**About the Editor**

**Giuseppina Migliore** is an Associate Professor in Agricultural Economics and valuation at the Department of Agricultural, Food and Forest Sciences, University of Palermo (Italy, EU). She has achieved two Ph.Ds: one in Sociology and Rural Development, and the other in Agricultural Economics and Policy. Her main research interest deals with consumer perception and behavior towards food products. In particular, her studies are focused on consumers' demand for functional, local, natural, and organic food. In these studies, she also applies economic and behavioral experiments to analyze non-hypothetical food choices. She has been a speaker at several international conferences, has published more than 40 papers in prestigious scientific journals and is author of several scientific articles in top research journals.

## *Editorial* **Sustainable Food Consumption Practices: Insights into Consumers' Experiences**

**Giuseppina Migliore**

Department of Agricultural, Food and Forest Sciences, University of Palermo, 90128 Palermo, Italy; giuseppina.migliore@unipa.it

In recent years, the increasing consumer concern towards food safety, environmental sustainability, and social justice issues have stimulated new consumption practices more oriented towards social, economic, and environmental sustainability [1–3].

This includes the growing consumers' preference towards organic food, local food, and other sustainable food and beverage consumption (Contribution 1) [4], as well as the spread of alternative distribution chains, which emphasize the importance of local food productions [5], the short-distance transportation of food, and the direct relationship between consumers and producers, although, as Kwil and colleagues (Contribution 2) highlighted in this Special Issue, "local" is still an ambiguous term in the food domain.

Relatively to organic consumption, which represents one of the main examples of sustainable consumption practices, Rizzo, and colleagues (Contribution 3) emphasized, in this Special Issue, how the growing consumers' interest in organic products is not only due to their desire to protect the environment or sustain rural areas, but the perceived positive impact on human health of organic food consumption has been shown as the main driver of consumer preferences for organic extra-virgin olive oil. The preference for health attribute has also been highlighted by Butcher and colleagues (Contribution 4), as well as by Butu and colleagues (Contribution 5), among Romanian urban consumers of ecological food products, and by Nagy-Pércsi and Fogarassy (Contribution 6) for organic consumers in the Hungarian market. In addition, Testa and colleagues (Contribution 7) showed that the trend towards the preference for the health attribute also involved the consumer's convenient orientation and is not linked only to green products. In particular, the authors also found that the category of ready-to-eat products, especially fresh-cut fruits, is affected by health-conscious consumers.

The importance of a product's health attribute as an important driver of sustainable consumption practices among consumers was also highlighted by Estell and colleagues (Contribution 1), who highlighted that consumers' interest in a plant-based diet is driven by the perception that these products promote good health, while also being environmentally friendly. Furthermore, in their study, they highlighted that the trend towards a plantbased diet is also sustained by ethical reasons, as declared by the growing number of vegan consumers in their sample. In line with this, Sanchez-Sabate et al (Contribution 8), in their review aimed at understanding consumers' attitudes towards reducing meat consumption, found that vegetarians and vegans perceive the environment as simply another reason, among others, to maintain a meatless diet. Furthermore, they found that consumer awareness is hampered by beliefs about food, meat, and personal behaviour. Nutrition, health, and taste were found to be both enablers and barriers with regard to consumers' willingness to buy a food product. This highlighted how the trend towards sustainable consumption practices is the result of an overlap of hedonistic and altruistic reasons, the latter supported by ethical values linked to the protection of the environment and society. Ethical reasons also seem to drive the trend towards sustainable consumption practices in Italy. In this regard, Tempesta and colleagues (Contribution 9) found that 74% of consumers in their sample were willing to pay a price premium for eggs produced

**Citation:** Migliore, G. Sustainable Food Consumption Practices: Insights into Consumers' Experiences. *Sustainability* **2021**, *13*, 5979. https:// doi.org/10.3390/su13115979

Received: 18 May 2021 Accepted: 20 May 2021 Published: 26 May 2021

**Publisher's Note:** MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

**Copyright:** © 2021 by the author. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

by disadvantaged people in social farms, emphasizing that social protection is also an important driver of the trend towards sustainable consumption. However, this trend is not only powered by specific quality attributes of the products, such as products that are environmental-friendly, fair, and healthy. Consumers also pay attention to the channels in which they buy food products. Short supply chains have received much attention in many countries during the last few years. This is emphasized in this Special Issue by the study on the farmers' markets of Tsai (Contribution 10) in Taiwan, which highlighted how consumers interest in farmers' markets includes both economic and social aspects. The economic aspect deals with transaction issues, including purchase motives, quality, satisfaction, purchase behaviour, and post-purchase behaviour. Similarly, social aspects focus on the social relations between producers and consumers, as well as psychological feelings when consumers go to markets, created by the quality of these interactions.

