**5. Conclusions**

In this study, we have explored Guru Nanak's own works concerning Babur's invasions, and looked at different historical narratives produced much later about the Guru's encounter with Babur, originating at different times from diverse circles and reflecting their ideological and political agenda. These narratives offered different interpretations of the verses of the *Babar-v ¯ a¯n. ¯ı*, reflecting the historical contexts and motives of their authors. In our analysis, we have drawn supporting evidence from the text of the *Baburnama* to extend the number of works in the *Babar-v ¯ a¯n . ¯ ı* from a 'fixed' assemblage of 'four' to 'nine,' making it an open collection that dynamically responds to specific questions raised by historians from time to time. The new framework created by our revision offers us a fresh analytical gaze into the critical events related to Babur's invasions and helps the novel readings of Guru Nanak's verses shine through. One can raise the issue of the *Babar-v ¯ a¯n. ¯ı* being the 'exception' in the context of the overall emphasis of Guru Nanak's teachings of 'interior devotion'. This is a simplistic assertion, since Guru Nanak's critique of political structures of his times may be seen in other works, particularly in his celebrated *Japj¯ı* (GGS, pp. 4, 6–8), *Var M ¯ ajh ¯* (GGS, p. 145), *Var¯ As ¯ a ¯* (GGS, pp. 468–9), *Var¯* *Malar¯* (GGS, pp. 1287–88) and the opening hymn of the very first melody of *Sir¯ı Ragu ¯* in the Sikh scripture (GGS, p. 14). The three categories of people referred to in Guru Nanak's *Malar¯* hymn actually provide us with a lens to deconstruct the Punjab crisis of 1984 (P. Singh 2016, pp. 173–90) from a fresh perspective. The present study challenges the reductionist approach that confines Guru Nanak's teachings to "interior devotion" limited essentially to the private sphere without taking into account its relevance in political, economic and social arenas of public sphere (P. Singh 2019, p. 3).

The most significant impact of the *Babar-v ¯ a¯n. ¯ı* has been on the evolving Sikh conceptions of the relationship between spiritual and political powers. Guru Nanak sowed the seeds of *m¯ır¯ı-p¯ır¯ı* tradition in his bold response to Babur's invasions because he maintained that unchecked political power could easily crush the religious authority of saintly people. In central Asia, the relationship between the Sufi shaykhs and political elites was well established in Islamicate dynasties. For instance, Omid Safi points out that "the *baraka* ["blessing"] of the saint legitimizes the military conquest of the warlord in exchange for promise of justice for the people" (Safi 2006, pp. 133–34). The baraka-legitimizing narratives may be seen in connection with Timurid and Ottoman dynasties. In particular, Babur was connected to Naqshbandi Sufi order: 'Ubaydullah Ahrar granted victory in taking Samarqand (Eaton 2019, p. 205). Babur later patronized the Shattari order, as did Humayun (ibid., p. 241). Humayun "re-confirmed" tax-free land for the Naqshbandis to "consolidate his grip" on Kabul (ibid., pp. 212–13). For Akbar, however, the Chisti Sufi order was an "indigenizing force", whose shrines in India "made India itself the spiritual home of Chisti Sufism" (ibid., p. 75). Thus, Akbar signaled a shift away from the Central Asian Sufi shaykhs toward the "Indianized Chistis" (ibid., p. 221). Azfar Moin has argued that the Indo-Timuri empire was based on such ideas of sacred kingship gleaned from the Safavids: "the Sufi practice of inculcating loyalty and marking fealty that had been inflicted upon Babur by Shah Isma'il had, over the course of a century, become an institutional sca ffolding of the Mughal imperial system ... Babur had witnessed how the Safavids acted as both kings and saints, first absorbing his Timurid cousins and then him as their subordinates and disciples" (Moin 2014, p. 177). Unsurprisingly, after his victory in the battle of Khanua in 1527, Babur added the title of "Ghazi" ("Holy Warrior") to his o fficial seal to claim authority in both temporal and spiritual realms: "For the sake of Islam I became a wanderer; I battled infidels and Hindus. I determined to become a martyr. Thank God I became a holy warrior" (Thackston 1996, p. 387). In light of this background, we can safely say that the Saidpur invasion of Babur was of an exploratory nature where he came across Baba Nanak through the courtesy of Dawlat Khan Lodi. It must have been di fficult for him to accept an Indian saint in preference to Sufi shaykhs. This may have been another reason for his silence over his meeting with the Guru in his memoirs.

