial Agenda 2020, so as not only to promote territorial balance but also to ensure the overall competitiveness of the regions [14]. In this task, the enhancement of cultural and natural heritage is a strategic factor in the global–local dialectic. At the local level, it can serve as a catalyst for economic diversification and, as a result, improve accessibility and service infrastructure. At the global level, it can, in relation to the Territorial Agenda, reduce vulnerability to external forces by protecting and improving all its assets, especially in vulnerable territories [14], thereby playing an essential role in maintaining the population of rural areas. This role has also been reflected in the importance that European rural development policy has attached to heritage resources. Currently, of the six priorities for rural development policy set out for the financial period 2014–2020, the measures dedicated to fostering the enhancement of heritage occupy a very significant place in Priority 6 (social inclusion and economic development) and, specifically, in intervention 6B (promoting local development in rural areas). In fact, according to the reports published by the *European Network for Rural Development*, there have been more than 9600 initiatives dedicated to natural and cultural heritage throughout the period [28].

When we talk about natural and cultural heritage, we are referring, overall, to territorial heritage as a concept that clearly groups together the set of resources that have value (as legacy or heritage) in a given territory and can serve, when properly valued, as an instrument for socio-economic revitalisation and dynamism, especially in disadvantaged areas. We start from the leading role that the territory, and its landscapes, acquired at the turn of the century as "a strategic element of the highest order to guarantee adequate levels of development and quality of life for citizens" [29] (p. 43), for which the European Union calls for "intelligent management" [8]. In the new cultural attitude towards territory, the consideration of heritage as a "non-renewable, essential and limited asset" and a "complex and fragile reality" that "contains ecological, cultural and heritage values that cannot be reduced to the price of the land" [30] is key to understanding its role in development strategies. In turn, we view the expansion of the concept of heritage [31] (pp. 1730–1731) from a partial concern for protecting elements recognised as belonging to this category, especially material and architectural elements, to a more overarching view that encompasses elements of intangible culture, such as traditions and ways of life, along with landscapes, historical sites, sites and built environments, biodiversity, groups of diverse objects, past and present traditions, and vital knowledge and experiences [32].

From this premise of understanding territory as heritage, territorial heritage addresses not only the built object but also the "construction of the space" [33] (p. 33) and a new paradigm is formed as it becomes a complex cultural asset whose value lies in its material and intangible attributes (vectors through which heritage status can be gained), around which institutional and/or social identification operates. This recognition of the heritage value of a territory has been increasing in rural areas with the continual attention that has been paid to agricultural heritage, following H. Capel [34] (pp. 73–74), which we will analyse here from the bottom-up perspective, referring to the value given to it by the local population, and top-down, the value attributed to it by institutions, in a process of gaining heritage status in two ways or collaborative governance [35].

All this has a direct connection with territorial identity, since heritage, especially cultural heritage [36], is a cornerstone of local, regional, national and European identity. Its appreciation and protection are essential for sustainability, as they will ensure the preservation of European values for future generations and the continuity of traditions and knowledge. The role played by local communities in preserving this legacy must also not be forgotten. European rural development initiatives, and, more specifically, Links Between Actions for the Development of the Rural Economy (LEADER) have contributed decisively to this objective. Since its launch in 1991, LEADER has proposed

a rural development model in which the revival of indigenous territorial resources has played a key role. This reappraisal was made possible thanks to a new rural governance model based on the participation of all the local stakeholders in a district, which makes it possible to speak of a real democratisation of decision making [37–40]. The fact that a territorial strategy is designed in the interests of the local community allows us to demonstrate the importance of the bottom-up approach as the main sign of identity in the LEADER approach, along with other important aspects, such as participation, a territorial approach as the basis for an endogenous development model, multi-level cooperation and networking [16,41].

The appropriateness of the bottom-up approach to the design of development strategies in depressed areas is reflected in numerous published studies. In general, the advantages of this methodology are discussed over top-down approaches, which mostly correspond to decisions made by national and regional governments. The lack of knowledge regarding the territorial reality, the mismatch between the measures planned and the actual interests of the local community, the assessment of the success of these initiatives in terms of efficiency at the national or regional level, with no direct benefit to local communities [42,43], and other issues relating to the lack of participation by and cooperation between the social and economic agents are deficiencies that the bottom-up approach has tried to overcome [38], [41] (p. 313), [42,44,45], [46] (p. 108). In short, the LEADER methodology favours development strategies based on the local population playing a leading role, as it is best placed to understand its own territory and resources and their potential for development.

Other studies point to the possibilities for cooperation between the two perspectives (top-down and bottom-up), within neo-endogenous reflections that emphasise participation at all possible levels, both from the administrative and the territorial point of view [47,48]. It is evident that, with this approach, local and institutional stakeholders are connected by multiple forms of collaboration, with an emphasis on the fulfilment of common objectives or respect for a single regulatory and administrative framework, above all others. As a result, we find ourselves in a situation where the distinction between bottom-up and top-down approaches would be merely illusory [49] (p. 91). An example of these connections is the implementation of European rural development policies, the objectives of which are shared by a number of interconnected decision-making areas and are subject to the same regulatory framework. The inclusion of local development strategies within regional or national rural development programmes would determine the greatest likelihood of success for the measures proposed [41].

The interaction between top-down and bottom-up working methods is the main feature of so-called collaborative governance, the study of which has had a broad theoretical and practical influence in recent years. Its relevance has been analysed in studies on rural tourism [50,51], rural areas in general [52], mountainous regions [53] and studies in the field of public management [54]. These investigations value strengthening the interactions between the public stakeholders, who stand at the peak of the top-down approach, and the private stakeholders, who, in the case of the countryside, would make up the essential local partnership required to promote the development of their districts from below. Collaboration between institutional and social stakeholders at different decision-making levels, but with common objectives, would strengthen the trust between the two, improve decision making, be very effective in resolving potential conflicts and become an appropriate working methodology for intervening in depressed areas or those with structural deficits [50,53]. In these areas, the top-down approach would be responsible for the design of appropriate policy frameworks, advocate the integration of sectoral policies involving the territory and coordinate initiatives based on cooperation with other national and international networks working along the same strategic lines of development. The bottom-up approach would, at the same time, focus on strengthening the structure of local governance and carrying out the relevant territorial diagnoses to shape the strategies mentioned above, a task in which local action groups would be the main protagonists.

Under these premises, based on collaborative governance, we present two initiatives in declining rural areas of Spain in which collaboration of various kinds was essential. Here, the collaborative governance stems, initially, from different institutions of an international, national or regional character, that is, from the "top down", which created heritage enhancement initiatives of some importance. At the same time, these initiatives are being used by local or district associations to promote their own development strategy in the territory, from the "bottom up". Our starting hypothesis is, therefore, that in the consolidation of these initiatives there is a two-speed process of collaborative governance: first institutional, and then local. We will analyse what happened at the *Almaden Mining Park*, which is listed as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO under the title "Mercury Heritage: Almadén and Idrija" and in the *Molina-Alto Tajo District Geopark*, which belongs to the UNESCO Geopark Network, both located in the Autonomous Region of Castilla-La Mancha, which borders on the region of Madrid and, therefore, the country's capital. The choice of these territories is based, therefore, on their representativeness as areas in rural decline with an important recognized heritage. The objective centres around the importance today of territorial revival processes that are initiated by institutions (top-down approach) and then endorsed by increasing participation by local communities (bottom-up approach). In this regard, two aspects are important: the first is theoretical, based on the need for an interrelation between the two approaches in terms of collaborative governance, in order to minimise the current processes of depopulation and territorial dislocation; the second is applied, focusing on the characterisation of each initiative and on using the synergy of the resources that exist in the territory to ensure the viability of these initiatives and provide visitors with a high-quality experience. The results are, therefore, presented for two districts that are depressed in both demographic and socio-economic terms, with synergies from heritage resources for offering a combined package (rural, nature and/or cultural tourism) and in which the processes of gaining heritage status through collaborative governance are contributing to promoting the diversification of their activities.

#### **2. Materials and Methods**

The analysis starts with a necessary literature review of the concepts put forward. We highlight, in Section 1, the importance of natural and cultural heritage in achieving territorial revival and the opportunities that collaborative governance presents for rural development. When we refer to collaborative governance, we believe it is necessary to define the concepts of bottom up and top down. The bibliographical references on this topic are very extensive, although, in selecting them, priority has been given to those that reflect on the growing interconnection between the public and private stakeholders involved in rural development processes, both endogenous and exogenous. In discussing territorial heritage, we consider as indispensable the contributions of several expert Spanish geographers, such as N. Ortega Valcárcel [33], Rocío Silva and Víctor Fernández Salinas [55], together with documents such as the *Manifesto for a "New Cultural Territory"* (2006) and its *Addendum* (2018), because of the importance of taking a heritage approach to a territory and its landscapes, as well as the volume *The Heritage Landscapes of Spain* [56].

This initial phase of the research, as mentioned in the introduction to this paper, serves to contextualise the study of two initiatives located in rural areas that exemplify, to a large extent, the relationships raised. The discussion is structured on two levels: the first deals with the recognition process for these initiatives (Almadén Mining Park and Molina-Alto Tajo District Geopark), highlighting the role played by public stakeholders based on administrative opinions that were the starting point for the process of territorial enhancement and, as a result, led to the recognition of the two parks as World Heritage sites by UNESCO. Next, we analyse the main synergies of the territorial resources existing in each area that, in short, shape the wealth and uniqueness of their heritage, making them unique examples on a global scale, in addition to strengthening their viability.

On the second level, the extent to which the local communities have adapted to these processes is studied. The reference areas will be both the associations of municipalities that are managing the LEADER community initiative through their respective Local Action Groups (LAG): the *Association for the Development of the Almadén Montesur District*, in the case of the Mining Park; and the *Molina de Aragón-Alto Tajo Rural Development Association* in the case of the Geopark; the activities generated within the management bodies for each of them; and also the assistance of other local associations that are reappraising certain resources on a regional scale. The level of cooperation between the bottom-up and top-down approaches established in the two districts is assessed through two essential tasks. The first is an analysis of the territorial strategies employed by each group, in order to see the extent to which the initiatives have been included in the local development process. The second is based on the information obtained from four semi-structured interviews with the managers of the Local Action Groups and the managers of the heritage enhancement initiatives (Mining Park and Geopark). The design of the interview was based on the theoretical principles of collaborative governance, with the aim of discovering the degree of cooperation between the levels. The questions referred to the degree of inter-administrative coordination, the steps taken to strengthen participation, the benefits to the territory and the local population, the contribution made by both actions to consolidating a territorial identity, an assessment of the opportunities that are open to each district within the current context of globalisation and the crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, and the main weaknesses identified throughout the process.

The results of these interviews, together with an assessment of the entire process implemented under the top-down approach, will allow us to assess, in the discussion section, the degree of consolidation between these forms of collaborative governance, their direct impact on the development of the territories selected and the viability of the two initiatives based on the use of the rest of the existing territorial resources in each district.

#### **3. Results**

The results of the research centre around an analysis of two case studies located in two districts in the interior of Spain, both within the Autonomous Region of Castilla-La Mancha (Figure 1). In both locations, the processes of applying for heritage status from an institution, in this case UNESCO, together with local initiatives through the LEADER rural development programmes, made it possible to implement highly worthwhile actions leading to their socio-economic revival, given that these are rural areas in decline. We mentioned that the first case study is the *Almaden Mining Park*, listed as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO under the title "Mercury Heritage: Almadén and Idrija". The park is located in the geographical district of the Sierra Morena and Valle de Alcudia, in the municipality of Almadén (Ciudad Real), in south-western Castilla-La Mancha. The second is the *Molina-Alto Tajo District Geopark*, which forms part of the network of UNESCO Geoparks and is located in the high moorland region surrounding Molina de Aragon (Guadalajara), in north-eastern Castilla-La Mancha. *Land* **2020**, *9*, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 25

**Figure 1.** Location of the case studies. Created by the authors. **Figure 1.** Location of the case studies. Created by the authors.

(ITI), making it possible to receive both regional government funds and European structural and investment funds (ESIF). The objective of the strategy is to promote activities in particularly depressed areas and to move towards the socio-demographic recovery of areas classified as requiring ITI, using three vectors: digital connectivity, the promotion of economic activity and the sustainable

use of the resources available in these areas [59].

Puertollano), which also cross this area in a north–south direction.