In addition, these sustainable consumption practices also seem to involve tourist destination choice [6], rural tourism and gastronomy interest [7]. This was emphasized by Testa and colleagues (Contribution 11) in this Special Issue, who underlined how agri-tourism represents one of the most important places where culinary tourists can experience local food and beverages. The choice of these tourist destinations seems affected by different criteria, among which the healthiness of food productions and the cultural experience are linked to local food consumption. Furthermore, this study highlighted how the culinary tourism experience is also affected by the trend towards social and environmental sustainability, that is support for rural community and environmental protection. This highlights that sustainability could play a crucial role in the competitiveness of agri-tourism destinations.

This Special Issue aimed to contribute to the literature on sustainable consumption practices, by enriching discussions on consumer's experiences and by emphasizing the motivational and demographic factors, as well as the cultural and situational factors, that guide consumer behaviour towards these practices. The studies included in this Special Issue shed light on some aspects of sustainable consumption practices, however, further comparative research is obviously needed to overcome the limits to the external validity of the results published here, in many cases based on convenient samples of consumers, and to investigate the analytical effort proposed in this Special Issue. Finally, future research should incorporate different theories to better understand the complex issue of individual behaviour, in order to deepen the understanding of the complex world of the consumer and his/her effort to power the trend of sustainable consumption practices.

#### **List of Contributions:**


**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **References**


## *Article* **Plant Protein and Plant-Based Meat Alternatives: Consumer and Nutrition Professional Attitudes and Perceptions**

**Madeline Estell 1, Jaimee Hughes <sup>2</sup> and Sara Grafenauer 1,2,\***


**Abstract:** Plant-based and flexitarian eating patterns are increasingly popular, and the food supply system has responded with a wide range of convenience products despite a lack of understanding regarding consumer views. The aim of this study was to explore consumer and nutrition professional (NP) perceptions and attitudes to plant protein, including plant-based meat alternatives (PBMA) within an Australian context. Using an online survey promoted via social media, 679 responses (89% completion rate), achieved an even spread across key age groups. A total of sixty percent reported following a special diet, with 25% vegan and 19% flexitarian. 'Health' was a key driver for diet type among the NPs (53.3%) and they were less likely to follow a special diet, while "ethical" reasons were cited by consumers (69%). Plant-based eating was considered a vegan dietary pattern and the most frequently consumed plant-based proteins were whole grains. Most (74%) had tried PBMA, but they were more frequently chosen by consumers, with burger patties then sausages and mince selected as a 'trendy' choice; taste was very important across both groups. Products mimicking chicken and fish were of less interest. Plant-based claims were observed by 78% but these were also of greater interest to consumers. Participants reported looking for whole ingredients and iron content and expected that both iron and vitamin B12 would be comparable to red meat. Sodium was the nutrient of greatest interest to NPs and, together, these results help inform the direction for product innovation, while also highlighting the need to assess the adequacy of the dietary pattern when promoting sustainable plant-based eating.

**Keywords:** plant-based; sustainable; meat alternatives; plant protein; flexitarian; vegan; vegetarian

#### **1. Introduction**

'Plant-based' has placed within the top ten global food trends since 2014 according to New Nutrition Business and, as of 2020, is one of the top three trends [1]. The concept has also been recently highlighted via the Planetary Health Diet as part of the Eat Lancet Commission [2] and presents as a significant opportunity to review eating patterns. Plantbased diets are focused on fruit, vegetables, nuts, whole grains and legumes, in addition to unsaturated plant oils and modest amounts of meat and dairy. Current global dietary trends are having detrimental impacts on both the environment and human health, with traditional diets being replaced by those characterised by higher intakes of refined sugars, fats, highly processed foods and meats [3]. One of the possible solutions to address current health and environmental challenges is to obtain a greater proportion of protein from plant sources. It has been suggested that following a 'flexitarian' dietary pattern, with a reduction in consumption of animal-based foods and increased consumption of plant-based foods has been associated with a reduction in the risk of both disease [4,5], and impacts on the planet [2,6,7]; however, sustainability assessments of food and eating patterns are complex. As little as a 3% change in total energy from animal protein (meat, poultry, fish or dairy products) to plant proteins (like whole grains, legumes, beans and nuts) has been identified in reducing risk of premature death (between 5% and 10%) in two recently published

**Citation:** Estell, M.; Hughes, J.; Grafenauer, S. Plant Protein and Plant-Based Meat Alternatives: Consumer and Nutrition Professional Attitudes and Perceptions. *Sustainability* **2021**, *13*, 1478. https:// doi.org/10.3390/su13031478

Academic Editor: Giuseppina Migliore Received: 9 December 2020 Accepted: 21 January 2021 Published: 1 February 2021

**Publisher's Note:** MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

**Copyright:** © 2021 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

studies [5,8]. While the tendency is to focus on meat and other animal-based proteins within the diet, highly processed foods also have a higher environmental footprint. When Green House Gas emissions (GHGe) were examined, core foods contributed 68.4%, of which meat and meat alternatives contributed 33.9%. Diets with average to high amounts of discretionary foods increased emissions 121–307% compared with the recommended dietary pattern [9].