This study has revealed how Guru Nanak was moved by the ill treatment of Dawlat Khan Lodi and his family at the capture of Lahore by Babur in the period 1525–1526. As a matter of fact, Dawalt Khan was an important political figure in the Punjab, whom Babur mentioned in his memoirs frequently: "Dawlat Khan's father Tatar Khan was one of the seven or eight commanders who had rebelled, taken over Hindustan, and set up Bahlol as padishah ["emperor"]. All the areas to the north of Sirhind and the Sutlej River belonged to Tatar Khan, and these districts had a revenue of more than three crores [/thirty million]. After Tatar Khan's death, Sultan Sikandar in his capacity as padishah seized the territory from Tatar Khan's sons. A year or two before I came to Kabul, he gave Lahore to Dawlat Khan" (Thackston 1996, p. 278). This early reference shows the esteem in which Babur held Dawlat Khan. In order to use diplomacy, Babur handed Mula Murshad letters he had written to Dawlat Khan and Sultan Ibrahim along with a hawk to lay claim to the territories that had belonged to the Turk: "Dawlat Khan kept our man in Lahore for a few days without seeing him or sending him to Ibrahim. A few months later he went back to Kabul without having received a reply" (ibid., p. 279). This incidence irked Babur immensely, because he considered himself the rightful heir of Amir Temur (1336–1405), who invaded northern India in 1398. The territories he conquered came to be known as Turkish. In 1524, however, Dawlat Khan revolted against Sultan Ibrahim to become an independent ruler, and he reached out to Babur to come to his aid in Punjab. At the same time, the Afghan

nobles at Lahore had decided to send Alam Khan Lodi and Dilawar Khan, Dawlat Khan's son, to persuade Babur to help them in removing Ibrahim Lodi and placing his uncle Alam Khan on the throne (G. Singh 1987, p. 80). Babur was watching these developments of rebellion in Hindustan carefully, and he strategically camped at Sialkot on 29 December 1525 (Thackston 1996, p. 315). There, he learned of Alam Khan's defeat by Sultan Ibrahim, and later on Babur defeated the forces led by Bihar Khan Lodi to capture Lahore. As already noted, Dawlat Khan surrendered with the hope to be forgiven but Babur had him and his family members, along with few of their grandees, put in chains. On Monday, 8 January 1526, Babur "entered the fortress for an inspection and went into Ghazi Khan's library, which held a few valuable books. I gave some of them to Humayun and sent others to Kamran" (ibid., p. 319). Babur further noticed that the troops were raising a ruckus at the gate of the Lahore fortress: "as peremptory punishment I shot a few of them. All at once a fateful arrow hit Humayun's storyteller, and he died on the spot" (ibid., p. 319). Guru Nanak referred to this destruction poignantly: "Lahore city, poison, violence, a watch and a quarter" (GGS, p. 1412; also see SGPC [1941] 1979, *Shabadarath ¯* , p. 1412, n. 15). The defeat of Sultan Ibrahim Lodi at Panipat in 1526 was ingrained in his memory when he sang the opening hymn in *Sir¯ı Ragu ¯* : "If I were to become a Sultan and raise a huge army, and sit on a throne, issuing commands and collecting taxes, O Nanak, all of this could pass away like a pu ff of wind" (GGS, p. 14). In this context, J.S Grewal adroitly argues that Guru Nanak continued to exhort his audience at Kartarpur "to turn to God, the true king, the king of kings", [whose] "service alone is true service" (Grewal 1990, p. 29).