3.1.1. The Process for Gaining Heritage Status for the Almadén Mining Park

*3.1. The Almadén Mining Park (Ciudad Real)* 

The subsequent *Strategy for the Development of Areas with Depopulation and Socio-Economic Decline* 

The Almadén Mining Park, which includes the former Almadén Cinnabar-Mercury Mines, is located in the *Sierra Morena and Valle de Alcudia*, a geographical district in south-western Castilla-La Mancha. Important local towns include Puertollano and Almadén (pop. 5312 in 2019). The area is composed of small, semi-rural population centres (Almodóvar del Campo, Argamasilla de Calatrava, Almadén, etc.) and, above all, small villages (Cabezarados, Mestanza, Solana del Pino, etc.). It has a very low population density and its socio-economic base, despite a shift towards the service sector, remains largely linked to the rural environment. Around 33% of population are over 65 years old and only 6% have higher education. All the region decreases population since 2001. Its main city, Almadén, goes from 6975 inhabitants to 5312 in 2019. Its level of development is far from that of some nearby urban centres like Ciudad Real (pop. 74,746), the provincial capital and, above all, Puertollano (pop. 47,035), the main town in the Functional Urban Region that has been defined for this area [60] (pp. 269–270) and acts as a service provider. The communication routes are arranged around a central axis, the N-420 road that crosses the region from north to south, and numerous ancillary regional and local roads. In addition, there are the conventional railway line (Madrid-Badajoz with stations in Puertollano and Brazatortas) and the high-speed line (the Madrid-Seville AVE with a station in

The process for gaining institutional recognition for its heritage status began by recognising the value of one of the most important mines in the world. It is more than 2500 years old and one-third of the cinnabar mined around the world has been extracted from this mine [61]. The mines in Almadén and also those in Almadenejos, which started in pre-Roman times, were important during

These are two areas that the Castilla-La Mancha regional government had already included in 2008 in the *Strategic Plan for the Sustainable Development of Rural Areas in Castilla-La Mancha*, in which a large number of the municipalities in both districts were categorised as "Rural Areas to be Revitalised". These areas are characterised by "low population density, a high reliance on agricultural activity, and significant geographical isolation or with limited territorial cohesion" [57] (p. 46), aspects that they all share, along with depopulation, the absence of urban settlements and an ageing population. These limitations were, to a large extent, addressed by rural development programmes that diversified their economies, as far as possible, and profited from the endogenous resources linked with their territorial heritage, which gives them a certain individuality as compared to other areas. These resources must be understood as forming "a whole unit" [58] (p. 72), related with the landscape and closely linked to the identity of the people who inhabit them and must survive in it.

The subsequent *Strategy for the Development of Areas with Depopulation and Socio-Economic Decline in Castilla-La Mancha (2014–2020)* includes a number of municipalities in both districts in the five geographic areas with specific developmental needs that require integrated territorial investments (ITI), making it possible to receive both regional government funds and European structural and investment funds (ESIF). The objective of the strategy is to promote activities in particularly depressed areas and to move towards the socio-demographic recovery of areas classified as requiring ITI, using three vectors: digital connectivity, the promotion of economic activity and the sustainable use of the resources available in these areas [59].

### *3.1. The Almadén Mining Park (Ciudad Real)*

The Almadén Mining Park, which includes the former Almadén Cinnabar-Mercury Mines, is located in the *Sierra Morena and Valle de Alcudia*, a geographical district in south-western Castilla-La Mancha. Important local towns include Puertollano and Almadén (pop. 5312 in 2019). The area is composed of small, semi-rural population centres (Almodóvar del Campo, Argamasilla de Calatrava, Almadén, etc.) and, above all, small villages (Cabezarados, Mestanza, Solana del Pino, etc.). It has a very low population density and its socio-economic base, despite a shift towards the service sector, remains largely linked to the rural environment. Around 33% of population are over 65 years old and only 6% have higher education. All the region decreases population since 2001. Its main city, Almadén, goes from 6975 inhabitants to 5312 in 2019. Its level of development is far from that of some nearby urban centres like Ciudad Real (pop. 74,746), the provincial capital and, above all, Puertollano (pop. 47,035), the main town in the Functional Urban Region that has been defined for this area [60] (pp. 269–270) and acts as a service provider. The communication routes are arranged around a central axis, the N-420 road that crosses the region from north to south, and numerous ancillary regional and local roads. In addition, there are the conventional railway line (Madrid-Badajoz with stations in Puertollano and Brazatortas) and the high-speed line (the Madrid-Seville AVE with a station in Puertollano), which also cross this area in a north–south direction.

#### 3.1.1. The Process for Gaining Heritage Status for the Almadén Mining Park

The process for gaining institutional recognition for its heritage status began by recognising the value of one of the most important mines in the world. It is more than 2500 years old and one-third of the cinnabar mined around the world has been extracted from this mine [61]. The mines in Almadén and also those in Almadenejos, which started in pre-Roman times, were important during Roman times due to the use of vermilion (extracted from cinnabar) as a dye and under Arab rule, when mercury metallurgy began. The mines experienced their greatest boom following the discovery of America, as mercury was used to amalgamate the silver and gold from the New World. They were also active later on, in the 20th century, supplying the mercury used in thermometers and in the chemical industry. Later, the introduction of the European Mercury Strategy forced the closure of this type of mining owing to environmental issues. The end of activities at the beginning of this century marks the beginning of measures to enhance the mine's material (buildings, furnaces, galleries, etc.) and intangible (mining

culture) heritage, to help in regional development and alleviate the low socio-economic attractiveness of a highly rural area with a low population density, where a variety of Rural Development Programmes have been implemented over the 1990s.

The creation of the Almadén Polytechnic University School Geological Mining Group in 1984 is the first major benchmark in the protection of this type of heritage, together with the creation of the Francisco Pablo Holgado Historical Mining Museum (1989) and the Royal Forced Labour Prison Interpretation Centre (1995). In fact, the involvement of the University of Castilla-La Mancha was important in inventorying the elements with heritage value (Ecotourism in the Valle de Alcudia Strategic Planning Project-Futures Programme, Mining-Industrial Route in Ciudad Real province). In addition, a private initiative organised through the Almadén District Tourism Society (1995) began to promote tourism in the area. However, the action that finally raised the local people's collective awareness and pushed them to defend something that had, until then, gone almost unnoticed was the Manifesto for the Rehabilitation of the Historical-Mining Heritage of the Almadén District, published by the Spanish Society for the Defence of Geological and Mining Heritage (SEDPHM) in 1996 [62] (pp. 14–17). This was joined by the Association for the Defence of the Historical Heritage in Almadén (1998), the first PRODER Rural Development Programme (1998), now superseded by the LEADER programme, and, shortly after, the formation of the Almadén Round Table (2002), in which all government bodies (local, provincial, regional and national), trade unions, employers and the regional university participated.

The mining complex was added to the *National Industrial Heritage Plan* in 2002, under the Spanish Historical Heritage Institute (now the Spanish Cultural Heritage Institute, Ministry of Culture and Sport), with a philosophy that can be summarised as the need for the protection, conservation and social projection of this heritage. The plan was a fundamental statement of the need to understand and document a key period in our history and establish the basis for its conservation, due to its rapid transformation and deterioration. This is how the state, through this agency, and the company that owns the mine (Mayasa) became involved in implementing the first tools to plan for and prepare the mine for tourist visits, through the drawing up of a *Master Plan*, which was commissioned from the company Quality System and presented in 2003. It was fundamental for shaping the future Mining Park and restoring some of its most important elements [63] (pp. 359–360) in the period 2004–2007, with funding of EUR 10 million. Sometime later, the Almadén Mining Complex (Ciudad Real) was included as one of the *49 elements selected* by the National Plan, as one of the assets related to industrial activity in Spain. It was declared an Asset of Cultural Interest in 2008, and since 2011 the Almadén mining landscape has also formed part of the travelling exhibition *100 Elements of Spanish Industrial Heritage* promoted by TICCIH-Spain (International Committee for the Conservation of Industrial Heritage) as one of the most important mining complexes in the Castilla-La Mancha region.

The creation of the Mining Park in 2004 (it was officially opened in 2008) sought to offer a high-quality cultural, educational and tourist space. Its main aim was to reverse the decline that set in when the mine was no longer economically viable and to show visitors the mining and metallurgical processes associated with mercury production along routes around the mine. The park exists within the context of initiatives to "reinvent" closed mining basins and includes many elements with great heritage value related to mining activity (which took place in both shafts and opencast pits). These activities were located in a space delimited by the mine walls that served to demarcate the mines, and some of the gates in these walls have been preserved and restored, such as the Charles IV Gate. This initiative allows part of the excavations to be visited and visitors can go down to underground galleries (forced labour gallery, etc.) and enter some of the buildings (former Quicksilver Warehouse, now the Mercury Museum). The tour underground makes it possible to visit a real mine and see a reconstruction of the mining work, as well as a number of points of geological interest. In addition, the tour of the aboveground areas allows visitors to see some items of great technological interest that are still preserved, including the two Alludel or Bustamante furnaces (1720–1928), used to convert the cinnabar ore into mercury (Figure 2), which are an example of the technological exchanges between Spain and

the New World. There is also the 18th-century San Carlos horse mill on the surface and San Andrés horse mill underground, which are masonry structures used to raise the minerals from the mine. exchanges between Spain and the New World. There is also the 18th-century San Carlos horse mill on the surface and San Andrés horse mill underground, which are masonry structures used to raise the minerals from the mine.

convert the cinnabar ore into mercury (Figure 2), which are an example of the technological

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now the Mercury Museum). The tour underground makes it possible to visit a real mine and see a reconstruction of the mining work, as well as a number of points of geological interest. In addition, the tour of the aboveground areas allows visitors to see some items of great technological interest

**Figure 2.** Buildings at the Almadén Mining Park (aludel kilns and Mercury Museum). Source: María del Carmen Cañizares Ruiz **Figure 2.** Buildings at the Almadén Mining Park (aludel kilns and Mercury Museum). Source: María del Carmen Cañizares Ruiz.

However, the most important initiative to publicise and introduce the site to cultural tourism circuits was linked to the recognition of its "outstanding universal value" as a site that should be protected for the benefit of humanity when it was registered, on 6 July 2012, on UNESCO's World Heritage List under the title *Mercury Heritage: Almadén and Idrija*, after two unsuccessful attempts. This registration includes two of the world's largest mercury holdings that provide a valuable heritage in Europe [63] (p. 360). It is particularly noteworthy that this mineral was mined in a very limited number of mines, of which the two largest were Almadén (Spain) and Idrija (Slovenia), where the activity took on an international, strategic dimension and where the exchanges were both economic, financial and related to technical knowledge (Criterion ii); and that both mines constitute However, the most important initiative to publicise and introduce the site to cultural tourism circuits was linked to the recognition of its "outstanding universal value" as a site that should be protected for the benefit of humanity when it was registered, on 6 July 2012, on UNESCO's World Heritage List under the title *Mercury Heritage: Almadén and Idrija*, after two unsuccessful attempts. This registration includes two of the world's largest mercury holdings that provide a valuable heritage in Europe [63] (p. 360). It is particularly noteworthy that this mineral was mined in a very limited number of mines, of which the two largest were Almadén (Spain) and Idrija (Slovenia), where the activity took on an international, strategic dimension and where the exchanges were both economic, financial and related to technical knowledge (Criterion ii); and that both mines constitute the most important legacy of intensive mercury mining, especially in modern and contemporary times (Criterion iv).

the most important legacy of intensive mercury mining, especially in modern and contemporary times (Criterion iv). In June 2015, after a process of analysis to demonstrate the authenticity of the site and the attractiveness and quality of the experience in regard to the selection criteria, the Almadén Mining Park was also included on the *European Route of Industrial Heritage* (ERIH), as an Anchor Point of In June 2015, after a process of analysis to demonstrate the authenticity of the site and the attractiveness and quality of the experience in regard to the selection criteria, the Almadén Mining Park was also included on the *European Route of Industrial Heritage* (ERIH), as an Anchor Point of exceptional historical importance, offering a high-quality experience to its visitors [64], who have exceeded 170,000 since its opening. In 2019, this route was declared a Council of Europe Cultural Itinerary.

exceptional historical importance, offering a high-quality experience to its visitors [64], who have exceeded 170,000 since its opening. In 2019, this route was declared a Council of Europe Cultural Itinerary. In the town of Almaden, it is also possible to visit the restored Royal San Rafael Miner's Hospital (18th century), Spain's first hospital specialising in mining-related diseases. It houses the Mining Museum, where tools, implements, cartography and mining machinery are exhibited; the Hospital Museum, which recreates the hospital's healthcare functions; and the Historical Mines Archive, In the town of Almaden, it is also possible to visit the restored Royal San Rafael Miner's Hospital (18th century), Spain's first hospital specialising in mining-related diseases. It houses the Mining Museum, where tools, implements, cartography and mining machinery are exhibited; the Hospital Museum, which recreates the hospital's healthcare functions; and the Historical Mines Archive, which holds important documentation from the company Minas de Almadén and Arrayanes (Mayasa), which owns the mines. Here, we can also find Spain's first Academy of Mines (1777) and one of the oldest bullrings in Spain (1752) with a hexagonal shape whose origin was related with the mines.