Predictions are that by 2050 we could see increases in global GHGe of 80% from food production and land erosion, as well as increasing rates of Type 2 diabetes mellitus, coronary heart disease and other chronic conditions [2,10]. Global burden of disease data points to diets high in sodium, low in whole grain, fruit, seeds, nuts, vegetables and low in omega 3 as the top six dietary concerns driving both morbidity and mortality [3]. In Australia, an unhealthy diet accounts for 27,500 preventable deaths annually, where 7400 are due to diets low in whole grain, 5500 due to low fruit, 4900 due to low nuts and seeds and 4400 due to low vegetables [11]. As a consequence, it has been suggested that " ... a policy focus on the sugar and fat components of diets might have a comparatively smaller effect than that of promotion of increased uptake of vegetables, fruit, whole grains, nuts and seeds and seafood omega-3" [3]. The current Australian Dietary Guidelines only briefly address the environmental effects of food choices [12]. However, eating patterns using the Typical Australian Diet Basket (based on the 1995 National Nutrition Survey data) have been assessed against the dietary pattern proposed by the EAT Lancet Commission [13]. Researchers found that the Planetary Health Diet was more affordable than the Typical Australian Diet for metropolitan-dwelling Australians with savings of up to AUD 1800 per annum through the adoption of this dietary pattern [13]. The authors reported that further savings could be made by purchasing fresh seasonal produce, buying dry goods in bulk, utilising supermarket special buys and price mark-downs, and replacing some more expensive items (e.g., fresh salmon with less expensive tinned salmon). This research provides the basis for an economic motivator concerning changing dietary patterns, and in alignment with this is a greater emphasis on plant proteins.

To aid in the transition to a plant-based dietary pattern, alternative protein sources are being explored as possible substitutes to conventional animal-based proteins. Although vegetarian and vegan diets have been common for many years and plant-based food items such as tofu and textured soy protein have existed in the western world since at least the 1960s, more recently there has been a steadily increasing range of plant-based meat alternatives (PBMAs) [14]. Unlike tofu and textured soy protein products, it appears that the target has moved from a niche to a more mainstream trend, with a new generation of products designed specifically to appeal to meat-eaters without the need to elicit major dietary changes. PBMAs made from processed plant-based ingredients such as legume protein isolates, are formulated to imitate the taste, colour, texture and experience of eating meat. Since 2015, there has been a five-fold increase in the number of plant-based meat substitutes in Australia, where many mimic the sensory experience of consuming animal-based products [14], with launches exceeding 4400 products worldwide [15].

Modelling suggests the PBMA market in Australia alone may reach AUD 3 billion in sales by 2030 [16]; however, it is unknown if Australian consumers are truly viewing these as a direct substitute for meat, with little consumer research published to date [17]. As with plant-based milk, there may be a health halo surrounding plant-based meat products and nutritional issues may not be well understood by consumers. There is a possibility of some being led to believe that PBMAs are healthier than they are, or others missing the opportunity to enter the market, believing them to be for special diets. The lack of published research points to a significant knowledge gap regarding Australian consumer perceptions and attitudes towards these products. Research is needed to help cater to and meet consumer demand while considering the vastly different nutritional needs between groups within the population and provide educational awareness where appropriate. The aim of this study was to explore consumer and nutrition professional (NP) perceptions and attitudes to plant protein including PBMAs within an Australian context.

#### **2. Materials and Methods**

A cross-sectional self-administered online survey was conducted between June 2020 and October 2020. Ethics approval for this study was provided by the University of Wollongong HREC (2020/256). Consumer and NP perspectives on plant protein and PBMAs were sought from Australians over the age of 18 years. NPs were defined as those with a background in nutrition science or dietetics and we relied on participants to selfidentify. The purpose of the study was to examine the alternative views of plant protein and PBMA by those with nutrition knowledge; however, the level or precise nature of nutrition qualification was not considered important. The survey was voluntary, anonymous, and tacit consent was provided after participants read the summarised. Participant Information Sheet on the first page of the survey. Participants were alerted to the study through a combination of convenience, snowballing and purposive recruitment, via word of mouth, as well as advertisement on social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter and Instagram via a nation-wide promotion of the survey link. The study was also advertised in the Grains & Legumes Nutrition Council (GLNC) newsletter to over 5000 subscribers. As an incentive to encourage participation, participants were given the opportunity for inclusion in a prize draw to win a AUD 50 grain and legume food prize pack.