As already noted in the introduction, the text of the *Baburnama* breaks o ff at the events of year [Hijra] 926 (1519–1520 CE) and picks up again nearly six years later in [Hijra] 932 (1525 CE). The gaps in the text are likely the result of loss of quires during storm (see fol. 376b in Thackston). Several comments show that Babur was working on parts of his memoirs in [Hijra] 935 (1528–1529 CE)—the last year for which there is an entry—and he died in the following year, in 1530. It is possible that Babur himself removed some portions from his memoirs at this time of final editing. Babur's son Humayun (1508–1556) knew Chaughatay, the Timurids' spoken Turkish language, well and he read his father's memoirs frequently. Babar's grandson, Akbar (1542–1605), also knew Chaughatay, for he was only fourteen years when his father Humayun died in 1556 (Thackston 1996, pp. 11, 440). The memory of Babur's meeting with Baba Nanak at Saidpur may have been alive in Humayun's mind, and that is why he went to see Guru Angad after his defeat at the hands of the Afghan general Sher Shah Suri in 1540. Worldly rulers normally turn to spiritual leaders in their moment of distress. Similarly, Akbar o fficially visited the Sikh Darbar at Goindval on 4 November 1598. He was pleased to ¯ listen to "the recitation of Hindi verses that had been composed by Baba Nanak for expounding the knowledge of God" (P. Singh 2006, pp. 19–21). This strong tradition was suppressed by later Mughal rulers. The invasion of Saidpur in the period 1520–1521 may not have carried much importance in Babur's eyes; hence it did not find a place in his memoirs. For Guru Nanak, however, it was the most significant event, because he had first-hand experience of violence at Saidpur. Its impact may be seen in his later works. While appreciating the beauty and wonder of goodness in the world in his *Japj¯ı*, Guru Nanak praises "countless heroic warriors who bear the brunt of attack in battle" (GGS, p. 4). He simultaneously admits the existence of evil and tyranny in the following stanza: "Countless the fools, the thieves, the swindlers; countless those who rule by force. Countless are the cutthroats and violent murderers; countless those who live evil lives" (GGS, p. 4). Again, violence is divinely sanctioned: "When it pleases You [O divine Sovereign!], some wield swords cutting o ff heads [of their enemies] as they move" (GGS, p. 145). In the *Mar¯ u¯* hymn, the Divine is represented as both violent and benevolent: "He himself kills and rejuvenates" (GGS, p. 1034). Not surprisingly, love and violence, pains and pleasures, good and evil, matter and spirit are intrinsic to human condition. In Guru Nanak's spiritual vision, therefore, both good and evil exist in the divine plan (P. Singh 2012, p. 203). The *Babar-v ¯ a¯n. ¯ı* highlights this fact: "The Creator himself acts and causes others to act. Unto whom should we complain? Pain and pleasure come by Your will, unto whom should we go and cry? The divine Commander is pleased by issuing the command, O Nanak, we receive what is written in our destiny" (GGS, p. 418).