(Mayasa), which owns the mines. Here, we can also find Spain's first Academy of Mines (1777) and 3.1.2. Synergy of Land Resources around the Almadén Mining Park

The geographical district in which the Mining Park is situated, the Sierra Morena and Valle de Alcudia (Ciudad Real), has a great wealth of natural and cultural elements with heritage value. From the viewpoint of the natural environment, its location on the northern slope of the Sierra Morena,

which holds important documentation from the company Minas de Almadén and Arrayanes

on the border with Andalusia, stands out. In relation to cultural aspects, in addition to the mining tradition, there are the remains of a prehistoric settlement and agricultural landscapes.

The main *natural heritage resources* are linked, first of all, with an almost undisturbed territorial environment characterised by the presence of gentle hills and shallow depressions, which are typical of the areas raised by the Hercynian orogeny on the Iberian Peninsula, in the western, mountainous sector of the Castilla-La Mancha region. There are also some interesting volcanic outcrops in the area. Two large natural landscapes can be distinguished: the Alcudia valley with its holm oaks and livestock pastures, and the sierras and mountains of the southern area, where the Almadén area is located. Their identifying signs [65] (pp. 411–412) can be summarised as the presence of Mediterranean hills on a siliceous substrate, a hydrographic network that includes rivers, streams, riverside copses and marshes belonging to the Guadiana basin to the North, and the Guadalquivir basin to the south. It also has a great wealth of fauna, since it constitutes "a European paradise for bird watching" [66] (p. 85), with great potential for ornithological tourism.

A large part of the area is part of the *Network of Protected Areas of Castilla-La Mancha* and the *Natura 2000 network*. Since 2011, the creation of the *Valle de Alcudia and Sierra Madrona Natural Park* has been one of the main resources, given the excellent degree of conservation of its ecosystems and its exceptional importance for the geological heritage, biodiversity and landscape of Castilla-La Mancha. It covers 149,463 hectares, spread over eight municipal districts to the north-east of Almadén. The natural park contains gently eroded Paleozoic mountains and ridges, gorges, ravines, boulder fields and valleys, as well as Mediterranean vegetation that combines holm oaks, cork oaks, gall oaks, Pyrenean oak, juniper and strawberry trees, and an enormous biodiversity of fauna (wolves, Iberian goats, etc.) and especially birds, with more than 160 species [67], including the imperial eagle and black stork. In addition, associated with this great natural wealth we find a number of intangible resources of some importance, such as the "Valle de Alcudia Crane Festival", the third edition of which was held in January 2020. All this makes it possible, today, to maintain a service-based economy associated with rural tourism, eco-tourism, green and nature tourism that contributes to the diversification of the local economies. We can also add two Special Protection Areas for birds (SPAs) and five Special Protection Areas for flora and fauna with mammals, amphibians and reptiles, fish, invertebrates, plants and plant communities of interest, plus four important areas for birds designated by the International Birdlife Programme.

In addition, the main *cultural heritage resources* are linked to the presence of humans in this area, from prehistory to the present, both in the Paleolithic and, mainly, in the Neolithic periods. Numerous examples of schematic cave paintings from the latter period can now be visited that are included in the Mediterranean Arch UNESCO World Heritage Site (sites at La Batanera, Penaescrita, etc.), to which we can add late Bronze Age funerary steles (Alamillo, Almaden, Chillón, etc.). Settlement became more consolidated during the pre-Roman era and especially with Romanisation, when the Alcudia valley, which is rich in minerals, took advantage of its strategic location between Toledo and Cordoba. This is the reason that these *archaeological heritage* resources are complemented by sites such as La Bienvenida, formerly Sisapo, which was the management centre for the Almadén mines in Roman times.

Over the centuries, the activities that have given the area its uniqueness have been agriculture, predominantly sheep herding, because of the wealth of its pastures, and mining, due to the existence of lead, argentiferous galena and coal. For agriculture, its privileged position on the route between Castile and Andalusia during the Middle Ages and part of the modern age, when it was under the rule of the Order of Calatrava, made it into a centre for the herds of La Mesta, the guild of sheep herders, giving it a certain prosperity. This situation would change later on, when the route was diverted in the 18th century through the Despeñaperros gorge, improving communications between the centre and the south of the Peninsula but resulting in its subsequent isolation, which, together with land seizures during the 19th century, reinforced its rural character with the dominant presence of large estates [68] (p. 116). Today, this "district is characterised by the presence of large farms engaged in rain-fed agriculture dedicated mostly to pasture and sheep farming" [69] and hunting estates, forming

a humanised landscape (Figure 3) which currently provides resources associated with the *agricultural heritage* such as pasture and, specifically, with what has been called the "heritage of transhumance" related to livestock routes (drovers' roads, byways, paths, troughs, inns, etc.). engaged in rain-fed agriculture dedicated mostly to pasture and sheep farming" [69] and hunting estates, forming a humanised landscape (Figure 3) which currently provides resources associated with the *agricultural heritage* such as pasture and, specifically, with what has been called the "heritage of transhumance" related to livestock routes (drovers' roads, byways, paths, troughs, inns, etc.).

of large estates [68] (p. 116). Today, this "district is characterised by the presence of large farms

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herders, giving it a certain prosperity. This situation would change later on, when the route was diverted in the 18th century through the Despeñaperros gorge, improving communications between the centre and the south of the Peninsula but resulting in its subsequent isolation, which, together

**Figure 3.** Agricultural landscape in the Valle de Alcudia. **Figure 3.** Agricultural landscape in the Valle de Alcudia. Source: M. A. Serrano de la Cruz.

Source: M. A. Serrano de la Cruz In terms of the resources associated with the area's *mining heritage*, in addition to the Mining Park there are other sites, including Almadenejos with its reconstructed mine wall, as well as the remains of numerous mines dedicated to the extraction of lead and argentiferous galena (a mixture of lead and silver), whose origin dates back to the Roman period (Mina Diógenes, Fundición de Valderrepisa, etc.) and to the 18th and 19th centuries (Minas de Horcajo, etc.), which, for the most In terms of the resources associated with the area's *mining heritage*, in addition to the Mining Park there are other sites, including Almadenejos with its reconstructed mine wall, as well as the remains of numerous mines dedicated to the extraction of lead and argentiferous galena (a mixture of lead and silver), whose origin dates back to the Roman period (Mina Diógenes, Fundición de Valderrepisa, etc.) and to the 18th and 19th centuries (Minas de Horcajo, etc.), which, for the most part, are in a precarious state of conservation; or more recently, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the coal mines around Puertollano where the Mining Museum is located.

part, are in a precarious state of conservation; or more recently, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the coal mines around Puertollano where the Mining Museum is located. To the above we can add outstanding examples of *vernacular, civil and religious architecture*, such as inns (the "Venta de la Inés" mentioned in Don Quixote) and their environs, manor houses and civil buildings (the Academy of Mines in Almadén) and bridges and parish churches (Nuestra Sra. de la Asuncion in Almodóvar del Campo). Finally, in the realm of immaterial resources related with the *ethnographic heritage*, important examples include the Santa Bárbara Mining Festival (Puertollano, Almadén, Hinojosas de Calatrava, Almodóvar del Campo, Cabezarrubias del Puerto and Almadén) and the Virgin of the Mine Festival (Almaden), the San Antón Livestock Festival (Villamayor de Calatrava), the San Isidro, San Antón and San Sebastian agricultural festivals throughout the district, and the feast days (Cabezarrubias del Puerto), along with the Festival of the Relic in San Lorenzo, the running of the bulls in Almodóvar del Campo, and the Carnival in Almadén. The cuisine has a certain variety of cheeses and dishes linked to livestock farming, such as *migas* and *gachas* and dishes of Arab To the above we can add outstanding examples of *vernacular, civil and religious architecture*, such as inns (the "Venta de la Inés" mentioned in Don Quixote) and their environs, manor houses and civil buildings (the Academy of Mines in Almadén) and bridges and parish churches (Nuestra Sra. de la Asuncion in Almodóvar del Campo). Finally, in the realm of immaterial resources related with the *ethnographic heritage*, important examples include the Santa Bárbara Mining Festival (Puertollano, Almadén, Hinojosas de Calatrava, Almodóvar del Campo, Cabezarrubias del Puerto and Almadén) and the Virgin of the Mine Festival (Almaden), the San Antón Livestock Festival (Villamayor de Calatrava), the San Isidro, San Antón and San Sebastian agricultural festivals throughout the district, and the feast days (Cabezarrubias del Puerto), along with the Festival of the Relic in San Lorenzo, the running of the bulls in Almodóvar del Campo, and the Carnival in Almadén. The cuisine has a certain variety of cheeses and dishes linked to livestock farming, such as *migas* and *gachas* and dishes of Arab origin in the area around Almadén (*pisto de alboronía*). The most important handicrafts include forging, carpentry, leather work and horn and wood carving.

#### forging, carpentry, leather work and horn and wood carving. 3.1.3. The Mining Park and the Revival of Local Development

3.1.3. The Mining Park and the Revival of Local Development We have now had the opportunity to see how the mining complex at Almadén represents a key reference point in the identity of the district due to its historical, economic and social implications. The announcement of the closure of the mines and the socio-economic decline of many of the municipalities in the district led a number of social agents to decide to collaborate to create the Mining We have now had the opportunity to see how the mining complex at Almadén represents a key reference point in the identity of the district due to its historical, economic and social implications. The announcement of the closure of the mines and the socio-economic decline of many of the municipalities in the district led a number of social agents to decide to collaborate to create the Mining Park, as we have explained above. This was a clear example of collaborative governance between institutions, private initiative and the local population.

origin in the area around Almadén (*pisto de alboronía*). The most important handicrafts include

One of the associations created to promote the development of the district under the auspices of the rural development programmes was the *Association for the Development of the Almadén Montesur District* [70]. It was formed in 1996 and two years later it began to manage an Operational Programme for Rural Development (PRODER) and, since 2007, the EU's LEADER initiative, currently LEADER Axis 19 (2014-2020). The association includes eight municipalities with a population of just over 11,000 inhabitants, with an average density of 10.02 inhabitants/Km<sup>2</sup> . Although the Participative Territorial Strategy of the Local Action Group (LAG) points to the decline of mercury mining as the most important event in the district, the recognition of the park as a World Heritage Site was a milestone in their planning, "marking the future of rural development". This idea is reflected in the existence of a number of initiatives by the mining company, the LAG and the town council intended to promote ecotourism. They include a Heritage and Tourism Round Table, which puts considerable effort into heritage conservation and tourism promotion, a commitment to training industrial heritage and mining guides, support for the establishment of tourism enterprises associated with the Park, and the use of the district's rich resources, including the *Dehesa de Castilseras* natural areas belonging to Mayasa, where the 2nd Trail and MTB race (a race combining running and cycling) was held.

The interconnections between the different public and private organisations were very beneficial during this period. Currently, there are applications for inclusion in a variety of interregional networks, such as the *Interregional Mineland Project*, which, in collaboration with other local action groups in other Spanish autonomous regions (Aragon and Andalusia), seeks to promote tourism to this type of destination. Interconnection with the regional government is considered a key factor here, as this collaboration requires the appropriate institutional permits. There are also collaborations at the national level, including the group's possible inclusion in the *Integral Quality System for Spanish Tourist Destinations (SIGTED)*, which is a national initiative (Secretariat of State for Tourism) that seeks to improve the quality of tourist destinations through a holistic approach, something that is particularly important in times of crisis like the current one. The fact that this proposal for inclusion in SIGTED was made with the joint collaboration of the LAG, Almaden Town Council and the Mining Park shows the level of local cooperation achieved and the efforts being made to implement measures to improve local tourism through collaborative governance.

On the part of the Park, there is a willingness to continue, as far as possible, pursuing all the pending actions to protect and increase its tourist resources. Funding has been requested for this from the Ministry of Public Works to refurbish the San Carlos horse mill in Almadenejos. Two old buildings are also being refurbished for use by the museum in order to increase the exhibition area dedicated to the miners and the training in printing that their children received at the school for the workers' children. However, the pandemic in 2020 will no doubt jeopardise the future of this initiative, which was already experiencing problems regarding its economic viability. It may take two or three years for the number of tourists visiting to return to that seen in 2019 and it may not bring about economic recovery in the tourism sector—it would simply minimise the losses, as it is difficult for visitors to find accommodation in the area. It is, therefore, considered to be highly necessary to make use of all the resources in the district (natural and cultural) in order to offer a high-quality destination and experience to visitors.