Survey questions including answer options for multiple choice questions were based on previous research exploring plant protein and PBMAs [17,18]. The survey (see Appendix A) comprised of 32 questions and used both open and closed questionnaire design to collect information on participant demographics, reported consumption of plant-based protein foods, perceptions of PBMAs including barriers and enablers to consumption and comparison of PBMAs to animal-based proteins. PBMAs were clearly defined as products formulated to mimic the taste, texture and appearance of animal-based products, as the absence of a definition had been noted as an issue in previous consumer research [19]. Closed multiple-choice questions were used to collect participant demographics including age, gender, highest level of education, residential area and to gather information on current eating practices and dietary preferences. Participants were asked to indicate whether they had a background in nutrition science or dietetics, which was used to define the two groups (NPs and general consumers). For diet type, participants were asked to indicate which term best describes their current dietary pattern ('no special diet', 'flexitarian', 'vegetarian', 'vegan', 'pescatarian', 'gluten free' or 'other'), with each diet described in a short sentence to reduce respondent confusion. A five-point Likert scale was used to obtain perceptions of plant-based eating and PBMAs with options ranging from 'strongly agree' to 'strongly disagree' and 'very important' to 'not at all important' Optional open-ended questions allowed participants to expand or elaborate on their responses. The survey was pilot tested by five dietitians and three non-dietitians to assist with construct and content validity, as well as the general understanding of questions and flow of the survey tool.

Data were exported from Survey Monkey® to Microsoft® Excel® (Version 16.22, 2019, Washington, DC, USA), where data collation and cleaning occurred. Descriptive statistics were used to provide frequency counts and percentages for demographic information, multiple-choice questions and Likert scale related questions. Content analysis of openended responses was used to explore topics and themes as they emerged in the data, representing a conventional approach to this analysis with no preconceived ideas as to the relevant themes derived from responses [20]. Chi-Square tests with post-hoc analysis using Bonferroni adjustments for column frequencies and by considering the adjusted standardised residuals for cell comparisons were performed in SPSS (IBM SPSS®, version 25.0, IBM Corp., Chicago, IL, USA) to compare responses between NPs and consumers. For demographic questions related to diet type and reasons for following the diet, multiple responses were accepted and were excluded from statistical analysis. The significance levels for all tests was α < 0.05.

#### **3. Results**

#### *3.1. Participant Demographics*

A total of 679 eligible participants attempted the survey, corresponding to a completion rate of 89%. Partially complete questionnaires were included in the final analysis, as most responses were independent of one another. All participants resided in Australia, 37% of which were from New South Wales, 26% from Victoria, 12% from Queensland, 9% from South Australia, 7% from Western Australia, 4% from Australian Capital Territory and the remaining 5% from Tasmania and Northern Territory. As shown in Table 1, survey participants were mostly female (71.1%; *n* = 469), with a significantly higher (*p* < 0.05) proportion of females within the NPs group. In the total sample, the distribution across age groups was comparable to the Australian population [21], although the NPs tended to be younger. Three quarters of participants did not have a background in nutrition or dietetics (65.5%; *n* = 432); despite this, 71% (*n* = 468) held a bachelor or postgraduate degree. Most participants were primarily responsible for the household grocery shopping (81.4%; *n* = 537), with home cooking the most common method of food preparation (97.6%; *n* = 644).

**Table 1.** Participant demographics and differences between Consumers and Nutrition Professionals.


Chi-Square tests using Bonferroni adjustments *p* value < 0.05; \* within group differences (z score ± 1.96).

As shown in Table 2, most participants did not follow a specific diet (37.7%; *n* = 249). Among the NPs, there was a higher proportion of individuals not following a specific diet (54.0%, *n* = 123) compared with consumers (28.7%, *n* = 124). A higher proportion of consumers followed a vegan diet (34.5%, *n* = 149). A flexitarian dietary pattern was

reported by ~19% of the sample and whereas health was the key driver for dietary pattern choices among NPs, ethical concerns were the main factors influencing consumers.


**Table 2.** Diet type and reasons for diet among participant groups.

The majority of participants reported consuming two serves of fruit per day (42.7%; *n* = 281) and four serves of vegetables per day (24.7%; *n* = 163). More than half of NPs reported consuming two serves of fruit per day (53.7%, *n* = 122), while 29% of Consumers reported two or more serves of fruit per day. A greater proportion of NPs were also more likely to consume the suggested five serves of vegetables than Consumers (22.5% and 14.2%, respectively), with most Consumers (36.9%, *n* = 159) reporting only two serves of vegetables per day on average.