For a deeper understanding of the impact of the *Babar-v ¯ a¯n. ¯ı* we need to understand the human actors who participate in warfare or sporadic acts of violence. One must comprehend the motivation of those warriors who fight in the battlefield, resulting in the shedding of blood in violent encounters. The invaders are always triggered by the motivation of conquering new lands. The text of *Baburnama* explicitly records Babur's motivation of the conquest of Hindustan in January 1505: "In consultation we decided on a campaign to Hindustan ... I had never seen a hot climate or any of Hindustan before. When we reached Nangarhar, a new world came into view—di fferent plants, di fferent trees, di fferent animals and birds, di fferent tribes and people, di fferent manners and customs. It was astonishing, truly astonishing" (Thackston 1996, p. 186; also see G. Singh 1987, p. 78). The opponents of invaders may be inspired by the patriotic spirit to defend their country from the aggressors. This is what Sultan Ibrahim Lodi was doing at Panipat, although he was defeated in the battle. Still others may die fighting for "heroic values" and their death may be constructed as the ideal of a martyrdom. For Guru Nanak, a heroic death must be based upon the true "honor" obtained before the divine court of Akal Purakh: "Blessed is the death of heroic persons if their dying is approved of [by the immortal Lord]. Only those people may be called heroes who obtain true honor before the divine Court" (GGS, pp. 579–80). Such spiritual heroes who practice the discipline of meditation on the divine Name (*nam simaran ¯* ) during their lifetime receive true honor at the final moment of death. In fact, the fourth stage on the mystic path described in the *Japj¯ı* is the "Realm of Grace" (*karam khan. d.* ), which is the abode of "divine heroes and mighty warriors" who pass beyond error and transmigration. They are the 'real martyrs' in Guru Nanak's eyes. They are in full control of themselves, since they have conquered their 'self,' an achievement that goes beyond the conquest of nations and people (GGS, p. 8; P. Singh 2014, p. 233). By contrast, "the noses of tyrants [who terrorize innocent people] are chopped o ff in disgrace and they are branded as untrustworthy in the divine court" (GGS, p. 1288). Gurinder Singh Mann compellingly argues that it was Babur's invasions that "impelled Bab¯ a N¯ anak to found a new ¯ *panth*, thereby creating a world that would stand apart from the senseless carnage he had observed" (Mann 2018, p. 177). He continues to demonstrate that Guru Nanak's immediate response to the political violence generated by these invasions set him far apart from the contemporary poet-saints (*bhagats*) of North India.

In sum, the *Babar-v ¯ an¯. ¯ı* verses elucidate how Guru Nanak encountered Babur at Saidpur, singing a hymn in Persian language to the tune of a wartime melody, and exposing the greedy tendencies of the aggressor in a most intimate way. These verses further reveal how he invoked the Creator of the universe with awe and anger to complain that the Divine had been unjust in wreaking havoc upon innocent people who had nothing to do with war and politics. The "very powerful verses," to use historian J.S. Grewal's illuminating phrase, have cultivated the spirit of speaking Truth to Power among the Sikhs at most critical junctures. They have provided a radical new reading of the traumatic events of Indian history and have become the source of multiple interpretations for later generations. The novel readings of these verses and their subsequent Sikh exegesis can illuminate evolving Sikh conceptions of the relationship between spiritual and political powers. The framework of this study will o ffer a counter perspective to the most popular narrative among traditional scholars. It will certainly challenge the Mughal-centric imperial perspective.

#### **Funding:** This research received no external funding.

**Acknowledgments:** I am grateful to the two anonymous reviewers for providing me with their critical feedback to revise an earlier draft of this paper. These two readers deserve my appreciation once again for their helpful comments in the second round of revisions. Minor refinements were further made in the third revision. All the citations from the *Guru Granth S ¯ ahib ¯* are taken from the standard version of the 1430 page text. For instance, "GGS, p. 721" refers to the citation on page 721 of the standard volume. The code word "M" [or "Mahalla"] with an ¯ appropriate number is used for the Sikh Gurus in the Sikh scripture. The translations are adapted from Sant Singh Khalsa's online version of the Guru Granth Sahib. A very short version of this paper was presented at the international conferences at the University of Calgary, University of Wolverhampton, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor and Centre for Research in Rural and Industrial Development (CRRID), Chandigarh, celebrating Guru

Nanak's 550th Birth Anniversary from June to November 2019. I am thankful to the scholars at these conferences who encouraged me with their valuable suggestions.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The author declares no conflict of interest.

**Dedication:** I dedicate this article to Jagtar Singh Grewal who taught me at the University of Toronto in 1988 as a visiting professor.