#### *3.2. The Molina-Alto Tajo District Geopark (Guadalajara)*

The Molina-Alto Tajo District Geopark is located in the high moorland areas surrounding Molina de Aragón, which is one of the most attractive natural areas in the interior of the Iberian Peninsula. Historically, the town of Molina de Aragón (pop. 3275 in 2019), in north-eastern Castilla-La Mancha, was the seat of the Lord of Molina-Alto Tajo. This area is characterised by a very low population density, since in just over 4400 km<sup>2</sup> there is a population of some 7000. It is one of the least densely populated areas in Spain, which has led to its being called the "Spanish Siberia" or the "ground zero of European Union depopulation". The town of Molina De Aragon itself does not have the rank of urban nucleus but its function is crucial in organising a territory that acts as a second level dependent area in the Guadalajara functional urban area [60] (p. 265), in an isolated area with altitudes of over 1400 m. Three-quarters of the municipalities contain below 100 inhabitants, and 45% population are over 65 years old. Molina de Aragón, as the main city, continues to absorb the population lost by smallest municipalities, going from 3244 inhabitants to 3275 in 2019. The region's economic base continues

to be mainly linked to rural, forestry and livestock activities, among which rural tourism is gaining weight. It has a level of development far from that offered by the city of Guadalajara (pop. 85,871) and the industrial and service activities of the Henares corridor that connects it with Madrid. Here too, the roads are organised around a central axis, the N-211 road that crosses the area from north-east to south-west, and numerous ancillary regional and district roads. There are no railway lines in the area.

#### 3.2.1. The Process to Gain Heritage Status for the Molina-Alto Tajo District Geopark

The natural wealth of the north-eastern area of the province of Guadalajara, especially in relation to its geology, has been decisive in the process of gaining heritage status that culminated with the creation of the Geopark in 2014. The area is characterised by its rich geological heritage and remarkable geodiversity, including the mountain ranges of the north-eastern Castilla-La Mancha Alpine chains, specifically the mountains that extend through the provinces of Guadalajara and Cuenca, alternating with deep valleys, ravines, canyons, high moorland and high plains. Over many decades, numerous research groups have highlighted the geological value of this territory. This district was even the subject of one of the oldest geological studies, as the monk Joseph Torrubia made a number of palaeontological and mineralogical findings, which he published in his work *Apparatus For Spanish Natural History* (1754), considered to be the first treatise on Spanish palaeontology. A significant part of the area forms part of the *Protected Areas of Castilla-La Mancha Network* and the *Natura 2000* network and there are several Special Protection Areas for birds (SPAs) and Special Protection Areas for flora and fauna. This degree of protection demonstrates the area's geomorphological value (Alto Tajo, the lakes and high moorland around Señorío de Molina, Parameras de Maranchón, Hoz del Mesa and Argoncillo), and biogeographical value (the savin juniper groves around Alustante-Tordesilos), among others. The Sierra de Caldereros has been declared a Natural Monument and Special Protection Areas for flora and fauna.

In 2000, the first step was taken to enhance the local territorial heritage by protecting part of this area; the *Alto Tajo Natural Park* was created in an area stretching across the border between the provinces of Guadalajara and Cuenca. The natural space, now protected, includes the ravines linked to the Tajo river network, as well as its geological and biogeographical resources, with one of the clearest examples of a karst landscape in the interior of the Iberian Peninsula. In addition, its excellent degree of conservation is demonstrated by the presence in its pine forests and riparian forests of birds of prey, small mammals, reptiles, nine classes of amphibians and seven native species of fish [71]. Today, it has become a national benchmark due to the implementation of numerous initiatives relating to geo-conservation, geological heritage inventories and geological outreach under programmes promoting the public use of natural heritage areas. These include the Geo-Routes Project, which began in 2006 with the aim of providing a set of interpretation resources relating to the protected area—namely, nine self-guided geological interpretation routes (with a total of 120 km and 91 stops equipped with boards and panels)—to which two outside the park, in the Valle del Mesa and Sierra de Caldereros, have been added more recently. Other inclusions are a collection of 10 brochures for visiting these routes, an internationally recognised geological guide to the Natural Park, and geological information in the four Interpretation Centres in the Natural Park. The work undertaken by the *Molina District Museum* for more than a decade has been fundamental in popularising disciplines such as palaeontology, mineralogy, archaeology and the natural sciences, with exhibitions, publications, seminars and many other activities (more than 200 in the last 5 years). These include promoting inventories of the palaeontological and archaeological sites in the area and excavations to recover specimens in places threatened with destruction or theft, which are then exhibited in the museum's collection.

To understand the path followed until the creation of the Geopark and, therefore, its universal recognition by UNESCO, it is essential to point out that—as in other areas—the geological heritage on which this initiative focuses can become a fundamental part of the social and economic welfare of its environment. It can also effectively contribute to the sustainable development of the rural environments in which is usually located, as the *Girona Declaration on the Protection of Geological Heritage* [72] shows. However, its recognition is limited and it is not exempt from the difficulties that stem from a lack of awareness regarding the need for conservation and protection by government departments and society, or the problems of finding funding for interpretation centres and/or museums. Even so, in the last two decades, international networks have proliferated that promote their recognition [73] (p. 24). In 2001, under the auspices of UNESCO, the *Global Geoparks Network* (GGN) was established, which began operating in 2004 as a legal, non-profit organisation whose members undertake to work together, exchange ideas for best practices and take part in joint projects to raise the quality standards of products and practices. Ratified in 2014 as part of UNESCO's International Earth Science Programme, it is currently managed in collaboration with the Global Geoparks Network International Association. Initially made up of 17 parks in Europe and two in China, today it groups together 141 UNESCO World Geoparks in 38 countries, whose collaboration and cooperation are crucial [74]. In this context, the *European Geoparks Network* (EGN) was formed in 2011 as "the most important initiative for the conservation and promotion of geological heritage in the European Union" [75]. It began at the turn of the century as an idea for grouping together four areas that shared important geological heritage and a sustainable territorial development strategy linked to the LEADER rural development programme. Today, it includes 74 territories listed as such in 24 countries and aims to offer support to its members on sustainable territorial development. In this context, each Geopark is responsible for a management and action plan describing its operation and activities regarding the identification and assessment of land heritage sites, the validation of items of natural and cultural heritage, geosite protection and geoconservation, heritage interpretation and geotourism infrastructure and activities, environmental education tools, advocacy, support for local businesses, oversight and international relations [76] (p. 114-115). In Spain, the global and European network is represented by the *Spanish Geoparks Forum*, which consists of 12 territories characterised by having a unique geological heritage, their own development strategy, defined boundaries and sufficient geographical area in which to generate their own economic development, taking into account the quality of life of their inhabitants [77].

The Molina-Alto Tajo District Geopark project was proposed in this context to combine the efforts of the abovementioned bodies in a Natural Park and Museum, establishing effective cooperative links through a top-level organisational structure that would allow work to be undertaken in coordination with each other and in cooperation with other government departments and institutions, guaranteeing quality and scientific and social criteria. The official application was prepared by a team made up of representatives from the Guadalajara Provincial Council, Alto Tajo Natural Park (the Castilla-La Mancha regional government's Agriculture Department), the Spanish Geological and Mining Institute (SGMI) and the Molina-Alto Tajo Rural Development Association, all coordinated by the Friends of the Molina Museum Association, the promoter of the Geopark. The Museum and the Natural Park function independently and devote part of their work to meeting, jointly, the objectives relating to geo-conservation, awareness raising and the promotion of tourism that define a Geopark [78]. In fact, we should emphasise that this initiative allows the objectives established for Spanish Geoparks, to "explore, develop and promote the relationships between their geological heritage and all other heritage aspects—whether natural, cultural or intangible—present in the area" [79], to be pursued from a comprehensive viewpoint that we are linking here to territorial heritage.

#### 3.2.2. Synergy between Territorial Resources around the Molina-Alto Tajo District Geopark

The Molina-Alto Tajo District Geopark is located in the Molina (Guadalajara) high moorlands geographical region, which also presents a great wealth of natural and cultural elements with heritage value. Geographically it is located in the foothills of the Iberian System on the border between Castilla-La Mancha and Aragon, while its cultural aspects include a tradition of forestry and agriculture and traces of prehistoric settlements and a number of unusual mining sites, along with important civil and defensive buildings [79].

Its main *natural heritage resources* are linked, first and foremost, with an almost unpopulated and, therefore, mostly unaltered territorial environment in which the *geological heritage resources* include the presence of important stratigraphic series from the Paleozoic (Ordovic and Siluric) and Mesozoic (Triassic, Jurassic and Cretaceous). Significant examples include the lower Silurian section, which is a global biostratigraphic reference; the section with the Toarcian-Aalenian boundary in Fuentelsaz, one of the three Global Boundary Stratotype Section and Point (GBSSP) reference points in Spain that have been approved by the International Union of Geological Sciences (IUGS); the fossilised trees from the Permian period in the Sierra de Aragoncillo; the aragonite type locality; the Permian-Triassic section in the Barranco de la Hoz (Figure 4); and the folds near Orea and Cuevas Labradas. agriculture and traces of prehistoric settlements and a number of unusual mining sites, along with important civil and defensive buildings [79]. Its main *natural heritage resources* are linked, first and foremost, with an almost unpopulated and, therefore, mostly unaltered territorial environment in which the *geological heritage resources* include the presence of important stratigraphic series from the Paleozoic (Ordovic and Siluric) and Mesozoic (Triassic, Jurassic and Cretaceous). Significant examples include the lower Silurian section, which is a global biostratigraphic reference; the section with the Toarcian-Aalenian boundary in Fuentelsaz, one of the three Global Boundary Stratotype Section and Point (GBSSP) reference points in Spain that have been approved by the International Union of Geological Sciences (IUGS); the fossilised trees from the Permian period in the Sierra de Aragoncillo; the aragonite type locality; the Permian-Triassic section in the Barranco de la Hoz (Figure 4); and the folds near Orea and Cuevas Labradas.

between Castilla-La Mancha and Aragon, while its cultural aspects include a tradition of forestry and

**Figure 4.** Barranco de la Hoz. **Figure 4.** Barranco de la Hoz. Source: María del Carmen Cañizares Ruiz.

Source: María del Carmen Cañizares Ruiz The main features of the landscape, together with the beauty of the mountains and river valleys associated with the Tajo basin, include great lithological diversity (with rocks over 400 years old), the existence of various mineral deposits, particularly aragonite (El Portezuelo and Morro Gorrino in Molina, Los Callejones in Riba de Saelices, etc.), and palaeontological diversity (Argoncillo Fossil Forest), a number of tectonic faults (ravines, canyons, etc.) and a great geomorphological diversity that produces the varied landscapes found in the area. It also has a significant biogeographical richness, especially in its pine forests (wild pine, black pine, maritime pine, etc.), pyrenean and gall oak, together with holm oak and especially juniper groves in the high moorland areas (Spanish juniper, Phoenicean juniper and savin juniper). The geopark is also home to avian fauna (griffon vulture, Egyptian vulture, golden eagle, Bonelli's eagle, peregrine falcon, etc.) including Dupont's lark and mammals (rabbits, hares, roe deer, wild boar, etc.), and aquatic species (trout, crabs, etc.). Many of these resources support hiking trails, with a number of viewing points (Barranco de Hoz, Pellejero, Machorrillo, etc.), as well as various active and/or nature tourism initiatives that are linked The main features of the landscape, together with the beauty of the mountains and river valleys associated with the Tajo basin, include great lithological diversity (with rocks over 400 years old), the existence of various mineral deposits, particularly aragonite (El Portezuelo and Morro Gorrino in Molina, Los Callejones in Riba de Saelices, etc.), and palaeontological diversity (Argoncillo Fossil Forest), a number of tectonic faults (ravines, canyons, etc.) and a great geomorphological diversity that produces the varied landscapes found in the area. It also has a significant biogeographical richness, especially in its pine forests (wild pine, black pine, maritime pine, etc.), pyrenean and gall oak, together with holm oak and especially juniper groves in the high moorland areas (Spanish juniper, Phoenicean juniper and savin juniper). The geopark is also home to avian fauna (griffon vulture, Egyptian vulture, golden eagle, Bonelli's eagle, peregrine falcon, etc.) including Dupont's lark and mammals (rabbits, hares, roe deer, wild boar, etc.), and aquatic species (trout, crabs, etc.). Many of these resources support hiking trails, with a number of viewing points (Barranco de Hoz, Pellejero, Machorrillo, etc.), as well as various active and/or nature tourism initiatives that are linked with canyoning (Pozo Verde in Embid and Barranco de Las Covatillas), canoeing, cycling, etc. and even astronomical observation (Peralejos de las Truchas).

The main *cultural heritage resources* are linked to human presence in this area, from prehistory to the present. The *archaeological heritage* includes Paleolithic cave paintings (Cueva de los Casares and La Hoz), and schematic Levantine art (Rillo I and II), the latter listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. From later periods there are remains of Celtiberian (El Ceremeño, Los Rodiles, etc.) and Roman (Zaorejas) sites, and medieval and modern defensive constructions.