#### *3.2. Definition of Plant-Based Eating and Sources of Plant Protein*

A plant-based diet was defined as 'following a vegan diet' (55.3%, *n* = 352), 38% (*n* = 244) of participants defined a plant-based diet as 'following a flexitarian diet' and 27.8% (*n* = 177) defined it as 'a vegetarian diet'. Open-ended responses identified the most common sources of plant-based proteins as legumes, nuts, soy, tofu, whole grains, tempeh, vegetables and meat alternatives. This is depicted in a word cloud in Figure 1.

**Figure 1.** Word cloud based on responses to the question "When thinking of plant-based protein, what foods come to mind?" Larger fonts indicate a higher frequency of mentions by participants.

#### *3.3. Reported Consumption of Plant Protein and Plant-Based Meat Alternatives (PBMA)*

When reporting consumption, whole grains were the most frequently consumed source of plant protein, followed by nuts, seeds, legumes and tofu. As shown in Table A1 in Appendix B, there were significant differences in the consumption frequency of whole grains, nuts, tofu and tempeh between consumers and NPs but no difference in consumption for legumes or seeds. While 72.9% (*n* = 164) of NPs consumed whole grains daily, only 58.7% of consumers reportedly consumed whole grains daily. More than half of NPs consumed nuts daily, whereas consumers more frequently consumed tofu (27.7% 'more than once per week'). Tempeh was the least commonly consumed plant protein, with 50.2% of NPs and 39.8% of consumers reportedly 'never' consuming tempeh.

When questioned about PBMA that are formulated to mimic the taste, texture and colour of animal protein, 74.2% (*n* = 472) of participants reported having previously tried these products. Significant differences were observed between NPs and consumers (*p* < 0.001). Consumption of PBMA was higher among consumers, with 20.2% reporting consuming these products "at least once or more per week", whereas for NP, the highest frequency of consumption of PBMA was only "once per year" (20.9%, *n* = 47) (Table A1 in Appendix B). The most frequently consumed PBMA were burger patties (86.9%, *n* = 404), sausages (72.3%, *n* = 336), mince (67.3%, *n* = 313), and chicken (nuggets, strips, schnitzel) (59.1%, *n* = 275). Of those who had previously tried PBMAs, most had first purchased these products from the supermarket (76.9%, *n* = 363) as opposed to fast food chains (5.1%, *n* = 24) or other speciality stores (8.3%, *n* = 39).

#### *3.4. Nutrition Professional and Consumer Perceptions of Following a Plant-Based Dietary Pattern*

In general, most participants strongly agreed that following a plant-based dietary pattern promotes good nutrition (56.4%, *n* = 359) and is environmentally friendly, although 10% more consumers strongly agreed with the statement about environmental sustainability (Table 3). NPs were more likely to strongly agree that following a plant-based dietary pattern is high in dietary fibre (74.2%). In the case for protein, 42% of consumers strongly disagreed that consuming adequate protein would be difficult to obtain following a plantbased dietary pattern.

**Table 3.** Perceptions of following a plant-based dietary pattern and differences between Nutrition Professionals and Consumers.


\* Chi-Square tests using Bonferroni adjustments—within group differences (z score ± 1.96).

#### *3.5. Nutrition Professional and Consumer Perceptions of Plant-Based Meat Alternatives*

Of those who had previously tried PBMA (*n* = 472), most were driven by curiosity with 49.3% of participants selecting 'new food trend' as a key factor influencing consumption. This was followed by ethical concerns such as animal welfare (44.5%, *n* = 207), environmental concerns (41.5%, *n* = 193) and health reasons (28.6%, *n* = 133). Only 22.1% of participants reported consuming PBMA to assist in transitioning to a more plant-based diet. Common reasons for not consuming PBMA included 'currently not interested' (39.6%, *n* = 65), 'does not suit my eating preferences' (28.7%, *n* = 65), 'I am interested but haven't had the chance' (18.9%, *n* = 31) and other (12.8%, *n* = 21) with 'processed' being the most common response (7.9%, *n* = 13).

Table 4 outlines the factors influencing the selection of PBMA and differences between NPs and consumers. When asked to rate the importance of certain factors, 'suits my diet', 'ingredients', 'taste', 'texture' and 'ethical concerns' were rated very important by both NPs and consumers. Significant differences were observed between the two groups for all factors influencing the selection of PBMA, except for 'taste' (*p* = 0.683) which was rated very important and convenience (*p* = 0.894) as important to both groups. More than half of NPs believed that ingredients and texture were very important (53.9 and 57.3%, respectively); however, environmental (41.6%) and ethical concerns (53.4%) were considered very important among consumers—more so than NPs. The product brand was not at all important within this sample.