We should highlight the uniqueness of the varied *industrial heritage*. Starting with *mining*, because of the mineral wealth of this area (iron, copper, silver, salt, etc.), there are numerous remains of mine workings, although they are in a precarious state of conservation. However, the remains of the rock salt mines (ponds, warehouses, mills, etc.) have great importance. Most of them were started during the Roman period, including those in Armallá, Saelices de la Sal (Figure 5) and Terzaga, and reached their peak in the second half of the 18th century when the Crown took over the management of salt. The remains of old factories linked with traditional crafts such as resin collecting are also representative of the region's industrial heritage. These remains were very important in the late 19th and early 20th century and are displayed in the Orea Interpretation Centre. Timber production and log transportation on the Tajo can be seen in the Zaorejas Interpretation Centre, together with some lime kilns, and there is the Jorge Bande Museum in Corduente, in a former munitions factory. *Land* **2020**, *9*, x FOR PEER REVIEW 17 of 25

**Figure 5.** Remains of salt mines in Saelices de la Sal. **Figure 5.** Remains of salt mines in Saelices de la Sal. Source: The authors.

Source: The authors Finally, in relation to immaterial resources, the *ethnographic heritage* includes the festivities around the Parade of the Military Brotherhood of Carmen and the Gancheros Festival, both in Molina de Aragón, the Spears and the Praises to the Virgin de la Hoz in Corduente, the Soldadescas parades Regarding *agricultural heritage*, we should note the presence of some huts (with remains in Ablanque and Escalera), which were built to protect the livestock and have a singular beauty. They were made of limestone, wood and branches of savin juniper to shelter the shepherds and their flocks. Some fulling mills and flour mills can also be found, most of them in disuse.

in Codes and Hinojosa, the Procession of the Virgin of Montesinos in Cobeta, the Chants to St. Timothy in Alcoroches and the Carnival of the Devils in Luzón. In terms of cuisine, we should mention the resources of the area, which include kid and lamb, trout, truffle dishes, oyster mushrooms, chanterelle and boletus mushrooms, pork products, *morteruelo* (a dish with pork liver and game meats) and, to top it all, cow's foot. The local crafts are the work of leather embossers, stonemasons, sculptors in stone and wood, blacksmiths and potters. 3.2.3. The Geopark and the Revival of Local Development As we have already indicated above, a variety of social agents and institutions were actively involved in the official bid for geopark status, coordinated by the Friends of Molina Museum Association. This capacity for dialogue around a joint project shows the significant degree of dynamism and social participation invested at the local level in the enhancement of the natural and The *defensive, civil and religious architecture resources* include some that need to be taken into account in development strategies. The first include mediaeval castles and fortresses (Molina De Aragon, Santiuste, Zafra, etc.) and stately towers and watchtowers (Torre de Aragón, La Yunta, Ponce de Leon, etc.). The most significant examples of vernacular and civil architecture, generally, are houses in the vernacular style (the Stone House in Alcolea) and those popularly called "casas molinesas" or fort houses (Casa Grande in Valhermoso, Casa Fuerte Vega de Arias, etc.), the remains of the Roman aqueduct in Zaorejas and the Romanesque bridge in Molina de Aragón. Finally, in the sphere of religious architecture we should note some monasteries, such as the Cistercian Madre de Dios in Buenafuente de Sistal, Renaissance and Baroque churches (Santo Domingo de Guzman in Argar De Mesa, etc.) and numerous examples of "pairones", monoliths of Celtic and Roman origin that served as religious and orientational markers (Argar De Mesa, Amayas, Cillas, Embid, etc.)

welcoming visitors and providing information at all levels. There is also collaboration with the district's state primary and secondary schools, with the Geopark forming a cross-curriculum theme in the schools' syllabuses with content on archaeology, geomorphology, cave paintings, etc., to reinforce the regional identity of the local population. A number of experts and professionals are also collaborating in the growth and promotion of the museum along its different thematic lines (entomology, palaeontology, wildlife, archaeology and human evolution), using the most visible

resources in the Geopark.

Finally, in relation to immaterial resources, the *ethnographic heritage* includes the festivities around the Parade of the Military Brotherhood of Carmen and the Gancheros Festival, both in Molina de Aragón, the Spears and the Praises to the Virgin de la Hoz in Corduente, the Soldadescas parades in Codes and Hinojosa, the Procession of the Virgin of Montesinos in Cobeta, the Chants to St. Timothy in Alcoroches and the Carnival of the Devils in Luzón. In terms of cuisine, we should mention the resources of the area, which include kid and lamb, trout, truffle dishes, oyster mushrooms, chanterelle and boletus mushrooms, pork products, *morteruelo* (a dish with pork liver and game meats) and, to top it all, cow's foot. The local crafts are the work of leather embossers, stonemasons, sculptors in stone and wood, blacksmiths and potters.

#### 3.2.3. The Geopark and the Revival of Local Development

As we have already indicated above, a variety of social agents and institutions were actively involved in the official bid for geopark status, coordinated by the Friends of Molina Museum Association. This capacity for dialogue around a joint project shows the significant degree of dynamism and social participation invested at the local level in the enhancement of the natural and cultural heritage. Among the institutions that have played a more decisive role in spreading these heritage values are the Alto Tajo Natural Park and the Molina de Aragón District Museum. The park offers a wide-ranging programme of initiatives focusing on geoconservation, with the already mentioned Geo-Routes Project as the main exponent. The District Museum has the important job of welcoming visitors and providing information at all levels. There is also collaboration with the district's state primary and secondary schools, with the Geopark forming a cross-curriculum theme in the schools' syllabuses with content on archaeology, geomorphology, cave paintings, etc., to reinforce the regional identity of the local population. A number of experts and professionals are also collaborating in the growth and promotion of the museum along its different thematic lines (entomology, palaeontology, wildlife, archaeology and human evolution), using the most visible resources in the Geopark.

The commitment to participation in and the dissemination of natural and cultural values is reflected in the Geopark's two management bodies: the Executive Committee, which has representatives from the local, provincial and regional governments, as well as the Natural Park and various local associations, and the Scientific Committee, which includes 30 professionals from different academic branches with the aim of outlining strategies for scientific dissemination. Both bodies participated in drafting the *Geopark Master Plan*, deciding on the actions to be coordinated with other institutions. The projects proposed are aimed at bringing about strong coordination between local and provincial stakeholders and institutions, especially within the Guadalajara Provincial Council and the Alto Tajo Rural Development Group, which manages a LEADER initiative, while relations with other government bodies (both regional and national) are much more limited. The links with the regional government are based on regulatory compliance and the financing possibilities that have opened up now that the whole district has been declared an Integrated Territorial Investment (ITI) area. The ITI programme aims at a more effective use of the Structural Funds in areas with depopulation problems, and participation in tourism promotion strategies in general. The Geopark's managers indicate that the geographical distance from the headquarters of the regional government (in Toledo) plays an essential role in weakening relations. In addition, the influence of the Madrid metropolitan area also limits interactions with other institutions, such as the Regional University. Collaboration with the national government and organisations such as UNESCO is rated as very low key. While it is true that the UNESCO stamp confers an identifying mark of the highest order, the Geopark's managers interpret it as being more a distinction that serves to underpin a broader territorial revitalisation scheme. This is demonstrated by the varied nature of the actions carried out in recent years, including opening new visitor centres, promoting employment plans and the abovementioned educational projects, which strongly involve the local population. In short, it is intended that the "Geopark" emblem should not be a simple label with no applied functionalities or for strictly commercial purposes. These latter issues reinforce our

view that, in order to ensure the viability of the initiative, it is essential to harness the synergy of resources that form part of the territorial heritage.

#### **4. Discussion**

The cases analysed show how the enhancement of natural and cultural resources, which took place under the auspices of international, national or regional institutions, has led to the rapid involvement of the local communities. The level of commitment achieved shows that there is sufficient human capital, with some leaders organised around local associations, who are energising their areas with the help of other socio-economic agents. The commitment to endogenous resources as a tool for economic diversification and territorial development is ingrained in the philosophy of rural development programmes and, in the cases that concern us, with two territorial initiatives recognised by UNESCO. The effort must be redoubled, by taking advantage of the complementarity of territorial resources with great potential and because there is a lack of exogenous investments to promote development in the area. It is therefore necessary for coordination, trust, cooperation and promotion to be the cornerstones of relations between the different government departments that have jurisdiction over the territory, in order to optimise collaborative governance, as we have explained with the two case studies analysed.

The results of the interviews show that the relations are much stronger and more fruitful with nearby areas, i.e., between the municipalities, local associations and the Provincial Council, first and foremost. The involvement of the local population in the process of gaining heritage status was made possible by the local associations, coordinated by the units that manage the LEADER initiative and a variety of groups, such as the Association for the Defence of Historical Heritage in Almadén in the former and the Friends of Molina de Aragon Museum Association in the latter. The fact that heritage enhancement is not just focused on LEADER enriches the debate on the territorial model by introducing new social actors who are not represented in the Local Action Groups. In addition, the management bodies of the parks themselves are also involved and they promote a variety of projects in collaboration with the aforementioned organisations, demonstrating that the social fabric of each district has sufficient strength to coalesce around common objectives, as shown by the Local Action Groups Participatory Development Strategies. We are, therefore, in both cases, dealing with territorial development processes that are based on three factors: Local Action Groups, local associations and specific initiatives (Mining Park and Geopark). At the local level, their involvement favours the creation of interesting projects, such as educational ones, which have multiple benefits in addition to mere knowledge, among them the construction of territorial identity and the enhancement of key social and economic resources. Additionally, stronger collaboration at the local level reinforces a series of intangible links that play a vital role in rural enterprises: personal contact increases feelings of solidarity, belonging and identity around common resources, which leads to a greater ability to adapt the socio-economic fabric in times of crisis, such as the current one. Despite this solid collaboration, we can find some administrative limitations, such as in the Almadén Mining Park, which belongs to a SIHC (State Industrial Holding Corporation) so that any collaboration with the Montesur LEADER initiative cannot be financial, although it can take the form of promotion. In addition, the LAG cannot act in relation to the company that manages the park because the latter has more than 50 employees (currently there are 61).

In their relations with other institutions, both the Mining Park and the Geopark are a good example of how initiatives planned by national, regional and provincial governments can tie in with the local population's developmental and resource-related objectives. However, the interviews confirmed that the level of cooperation with these bodies is still far from optimal. At the Almadén Mining Park it was said that neither the central nor the regional governments have met their commitments. In addition to this, collaboration with these two government bodies is reduced to quite specific or unimportant issues, and the same financial support has not been received as other world heritage cities in the region. These limitations are also mentioned by the LAG itself, as efforts to strengthen the regional identity are sometimes met with little national and regional support. This gap is filled by a search for greater visibility for the territory and its riches at tourism fairs (FITUR) and fairs of other kinds (Fair of Flavours). In the case of the Molina-Alto Tajo District Geopark, we have already indicated how relations at the national level are non-existent and that, at the regional level, they are limited to issues of regulatory compliance or access to special funds to combat depopulation. We believe that the relatively isolated geographical location of the Geopark partly explains the absence of real avenues for collaboration with the regional government. However, the proximity of Madrid, which belongs to a different region, determines the district's functional relationships with the national capital in such important aspects as institutional relations, tourist behaviour (visitors from the Madrid metropolitan area), the attraction of labour into the active population of the capital, etc. In addition, the isolation of the park is compounded by its being situated on the border with other autonomous regions and by its distance from the headquarters of the regional government (Toledo). Given these shortcomings, new technologies are gaining importance in promoting territorial and economic development, although there are still areas, especially forests, where Internet access is not yet available.

The Almadén Mining Park and Molina-Alto Tajo District Geopark projects represent an opportunity for the territories in which they are located, given the wealth of existing resources. Both initiatives are understood to be territorial development projects by the local stakeholders. Far from being a simple label for sectoral or restricted purposes, they have become resources on which to base and promote policies with a territorial impact. In the case of the Mining Park, the company that owns the mines has proposed including a more district-wide tourism project to pull in visitors by offering a wider range of attractions based on the existing resources. In short, there are opportunities for high-value endogenous development, by encouraging heritage rehabilitation that will help to preserve the identity of many of its municipalities, such as Almadén and Almadenejos, which are both known worldwide, as well as offering an opportunity to generate employment in the tourism sector. In the case of the Molina-Alto Tajo District Geopark, this translates into multiple activities related with accessibility, lifelong learning, research, promotion and economic diversification. The district now has 400 workers in the hospitality sector and the Molina Museum itself received a total of 10,800 visitors last year. The opportunities for heritage enhancement are also complemented by the quality of the environment in both districts as they are relatively unaltered and have great landscape value.

With regard to the main weaknesses identified, we note that both initiatives have significant gaps in transport infrastructure that could improve accessibility, not only by road but also by rail; population ageing is also an issue that affects the labour markets, as is the absence of a genuine business culture. These are common structural factors in sparsely populated areas, the solution to which requires much more ambitious frameworks for action. Each of these districts also has other specific problems. In the case of the Mining Park, the limited investment in promotion should be noted, which is in proportion to the resources available. It can be said that the design of the Mining Park affects its viability, as it has high maintenance costs and, despite being a priority in terms of tourism, is still unfinished. These issues are compounded by the sparse population of the area and the limited services available. For the Molina-Alto Tajo District Geopark, the imbalances in the district's agricultural structure, the absence of a solid business community, the seasonality of many of its villages, which are uninhabited for several months a year, and the greater dynamism of the county town compared to the other towns and villages result in the problems of territorial structuring that are associated with a widely dispersed population.