**Table 4.** Factors influencing the selection of plant-based meat alternatives and differences between Nutrition Professionals and Consumers.


\* Chi-Square tests using Bonferroni adjustments—within group differences (z score ± 1.96).

When asked about willingness to pay, participants were prepared to pay on average AUD 2.00–3.00/100 g for PBMA (Table A2 in Appendix C). For plant-based burgers and minced meat products, all participants were willing to pay slightly higher than the average cost (AUD 1.38) per 100 g with the majority selecting AUD 2.00–3.00/100 g. For plant-based sausages, consumers were willing to pay AUD 2.00–3.00/100 g, which is slightly above the average cost of meat-based products (AUD 1.42); whereas, NPs selected "I would not buy this product". For all participants, the least favourable options were plant-based chicken and fish varieties, with 36.9 and 43.2% unwilling to purchase these.

When selecting PBMA, most participants stated they looked for whole or familiar foods (57.5%, *n* = 268); however, 31.4% (*n* = 146) stated they do not look for specific ingredients. Twenty-seven percent reported looking for products with added vitamins and minerals and 22.6% (*n* = 105) looked for added vegetables. This trend was consistent among Consumers; however, NPs were more likely to look for products with added vitamins or minerals.

Table A3 in Appendix D outlines the importance of nutritional factors of PBMA and differences between consumers and NPs. Significant differences were observed between NPs and consumers for all nutritional factors, except for "high in protein" (*p* = 0.087), and "high in dietary fibre" (*p* = 0.081). The salt/sodium content of PBMA was considered "very important" for 44.8% of NPs (see Figure 2). Significant differences were observed in ratings for both iron and vitamin B12, with 72.8 and 73% of NPs regarded iron and B12 content as important, fairly important or very important, while far fewer consumers believed iron was very important and proportionally more felt it was not important at all, as shown in Figure 3. Surprisingly, 39.9% of NPs rated the HSR as not at all important, whereas 23.3% of consumers rated the HSR as fairly important, with a further 15.5% rating it as very important for the selection of PBMA (see Figure 4).

**Figure 3.** Importance of the iron content of PBMAs between nutrition professionals and consumers (\* Chi-Square tests using Bonferroni adjustments—within group differences (z score ± 1.96)).

Nutrition Professionals Consumers

**Figure 4.** Importance of the Health Star Rating of PBMAs between nutrition professionals and consumers (\* Chi-Square tests using Bonferroni adjustments—within group differences (z score ± 1.96)).

#### *3.6. Comparison between Plant-Based Meat Alternatives and Animal Protein*

There were significant differences in the responses provided by NPs and Consumers across all questions comparing PBMA to traditional meat (Table 5). Most participants neither agreed nor disagreed that PBMA were more nutritious than traditional meat (40.6%, *n* = 252), contained less energy than traditional meat (36.6%, *n* = 227) and contained more protein than traditional meat (45.9%, *n* = 285). Both NPs and consumers predominately agreed that PBMA should contain iron and B12 to match animal-based protein; however, NPs had a higher frequency in the "agreement" categories.

**Table 5.** Participant perceptions of plant-based meat alternatives and differences between nutrition professionals and consumers.


\* Chi-Square tests using Bonferroni adjustments—within group differences (z score 13 ± 1.96).

A total of thirty-seven percent of consumers "strongly agreed" that "PBMA are more environmentally friendly than traditional meat"; whereas NPs had the highest proportion neither agreeing nor disagreeing (34.1%, *n* = 74) (see Table 5). Similarly, a greater proportion of NPs "agreed" that PBMA contain more salt than traditional meat (48.4%, *n* = 105); whereas consumers 'neither agreed nor disagreed' (32.4%, *n* = 131). For each statement on PBMA the "I am not sure" selection always had a higher proportion from the consumer than NP participants (Table 5).

#### *3.7. Food Labelling*

Of all participants, 77.7% (*n* = 495) had seen a plant-based protein claim on food labels. Those who had observed this claim had seen it most commonly on 'meat alternative' products (87.9%, *n* = 435) and ready meals (62.3%, *n* = 311). Interestingly, NPs generally had noticed more claims on products such as bread, breakfast cereal, muesli bars, spreads, legumes and soups. In contrast, consumers had noted other food categories such as meat and dairy alternatives and crackers, chips and savoury snacks. One-third of consumers stated that they "sometimes" actively choose foods that have a plant-based protein claim on the food label (32.3%, *n* = 160); whereas NP stated they "rarely" look for a plant-based claim on the food label (45.6%, *n* = 82), closely followed by "never" (30.0%, *n* = 54).

#### **4. Discussion**

This study provides some insights into Australian views, beliefs, knowledge and factors influencing the choice of plant-based proteins and PBMAs from both NPs and Consumers. Importantly, those responding to the survey reported a high frequency of cooking at home (>97% for the sample) and greater than 40% consumed the recommended two serves of fruit per day while almost 25% consumed five serves of vegetables. This result was far higher than national averages for fruit (~26%) and vegetable consumption (~5%) and combined, they indicate a high level of planned eating [22], and suggest the survey attracted a healthy and well-informed consumer. Although age groups were well represented across the sample, the group of NPs were younger and predominantly female, which is typical of the professional membership with only 6% of Dietitians Australia members identifying as male [23].

In Australia, the prevalence of vegetarian and flexitarian diets has increased from 9 to 11% between 2012 and 2016 [24], and alongside this shift, there has been a five-fold increase in the number of PBMAs on Australian supermarket shelves since 2015 [14]. With plantbased dietary patterns increasing in popularity, understanding consumers' dietary patterns is the first step for addressing potential health-related concerns and addressing these within public health measures and health promotion activities. The survey results indicated that approximately 25% of all participants followed a vegan diet and almost 20% followed a flexitarian diet. A recent nationally representative survey of Australians indicated that almost 20% of the population were meat reducers with 4.3% vegetarian and 1.6% vegan [25]. Despite the higher representation of vegan and vegetarian participants within our study population, this research was appropriate to determine consumer perceptions and attitudes of plant-based eating including PBMAs, as some studies have found a high level of unfamiliarity with the product category as they are not well established or considered the "social norm" [19]. The proportion of adoption of a specific diet was higher among consumers than NPs which may in part be due to the increasing popularity to trial diets. Additionally, consumers may attempt to balance their beliefs of both nutrition and the environment, whereas the training provided within a nutrition degree is focused on the scientific evaluation of nutrition. Therefore, the adoption of specific diets would be based on evidence for this group, as evidenced by fewer NPs following special diets.

All participants identified legumes, tofu, whole grains, nuts and beans as the most common sources of plant protein, and whole grains were reported as the most commonly consumed source of plant protein, which is the case in Western countries [26]. These results may be an indication that participants may be more likely to base dietary choices on

whole core foods such as whole grains and legumes as protein sources, and PBMA such as textured vegetable protein, Quorn, sausages and burger patties as secondary sources. The consumer population in our survey indicated that 46% of participants were eating PBMAs at least once per week, this consumption frequency was lower among NPs, indicating they may be more inclined to trial a product rather than consume PBMAs regularly Flexitarians in a German study were consuming slightly less than four portions of PBMA per week which was double that of Omnivores. Still, it is unclear how these portions were defined or accounted for within the study [19]. In a study of four countries (the United Kingdom, Spain, Brazil and the Dominican Republic), higher economic groups demonstrated a higher degree of readiness to adopt PBMAs in place of meat [18]. This may be a factor worth considering as there was no difference between consumers and NPs in holding a Bachelor degree in this sample, an indicator of socioeconomic status.

Results indicated that burgers and sausages were the most commonly consumed PBMA and is in agreement with the variety and range of products on offer within Australian supermarkets, where a recent audit found 50 burger, 29 sausage, 24 mince and 10 chicken products [14]. Additionally, research of PBMA companies indicates the Australian market may reach \$3 billion in sales by 2030 [16], and internationally, chicken (22%), beef (19%) and pork (15%) are the primary product focus areas [27]. This information alludes to the fact that there is an opportunity for beef and chicken alternates. However, from our results, seafood alternates do not appear to be of interest, with 43.2% of participants not willing to purchase plant-based fish alternatives. This may be due to the flexitarian and pescatarian population still choosing to include fish products, therefore not requiring an alternative PBMA may be best suited as red meat alternatives potentially due to the awareness that red meat, particularly processed meat, has established links with cardiovascular and colon cancer disease [28,29]. Both our data and information gathered internationally indicate that public health education efforts should be targeted to improve consumer understanding of plant-based products and provide guidance for better health.

Regarding nutrients, consumers and NPs were aligned in their assessment of the importance of protein and dietary fibre. As suggested by Weinrich, we assessed consumer concerns about protein deficiency through the use of PBMA [17], however it was NPs who indicated concerns when asked about the overall nutrition and protein content in comparison to meat, with nearly 40% in both instances disagreeing with the statement posed. Most survey participants, especially NPs, considered sodium content to be very important when choosing PBMAs. An audit of Australian supermarkets indicated that the mean sodium content of PBMAs was 372–568 mg/100 g, and up to 1200 mg/100 g, which suggests the need for industry reformulation targets in Australia, as in England [14]. Consumers considering sodium content as very important may indicate the success of campaigns to highlight this ingredient as a key health issue [30].