To sumarise, two initiatives have been presented that have great value, given the wealth of their heritage and the limited anthropogenic transformation of the territories in which they are located, but where the implementation is still far from having the national or regional, or even local, recognition warranted by the possibilities that they offer. Undoubtedly, this is an area in which work will continue to be done based on collaborative governance, as it is essential for this to occur so that the local population makes identifying the value of the assets with which it identifies a priority. It is especially necessary to bridge the gap between the potential value of the existing natural and cultural resources, as we analysed in the section on synergies, and the actual income from the development of these areas. In this sense, the main weaknesses that must be overcome include improving the marketing

strategies, optimising the accommodation structures and, above all, increasing accessibility. To do so will require the involvement of other government departments and/or other sectoral policies, since collaboration should not only be intersectoral. In other words, to promote high-quality tourism, or to share experiences, with the demonstrable results achieved by other groups, we advocate the consolidation of true collaborative governance that is comprehensive in terms of its territorial scope and takes into account all areas of management, namely, socio-educational infrastructure, accessibility, demographic revitalisation, diversification of activities, etc., something that still needs to be worked towards jointly and with greater involvement from the population.

The results related to the potential generated by the territorial resource synergies in the case-studies analysed can be extrapolated to other Spanish territories with similar characteristics, mainly those areas classified as Geoparks by Unesco. This is the case with Las Loras Geopark, located in the provinces of Palencia and Burgos, with a population of around 10,000 inhabitants (similar to the Geopark Comarca de Molina-Alto Tajo). The mountain landscape and canyons of the Ebro River are complemented by agricultural landscapes and the agri-food industry, numerous archaeological sites, and the oil farms of Ayoluengo. The results achieved could be applied, with some limitations, to the Villuercas-Ibores-Jara Geopark (province of Cáceres), where the landscape of mountains and valleys aligned with resources derived from agriculture, phosphate mining farms and the pilgrimage route through the heart of Guadalupe is combined. All of these Geoparks have local associations of rural development that promote local community revitalisation.

#### **5. Conclusions**

Combating the depopulation of rural areas necessarily involves incorporating comprehensive policy frameworks that, on the one hand, are capable of interpreting the major overall demographic dynamics and, on the other, are committed to coordination and cooperation between all the sectoral policies that are directly involved in the structure of the area. The enhancement and conservation of the rich natural and cultural heritage of many of these rural areas could play an important role in this structuring and in mitigating depopulation processes. The results of this study show that collaborative governance models would be, a priori, the most appropriate and rational way to promote the enhancement of territorial resources. However, coordinating and optimising these relationships is not an easy task, so we can conclude that there are significant limitations to the implementation of true collaborative governance and that it is necessary to incorporate all the existing resources into a joint strategy that is cost-effective for the local population. The main shortcomings observed at the interface between governments responsible for decision making and local communities include inadequate promotion of the initiatives proposed; a need to strengthen the means for participation; the monitoring of the possible harmful effects of other sectoral policies that affect the area; the elimination of unequal or preferential treatment for other initiatives based on the same territorial protection or distinctiveness; and, lastly, the adequacy of the formulas required to support the proposals and decisions of the social actors in rural areas. This social capital, which is characterised by the capacity for leadership of some of its members, is and will be the driving force behind the revitalisation of rural communities, strengthening their territorial identity and economic diversification, always based on the integration of all the resources that make up the enormously valuable territorial capital of the two cases analysed, which serve as examples of what is happening in other rural areas in the interior of the country.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization: Á.R.R.P. and M.d.C.C.R.; methodology: Á.R.R.P. and M.d.C.C.R.; validation: Á.R.R.P. and M.d.C.C.R.; formal analysis: Á.R.R.P. and M.d.C.C.R.; investigation: Á.R.R.P. and M.d.C.C.R.; writing-original draft preparation: Á.R.R.P. and M.d.C.C.R.; writing-review and editing: Á.R.R.P. and M.d.C.C.R.; supervision: Á.R.R.P. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research was funded by Junta de Comunidades de Castilla-La Mancha (Spain), under the Research project "Los Paisajes Culturales Agrarios en Castilla-La Mancha como base del Desarrollo Territorial" (CODE: SBPLY/19/180501/000041).

**Acknowledgments:**The authors wish to thank the social actors who participatedin theinterviews for their cooperation, especially Juan Manuel Monasterio, manager of the Molina-Alto Tajo District Geopark, Emiliano Almansa, chairman of Mayasa, and the manager of the Association for Rural Development of the Almadén Montesur District, Maribel Cobisa.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

### **Abbreviations**

The following abbreviations are used in this manuscript:


#### **References**


© 2020 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

*Article*

### **Driving Factors of the Industrial Land Transfer Price Based on a Geographically Weighted Regression Model: Evidence from a Rural Land System Reform Pilot in China**

#### **Zhiheng Yang <sup>1</sup> , Chenxi Li 2,3,\* and Yongheng Fang <sup>2</sup>**


Received: 26 November 2019; Accepted: 30 December 2019; Published: 1 January 2020

**Abstract:** More and more studies on land transfer prices have been carried out over time. However, the influencing factors of the industrial land transfer price from the perspective of spatial attributes have rarely been explored. Selecting 25 towns as the basic research unit, based on industrial land transfer data, this paper analyzes the influencing factors of the price distribution of industrial land in Dingzhou City, a rural land system reform pilot in China, by using a geographically weighted regression (GWR) model. Eight evaluation factors were selected from five aspects: economy, population, topography, landform, and resource endowment. The results showed that: (1) Compared with the traditional ordinary least squares (OLS) model, the GWR model revealed the spatial differentiation characteristics of the industrial land transfer price in depth. (2) Factors that have a negative correlation with the industrial land transfer price include the proportion of cultivated land area and distance to the city. Factors that have a positive correlation with the industrial land transfer price include the population growth rate, economic growth rate, population density, and number of hospitals per unit area. (3) The results of GWR model analysis showed that the impact of different factors on the various towns of different models had significant spatial differentiation characteristics. This paper will provide a reference for the sustainable use of industrial land in developing countries.

**Keywords:** industrial land; price; geographically weighted regression model; driving factors; rural land system reform pilot

### **1. Introduction**

With the continuous development of the economy, as an important value judgment standard for the operation of the land market, the land transfer price has become increasingly prominent in optimizing the allocation of land resources [1]. In order to adapt to the new normal of economic development, optimize the land supply structure, and ensure the rational and healthy development of industrial land, China has successively issued a series of policy documents on optimizing the industrial structure for the rational use of industrial land [2]. In December 2015, the Chinese government called for "coordinating the three major structures of space, scale and industry", and proposed that the urban land supply structure and industrial structure evolution should match each other. In April 2016, the 13th Five-Year Plan for Land and Resources, proposed by the Ministry of Land and Resources, required reasonable arrangements for various types of land use, strengthening the synergy between industry

and land use, and further adjusting the structure of industrial land. Therefore, it is of great practical significance and academic value to deeply analyze the operating price and mutual relationship between the industrial land transfer price and various factors.

Recently, some important achievements have been made in the study of the influencing factors of land price [3,4]. Based on the systematic analysis of the influencing factors of the spatial change of residential, industrial, and commercial land use, some scholars have pointed out that spatial autocorrelation and the policy system are the most important factors affecting the urban land price [5]. Some scholars have also found the important influence of supply and terminal consumption on urban land prices [6]. Other scholars believe that the location factor is the most important factor affecting the spatial pattern of the urban land price, and the study of the spatial distribution characteristics of land prices is the organic combination of land location theory and land rent and land price theory [7]. Because of the perfection of the land market and the activity of land transactions in early developed countries, conducting research on the spatial distribution of the urban land price is very popular. However, with the maturity of land systems and urbanization, there have been few achievements in land price research in developed countries in recent years [8]. Synthetically, due to the fact that developed countries enable mainly private ownership of land and have a lack of complete, authoritative land supply data, most of the research focuses on the early theoretical exploration [9], especially research on the influencing factors of the urban land price and the spatial pattern of small scale [10].

With the gradual improvement of the land market in China, Chinese scholars have set off an upsurge in urban land price research [11]. According to the principle of maximum land income and the principle of best use, Ni et al. (2004) evaluated the comprehensive benchmark land price by using competitive rent theory and the marginal analysis method [12]. Based on the systematic analysis of the spatial distribution of the urban land price, Wang (1997) explored the evolution law and motivation of urban land price time-series and constructed the framework of the four-dimensional spatial theory of the urban land price [13]. Song et al. (2011) quantitatively analyzed the influence of different influencing factors on the urban land price and land price growth rate from the point of view of urban land supply and demand, and macro policy [14]. Gao et al. (2013) analyzed the statistical characteristics and spatial distribution characteristics of land transaction prices by using traditional statistics and geostatistics methods, taking the transfer prices of housing, industry, and commercial services as samples [15]. Synthetically, the research of Chinese scholars mainly focuses on the evaluation of the land price, the spatial structure of the land price, and its influencing factors [16].

According to research on the spatial characteristics of the urban land price, the existing research on the analysis of influencing factors pays too much attention to the characteristic of plot location, but lacks consideration of the land natural supply and social and economic purchasing power [17]; moreover, there is a lack of a complete theoretical analysis framework, and most of the studies mainly select explanatory variables according to experience; the combination with theoretical analysis is lacking [18,19].

In order to provide a reference for future urban land development, this paper uses a geographically weighted regression model to quantitatively analyze the main influencing factors of the industrial land transfer price in Dingzhou City, China, in 2016. Specifically, the remainder of this paper is structured as follows: Section 2 overviews the Chinese land market and influencing factors of the land price. Section 3 introduces the case study area and data that will be utilized in the empirical analysis of the driving factors of the industrial land transfer price. Section 4 introduces the driving factors' selection and the method used. Section 5 is the results of the empirical analysis. Section 6 discusses the spatial driving patterns from the empirical analysis; Section 7 concludes the paper.

#### **2. Literature Review**

#### *2.1. Chinese Land Market*

China implements urban land whole-people ownership and rural land collective ownership. The land of the city is owned by the state. Concretely, the land in rural and urban suburbs is collectively owned by the peasants, except where the land is owned by the state as prescribed by law; the homestead, the reserved land, and the mountains are collectively owned by the farmer. Therefore, the land market in China refers to the land-use-right market [20]. The market of the land use rights of urban land in China has been gradually formed and perfected, with the continuous promotion of the land system and the deepening of its practice [21].

In 1987, the land use system reform began as a pilot in Shenzhen, Shanghai, Tianjin, Guangzhou, Xiamen, Fuzhou, and other cities. In December 1987, China held its first auction of land use rights in Shenzhen, which pioneered the transfer of state-owned land use rights. No organization or individual can encroach on, buy, sell, or illegally transfer land in any other form. The land use right can be transferred in accordance with the provisions of the law [22]. Meanwhile, the land management law formally proposes to separate the right of land use and land ownership, which lays the legal foundation for the formation of the land market. In 1990, it was further clearly stipulated that land use rights can be transferred by agreement, bidding, and auction [23]. With the continuous reform of the land system, the land use right market began to form.

In the 1990s, urban land was transferred by agreement and market at the same time. However, the price of an agreement transfer was obviously lower than that of a market transfer, which caused many problems, such as land market speculation. In 2002, it was determined that commercial, tourist, recreational, and commercial residential land had to be sold by tender, auction, or listing [24]. However, non-market-based transfer is still more common in some cities. In 2004, the Chinese government stipulated that all operating land must be sold by open bidding. Since then, almost all cities in China have been transferred in a market-oriented way, and the marketization of urban land in China has begun to form and gradually improve.

For different land markets, the meaning of the land transfer price is also different [20]. According to the use of the land, it can be divided into the residential land price, commercial land price, and industrial land price. According to the transaction level, it can also be divided into the primary land market price and secondary land market price. According to the calculation method, it can be further divided into the floor land price, unit land price, and total price. In this paper, the transaction event of each plot is studied. The land transfer price refers to the floor price of the final transaction of each plot, which is calculated by dividing the total transaction price of the plot by the total construction area of the plot.

#### *2.2. Land-Price-Influencing Factors*

According to the theory of land supply and demand, in a completely competitive market, the curve of land supply and demand determines its price, as well as the corresponding supply and demand [25]. From the perspective of geography, land demand is mainly affected by market factors, location conditions, and supporting facilities [26]. The natural supply of land is mainly affected by the local natural landscape, geology, and geomorphology [26]. Meanwhile, monopoly group manipulation and government macro-control will also have an impact on urban land prices (Figure 1).

**Figure 1.** Framework of influencing factors of land price [15].

The demand factors that affect the land price include market influence and location conditions. The market mainly plays a role through economic development and population increases [27]. Under the premise of certain other conditions, the larger the scale of local economic activities is, the stronger the development momentum and the greater the land demand will be; thus, the land price is driven higher [27]. The reserve land resources in China are limited, and the expansion of the land demand market, driven by the industrialization process, is bound to stimulate the rise of land prices.

As one of the most important factors affecting the quality of urban land, location conditions have an impact on the urban land price through traffic location and convenience of supporting facilities [28]. Traffic location can be further divided into urban internal traffic accessibility and external traffic accessibility [29]. The basic assumption of urban geography is that the farther away from the urban center the land is, the lower the intensity of land development and the lower the corresponding land price will be [30]. Meanwhile, the density of the road network in the area and the convenience of traffic nodes, such as main bus stations and rail transits, will have an impact on the urban land price; this impact is more significant in the suburbs of the city [31]. The influence of external transportation on the urban land price is mainly manifested in industrial land, due to high-speed communication, railway stations, airports, and other foreign transportation hubs. The lower the transportation cost of industrial enterprises is, the higher the corresponding land price is [32]. The convenience of infrastructure mainly affects the urban land price by influencing residential and commercial land [33]. The more convenient it is to go to schools, hospitals, scenic spots, and other supporting facilities, the higher the price of residential and commercial service land will be [34].

According to the neoclassical urban competitive rent model, the city is a homogeneous plain, but in reality, the background natural environments of urban plots are quite different, which directly affects the natural supply of land in the area, then having an impact on land price [35]. With lower elevations, slower slopes, and more stable geological conditions come lower costs of development and construction along with higher land price [36]. However, the price of residential land in hilly areas is higher than that of shady slopes [37]. The natural landscape mainly affects residential and industrial land by affecting residents' housing preferences and enterprise development costs [38]. However, commercial service land is relatively less affected [39]. The closer land is to a water body, the better the living environment is, which makes the enterprise discharge more convenient, resulting in the land price of residences and industry increasing to a certain extent [40]. However, most of the areas with more cultivated land resources are located in remote suburban counties far from urban areas, and the prices of residential land and industrial land are lower [41]

The so-called oligopoly manipulation is a kind of market structure which includes both monopoly and competition but is closer to a monopoly [42]. Its striking feature is that there are only a few manufacturers (enterprises) in an industry, and the individual size of these few manufacturers (enterprises) is large enough to affect market prices [43]. Urban land transfer is not only a basic industry, closely related to social production and life, but is also a highly concentrated industry that is relatively prone to oligopoly, especially in the residential land market, driven by the real estate industry [44]. The land expropriation monopoly policy of low price-expropriation and high price-transfer makes the land market structure of China a first-level land market monopolized by the government [45]. Although the

monopoly of government land supply can rapidly gather the funds needed for the industrialization and urbanization of the country under the condition of limited national financial resources, the government, especially local governments, can effectively solve the problem of insufficient financial resources [46]. However, compared with a competitive state, the land balance price under the government's land supply monopoly is higher, and the land balance quantity is less, which drives the land price higher [47]. There are many kinds of land transfer methods, such as allocation, agreement, bidding, auction, and so on. No matter what kind of land transfer mode is used, the government is the only land supplier [48]. The supply under a government monopoly gives the Chinese government absolute initiative compared with other countries in regulating urban land prices. Therefore, government macro-control will also have a very important impact on the change of urban land prices [49].

Under the current tax-sharing financial system in China, local governments are facing the dual pressures of improving both financial and political performance [50]. Because the transfer of industrial land cannot achieve a large amount of land transfer in the short term, it can generate a more stable tax revenue in the long run, which local governments prefer. Therefore, on the premise that capital between different cities is close to full flow, the industrial land market can be approximately regarded as a "buyer's market" and as a price recipient [51]. Therefore, local governments need to utilize the opportunity to attract capital in the capital competition between regions to create GDP and political achievements. When they transfer industrial land, they will tend to issue preferential terms such as "low land-price" or even "zero land-price", which will cause distortion of the land price [52].

#### **3. Study Area and Data**

#### *3.1. Study Area*

The study area is located between 38◦14′–38◦40′ N and 114◦48′–115◦15′ E. Dingzhou City is in the west of Hebei Province (Figure 2). Dingzhou City, including 25 towns (Nancheng, Beicheng, Xicheng, Liuzao, Qingfengdian, Pangcun, Zhuanlu, Mingyuedian, Dingningdian, Dongting, Daxinzhuang, Dongwang, Gaopeng, Xingyi, Liqingu, Ziwei, Kaiyuan, Changanlu, Zhoucun, Xizhong, Dongliuchun, Haotouzhaung, Yangjiazhuang, Daluzhaung, and Xicheng), is one of the pilots of the national rural land system reform in China [53]. With a total area of 1283 km<sup>2</sup> and a total population of 1.3 million, it is the most populous city in Hebei Province, China.

In 2016, Dingzhou had a total production value of 30.02 billion yuan. The added value of secondary industry increased by 10.5% compared with that in 2015. Dingzhou City not only has traditional industries, such as equipment manufacturing, energy and chemical industries, food processing, steel mesh production, and plastic processing, but also has emerging industries, such as new energy vehicles, photovoltaic power generation, electronic information, and energy conservation. The development of secondary industry has led to the continued expansion of industrial land. Industrial land increased by 166.67 hectares in 2015 and by 124.67 hectares in 2016.

**Figure 2.** Location of Dingzhou City.

#### *3.2. Data*

The main topography of Dingzhou City is plains, and the geomorphological conditions and land use data were collected from satellite remote sensing images through the Geospatial Cloud Platform (http://www.gscloud.cn/). Using the ArcGIS space selection function, the areas of various topographic and landform files in each town were measured, and the largest type of area was used as the topography type of the town [15]. The proportion of cultivated land was obtained from satellite remote sensing images through the Geospatial Cloud Platform (http://www.gscloud.cn/), and the Network Analysis module of the ArcGIS software was used to measure the distance from each town to city seat. The land transfer price data in 2016 were from Dingzhou Municipal Finance Bureau (http://dz.hbzwfw.gov.cn/). Data related to relevant socioeconomic driving factors were mainly from the Dingzhou Statistical Yearbook of 2016 [54].

#### **4. Methods**

#### *4.1. Selection of Driving Factors*

The land price is the result of the combination of social supply and demand. Based on the above literature review, according to relevant research and Dingzhou City's development conditions, this paper described the influencing factors of the industrial land transfer price based on economic level, population size, traffic location, public facilities, and natural resources [53]. Eight impact factors (economic growth rate, population density, population growth rate, distance to downtown, number of hospitals per unit area, road density, number of schools per unit area, and proportion of cultivated land) were selected to explain the economic conditions, traffic conditions, population conditions, infrastructure conditions, and resource conditions (Table 1).


**Table 1.**Selection, variance inflation factor (VIF), and tolerance test of driving factors.

The spatial distribution of the values of the eight variables shows significant regional differences (Figure 3). In 2015, 10 towns achieved positive economic growth rate (GDP) out of the 25 towns of Dingzhou City, with Qingfengdian Town having the highest GDP (17.21%). There were eight towns with a population density (Pod) greater than 1000 people per km<sup>2</sup> ; Xicheng Town had the highest, (2155.39 people per km<sup>2</sup> ). There were five towns with a population growth rate (Pog) greater than 1%; Beicheng Town had the highest (1.56%). There were five towns with road density (Rod) greater than 1 km/km<sup>2</sup> , and Nancheng Town had the highest (3.73 km/km<sup>2</sup> ). There were seven towns with a distance to downtown (Dic) less than 10 km, with Nancheng Town being the nearest to downtown. There were two towns with a number of hospitals per unit area (Hon) greater than 0.05 per km<sup>2</sup> , namely, Xicheng Town and Beicheng Town. There were three towns with a number of schools per unit area (Scn) greater than 0.1 per km<sup>2</sup> , namely, Beicheng Town, Xicheng Town, and Nancheng Town. There were 19 towns with a proportion of cultivated land (Lap) greater than 50%, with Xizhong Town having the highest (89.94%).

When performing regression analysis, the variance inflation factor (VIF) and tolerance test of the impact factor could reduce the multicollinearity of the influence factor in the regression process [55]. When a variable's VIF value is greater than 10, it indicates that there is variable redundancy between it and other variables, and it should be excluded when performing GWR analysis [56,57]. The results of the VIF test of the eight impact factors are shown in Table 1. The variable Rod (road density) was eliminated due to its tolerance value being 0.000. The variable Scn (the number of schools per unit area) had a VIF value greater than 10, which indicates that there was multiple collinearity or collinearity between the factors. It was also excluded. The remaining six variables had VIF values less than 7.0, indicating that there was no multicollinearity or weak collinearity between the variables. Therefore, the remaining six variables were presented as the driving factors of the industrial land transfer price.

**Figure 3.** Spatial distribution of the eight impact factors. (**a**) GDP; (**b**) Pod; (**c**) Pog; (**d**) Dic; (**e**) Hon; (**f**) Rod; (**g**) Scn; (**h**) Lap.

#### *4.2. Industrial Land Transfer Price's Spatial Distribution Features in Dingzhou City*

The industrial land transfer price's spatial distribution features were examined by using OpenGeoDa1.6.5. software. The results showed that Moran's *I* (0.028), significance level <5%; Z (*I*) = 2.06, Z (*I*) > 1.96, indicating that the distribution of the industrial land transfer price in Dingzhou City had a significant correlational relationship.

Thus, the industrial land transfer price's distribution of Dingzhou City had a strong spatial correlation. Based on local spatial autocorrelation analysis results (Figure 3), the spatial agglomeration types of the industrial land transfer price in Dingzhou City included high–high (HH), low–low (LL), and high–low (HL). The HH area was mainly located in Daluzhuang Town; the LL area was mainly located in Nancheng Town. There are many industrial parks in these towns (Figure 4). Additionally, the Dingzhou Municipal Government and its public service department are located in Nancheng Town.

**Figure 4.** Industrial parks of Dingzhou in Nancheng Town: (**a**) Hebei Height Auto Parts Co., Ltd.; (**b**) Hebei Changan Automobile Co., Ltd.

#### *4.3. OLS and GWR Method*

β ∑<sup>୩</sup> β<sup>୩</sup> x<sup>୧୩</sup> + ε<sup>୧</sup> The traditional regression model performed the estimation of parameters based on the ordinary least squares (OLS) method. In formulating independent variable x and global variable y<sup>i</sup> , OLS could count the estimation value. It had the advantage of spatial stationary data regression estimation. However, it was not ideal for spatial nonstationary data regression estimation. Proposed by the British scholar Fotheringham in the field of spatial nonstationarity, geographically weighted regression (GWR) extended the traditional regression model y<sup>i</sup> = β<sup>0</sup> + P <sup>k</sup> β<sup>k</sup> xik + ε<sup>i</sup> [58]. This extension was due to the advantage that, by applying the spatial weight matrix to the linear regression model, GWR could display spatial structure differentiation [59,60]. Based on the GWR model, Equation (1) was established:

$$\begin{array}{c} \mathbf{y}\_{i} = \boldsymbol{\beta}\_{0}(\mathbf{u}\_{i}, \mathbf{v}\_{i}) + \sum\_{\begin{subarray}{c} \mathbf{i} \in \mathbf{J} \end{subarray}} \boldsymbol{\beta}\_{1} (\mathbf{u}\_{i}, \mathbf{v}\_{i}) \mathbf{x}\_{\overline{\mathbf{u}}} (\mathbf{GDP}) + \sum\_{\begin{subarray}{c} \mathbf{i} \in \mathbf{J} \end{subarray}} \boldsymbol{\beta}\_{2} (\mathbf{u}\_{i}, \mathbf{v}\_{i}) \mathbf{x}\_{\overline{\mathbf{u}}} (\mathbf{Pod}) + \\ \sum\_{\begin{subarray}{c} \mathbf{i} \in \mathbf{J} \end{subarray}} \boldsymbol{\beta}\_{3} (\mathbf{u}\_{i}, \mathbf{v}\_{i}) \mathbf{x}\_{\overline{\mathbf{u}}}^{\mathbf{V}} (\mathbf{Pog}) + \sum\_{\begin{subarray}{c} \mathbf{i} \in \mathbf{J} \end{subarray}} \boldsymbol{\beta}\_{4}^{\mathbf{V}} (\mathbf{u}\_{i}, \mathbf{v}\_{i}) \mathbf{x}\_{\overline{\mathbf{u}}} (\mathbf{Dic}) + \sum\_{\begin{subarray}{c} \mathbf{i} \in \mathbf{J} \end{subarray}} \boldsymbol{\beta}\_{5}^{\mathbf{V}} (\mathbf{u}\_{i}, \mathbf{v}\_{i}) \mathbf{x}\_{\overline{\mathbf{u}}} (\mathbf{Hon}) + \\ + \sum\_{\begin{subarray}{c} \mathbf{i} \in \mathbf{J} \end{subarray}} \boldsymbol{\beta}\_{6} (\mathbf{u}\_{i}^{\mathbf{V}}\_{i} \mathbf{v}\_{i}) \mathbf{x}\_{\overline{\mathbf{u}}} (\mathbf{Lap}) + \boldsymbol{\varepsilon}\_{i} \end{array} (1)$$

β where y<sup>i</sup> denotes the industrial land transfer price of town i; (u<sup>i</sup> ,vi ) denotes the geographical coordinates of town i's administrative center; and β<sup>i</sup> (u<sup>i</sup> ,vi ) denotes the regression coefficient of town j.

Adaptive spatial kernels was used for the GWR model, as calculated by Equation (2):

$$\mathbf{w}\_{\ddot{\mathbf{j}}} = \begin{cases} \displaystyle\limits\_{\mathbf{w} \in \mathbf{\ddot{r}}} \mathbf{exp}^{\mathbf{-1}\left(\frac{\mathbf{d}\_{\ddot{\mathbf{i}}}}{\mathbf{b}}\right)^{2}}, \mathbf{d}\_{\dddot{\mathbf{j}}} < b \\\displaystyle\limits\_{\mathbf{0} \neq \mathbf{d}\_{\ddot{\mathbf{i}}} \ge b} \mathbf{d}\_{\ddot{\mathbf{j}}} \ge b \end{cases},\tag{2}$$

0, d<sup>୧୨</sup> ≥ b where dij denotes the Euclidean distance from regression point i to data point j; and b refers to the bandwidth.

Owing to its size directly affecting the spatial variation of the GWR model, the determination of the bandwidth was very important for the establishment of the GWR model. The bandwidth could be treated as a smooth parameter; the larger the bandwidth was, the smoother the parameter was [61,62]. An overly smooth model made the parameters in the entire study area tend to be similar, while it made no difference between the parts. The best bandwidth should fall between these two situations [63–65]. Methods for bandwidth determination include cross validation (CV), Akaike's information criterion (AIC), Akaike's information criterion corrected (AICc), and BIC/MDL [66,67]. This paper determined the bandwidth by using AICc method.

#### **5. Results**

#### *5.1. Results of OLS*

OLS results were obtained after the industrial land transfer price was chosen as a dependent variable and the six variables were chosen as independent variables (Table 2).


**Table 2.** Results of ordinary least squares (OLS).

Note: \*\*\*, \*\*, and \* indicate significance at the 0.1%, 1%, and 5% levels.

According to the coefficient value, variables showing a negative correlation with the industrial land transfer price included Dic and Lap. Variables showing a positive correlation with the industrial land transfer price included GDP, Pod, Pog, and Hon.

#### *5.2. Parameter Estimation Results by the OLS Model and GWR Model*

Using the GWR module in SAM software, the parameter estimation results were obtained (Table 3). GWR explained 89.6% of the industrial land transfer price's degree of variation rate, while OLS explained 64.1%; GWR's AICc was −229.362, while OLS's AICc was 46.499. Residual (4.13) by the OLS model was greater than the 1.45 obtained by using the GWR model. Moran's *I* (0.015, *p* < 0.001) indicated that GWR's residuals were randomly distributed [68–71] (Figure 5). Therefore, GWR was superior to OLS.

**Table 3.** Diagnostic statistic testing of geographically weighted regression (GWR) and OLS.


**Figure 5.** Parameter estimation results of GWR. (**a**) Residual of GWR's distribution; (**b**) Moran's *I*.

Using the GWR model, the driving variables' regression coefficients were estimated (Table 4). The regression coefficients of Pod, Pog, Dic, and Hon showed opposite characteristics, except GDP and Lap, reflecting that the driving factors of the industrial land transfer price were complicated modes under diverse spatial conditions.


**Table 4.** Descriptive statistics by GWR.

Number of observations = 25.

#### **6. Driving Factors' Spatial Interaction Modes by the GWR Method**

The spatial pattern of the industrial land price will be affected by the level of regional economic development, traffic conditions, natural geographical conditions, and government policies [72,73]. According to the results of the spatial regression of the industrial land price, Gao et al. (2014) proposed that the price of industrial land is affected by the economic development level, the traffic conditions, the supporting facilities, the geological landform, and landscape ecology [74]. Their research method mainly draws on the characteristic price model commonly used in the real estate market, and although it can reflect the relationship between the characteristics of different elements and the land price to a certain extent, its mechanism still needs to be further demonstrated [75].

#### *6.1. Spatial Driving Pattern by Economy Conditions*

The higher the economic growth rate of an area is, the greater its potential for economic development will be [2,76]. A high-economic-growth area will attract more and more industrial layout sites, thus raising the price of industrial land [2,15]. The per capita fiscal revenue can objectively reflect the financial level of the local government. The more abundant the local government finances are, the less dependent it is on the land. On the contrary, a government with tight finances relies too much on "land finance", thus blindly raising the price of industrial land in order to obtain more financial revenue [15].

GDP could affect the industrial land transfer price [77–79]. In our study area, the industrial land transfer price was centered on the Zhuanlu Town and Pangcun Town in the north of Dingzhou City and decreased from the northwest to the southeast. In the south, Zizi Town, Lijiagu Town, Xingyi Town, and Xicheng Town formed four low-value centers. The results showed that the economic situation had a greater effect on industrial land transfer prices in Zhuanlu Town and Pangcun Town than in the other 23 towns, but the impact on Ziwei Town, Liqingu Town, Xingyi Town, and Xicheng Town was not obvious (Figure 6).

**Figure 6.** Regression coefficient of GDP.

#### *6.2. Spatial Driving Pattern by Population Conditions*

Pod's regression coefficient distribution centered on the north of Zhuanlu Town and Pangcun Town; it had a layered decline from the northwest to the southeast and formed four low-value centers in Ziwei Town, Liqingu Town, Xingyi Town, and Xicheng Town. This showed that the population density status had a greater effect on industrial land transfer prices in Zhuanlu Town and Pangcun Town than in the other 23 towns, but the impact on Ziwei Town, Liqingu Town, Xingyi Town, and Xicheng Town was not obvious (Figure 7). Specifically, a higher population density supports a greater workforce and more factories. This finding confirms that these towns have a large population density, a greater demand for land, and higher land prices.

The regression coefficient distribution of Pog centered on the south of Xizhong Town, Ziwei Town, Liqingu Town, and Xingyi Town; it had a layered decline from the south to the north and formed four low-value centers in Zhuanlu Town, Qingfengdian Town, Pangcun Town, and Liuzao Town. This indicated that the population growth situation had a significantly greater effect on the price of industrial land transfer in Xizhong Town than in the other 21 towns, but the impact on Zhuanlu Town, Qingfengdian Town, Pangcun Town, and Liuzao Town in the north was not obvious (Figure 8). This also confirms that the population, as the main consumer of land, and its growth, have a significant positive impact on regional residential land prices.

**Figure 7.** Regression coefficient of Pod.

**Figure 8.** Regression coefficient of Pog.

#### *6.3. Spatial Driving Pattern by Location Conditions*

Due to the existence of agglomeration benefits and scale benefits, the distance to the development zone affects the spatial pattern of the industrial land price in study area [2,80]. The traffic road network mainly improves the location conditions of industrial land, so as to reduce the transportation cost of enterprise layout, and thereby affects the price of regional industrial land [2].

Distance from the economic center also plays an important role in the industrial land transfer price [81–84]. Dic's regression coefficient distribution centered on the south of Xizhong Town; it had a layered decline from the southeast to the northwest and had two low-value centers in Liuzao Town and Daxinzhaung Town in the north. This indicated that the distance from a town to the city seat had a significantly greater effect on the price of industrial land transfer in Xizhong Town than in the other 24 towns, but the impact on Liuzao Town and Daxinzhuang Town was not obvious (Figure 9).

**Figure 9.** Regression coefficient of Dic.

#### *6.4. Spatial Driving Pattern by Infrastructure Conditions*

The distance to the hospital and schools affects the choice of the layout of enterprises by affecting their employees' medical treatment and children's education, thereby affecting the price of industrial land [15].

Hon's regression coefficient distribution centered on the southwest of Xizhong Town and Xingyi Town; it had a layered decline from the southeast to the northwest, and there were two low-value centers in Liuzao Town and Daxinzhaung Town in the north. This indicated that the number of hospitals per unit area had a significantly greater effect on the price of industrial land transfer in Xizhong Town and Daxinzhuang than in the other 23 towns, but the impact on Liuzao Town and Daxinzhuang Town was not obvious (Figure 10).

**Figure 10.** Regression coefficient of Hon.

#### *6.5. Spatial Driving Pattern by Natural Resource Conditions*

The effect of the proportion of cultivated land on the price of industrial land is the same as that of residential land. As this is most important reserve resource of construction land, higher proportions of industrial land result in lower prices of industrial land [85–89].

Lap's regression coefficient distribution centered on the southwest of Xizhong Town and Xingyi Town; it had a layered decline from the southeast to the northwest, and two low-value centers in Liuzao Town and Daxinzhaung Town in the north. This indicated that the proportion of cultivated land had a significantly greater effect on the price of industrial land transfer in Xizhong Town and Daxinzhuang than in the other 23 towns, but the impact on Liuzao Town and Daxinzhuang Town was not obvious (Figure 11).

**Figure 11.** Regression coefficient of Lap.

#### **7. Conclusions**

The price of industrial land transfer is a product of various factors, such as the social economy, resource endowment, and geological conditions. This paper selected eight factors from four aspects (economic conditions, population conditions, traffic conditions, and topographic conditions) and analyzed the influencing factors of the industrial land transfer price in Dingzhou City, China, by using the OLS and GWR models. There are three main conclusions: (1) Compared with the traditional OLS model, the GWR model can reveal spatial differentiation features of influencing factors affecting the industrial land transfer price. (2) Factors that have a negative correlation with the industrial land transfer price included the proportion of cultivated land area and the distance to the city. Factors that have a positive correlation with the industrial land transfer price included the population growth rate, economic growth rate, population density, and number of hospitals per unit area. (3) The results of the GWR model showed that each driving factor had different impact patterns on each town; there were significant spatial differentiation characteristics. For different towns, the economic conditions, population conditions, traffic conditions, terrain conditions, and other factors had different degrees of influence on the industrial land transfer price. A town should undertake corresponding measures based on its own weak conditions.

Based on the above analysis, the development of the land market in Dingzhou City in recent years has been relatively orderly. The local government monopolizes the land, guides the development of the land market by regulating and transferring the land price, promotes the rational and effective utilization of the limited land resources in urban areas, and adjusts the layout of the industrial structure. In the land market, the price difference of different township land use types, different locations, and different land grades is obvious, which reflects the differential income of the land. The model of influencing land prices obtained in this study is not only the result of the combination of government regulation and land market development, but also the basis for further regulation and control of the land price. According to the current distribution and changing trends of the land price, combined with urban planning, industrial policy, and other factors, the government can guide reasonable changes of the land price through the land market. With the implementation of the paid land transfer mode, e.g., bidding and auctions, the government should not control the transfer land price in terms of the specific price [90]. The land price is mainly determined by the market. The government should make relevant land price policies in a timely and effective manner and guide the land users to use the land considering the aspects of infrastructure, public service, supporting the environment, and maintaining farmland reserve resources.

Because villages and towns are used as the minimum analysis unit, the influence of government regulation and control policy on the land transfer price may be somewhat masked, which restricts the accuracy of the analysis results to a certain extent [15]. Due to the continuous development of the city, the urban land price changes with time. The price data of a certain year can only objectively reflect the average trend of the urban land price and cannot analyze the evolution law of the urban land price on any time scale. Therefore, one of the key points of future research will be to study the changes of the main factors that affect the spatial pattern of the land price based on different periods of time.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, Z.Y. and Y.F.; methodology, C.L.; software, C.L.; validation, Z.Y., C.L. and Y.F.; formal analysis, Z.Y., C.L. and Y.F.; investigation, Z.Y.; resources, Z.Y., C.L. and Y.F.; data curation, C.L.; writing—original draft preparation, Z.Y., C.L. and Y.F.; writing—review and editing, C.L.; visualization, Z.Y. and C.L.; supervision, Z.Y., C.L. and Y.F.; project administration, Z.Y., C.L. and Y.F.; funding acquisition, Z.Y., C.L. and Y.F. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research was funded by the National Natural Science Foundation of China, grant number 41501606; Humanities and social science research project of Ministry of Education of China, grant number 13YJC790182; Foundation of Key Laboratory of Urban Agriculture in East China, Ministry of Agriculture, grant number HD201803; Natural Science Foundation of Shandong Province, grant number ZR201911100159; State Scholarship Fund of China, grant number 201908610060; Shaanxi Science and Technology Plan Project, grant number 2019ZDLSF06-07; Special Research Project of Education Department of Shaanxi, grant number 19JK0437.

**Acknowledgments:** Many thanks go to the support from Key Laboratory of Urban Agriculture in East China, Ministry of Agriculture, China.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **References**


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