As found in our study, a higher proportion of NPs considered fortification with iron and B12 as of greater importance than consumers. Meat provides an efficient source of nutrients such as iron, zinc, polyunsaturated fatty acids, vitamin A, B12 and D and it has been suggested that a suitable PBMA should provide similar quantities of essential nutrients [14]. However, in Australia, only one fifth of PBMAs are fortified with iron and less than a quarter are fortified with vitamin B12 [14]. As the popularity of plant-based diets continue to grow, a greater proportion of the population may be at risk of nutrient deficiencies [31], particularly younger women who are more likely to choose vegan or vegetarian dietary patterns, coupled with increased nutrient requirements. As found in a study of Australian University females, 33.9% of participants had hypoferritinemia and 11.3% had low B12, which may be attributed to the exclusion of whole food groups such as red meat [32]. Similarly, in a large cross-sectional study of more than 20,000 individuals, where red and processed meat was partially replaced by plant-based alternatives (legumes, seeds and nuts), diet quality improved, however there were adverse impacts on micronutrients, particularly zinc and vitamin B12 [33]. As such, there is value in fortifying PBMAs with micronutrients to supplement intakes and reduce the risk of deficiencies if

they are to be consumed in place of animal-based proteins. However, in saying this, it is important to consider an individual's habitual diet when assessing nutrient risk [34]. As concluded by van Vliet et al., if consumers were to follow a flexitarian diet, it is unlikely that unfortified PBMA would negatively impact overall nutrient status [35]. Therefore, fortification of PBMAs with iron and vitamin B12 may assist with insufficient intakes and potential nutrient deficiencies within a population; however, on an individual level, nutritional adequacy of the entire diet must be considered.

Our survey results indicated that 23.3% of consumers considered the health star rating (HSR) "fairly important" when selecting a PBMA (Figure 4). Previous research of the HSR found that consumers have a positive experience of the HSR and that its existence on-pack can sway the consumer to see the product in a positive nutritional light [36]. The audit of PBMA in Australian supermarkets indicated that 46% of products displayed a HSR, with the average HSR being above the "healthy pass" mark of 3.5 stars [14]. Interestingly, 39.9% of NPs considered the HSR not important at all when selecting PBMA. The reluctance to utilise the system when selecting products may be influenced by the access NPs have to literature critiquing the front of pack labelling system and its limitations [37]. The limited use of the HSR system as a tool by well-informed consumers may also be due to distrust in the system or their ability to make a judgement on the healthfulness of the product without the need to use the labelling tool. In the United States, consumers were asked to identify the healthier product when presented with two burger products, one being plant-based and the other being meat-based. Nearly half of the participants selected the plant-based product since it provided a breakdown of nutrients in the nutrition information panel that the meat product did not display. This is a further indication of the "health halo" that is potentially associated with these foods [38].

The recent Eat Lancet Commission have highlighted the health and planetary benefits of consuming more plant-based foods, with flexitarian dietary patterns as an example of this style of eating [2]. Among all participants in the survey, more than half (56.4%) strongly agreed that following a plant-based diet promotes good nutrition and is environmentally friendly. In the case of environmental sustainability, it appeared that consumer perceptions of plant-based eating were reflected in their opinions of PBMA; where most strongly agreed that both plant-based diets and PBMAs were environmentally friendly. Despite the perception, PBMA life cycle analysis has produced mixed results when it comes to the environmental impact of these products. One study applying an integrated conceptual framework found that *"their potential sustainability benefits may turn out to be disappointing, due to the extensive processing that is required which takes energy and leads to losses during the transformation"* [39]. In comparison, an industry commissioned life cycle analysis found that PBMAs generate 90% less GHGe and use 46% less energy and 93% less land compared to their beef counterpart [40]. Therefore, further life cycle analysis from an Australian perspective considering inputs and outputs is required to understand the environmental impact, particularly where products are imported or made from imported ingredients. Furthermore, consideration of products with whole food ingredients (rather than isolates), may reveal greater health and sustainability advantages while acknowledging the synergistic effects of the whole food [34].

Environmental and ethical themes were top of mind for consumers in this study compared to research a decade ago [19]; however, repeat purchase is known to be driven by taste and sensory appeal while environmental arguments are thought to be less critical in the decision stage [17]. As found in our study, the consumption of PBMAs was driven more so by curiosity, than for ethical, environmental or health reasons. This is in line with previous research investigating enablers of PBMA intake including a recent online survey involving 1000 US adults [41]. Authors found that the curiosity to try new foods was the top reason for trying PBMAs [41], and while 39.6% (*n* = 65) of participants in our survey had no interest in trying PBMAs, only a small number (18.9% *n* = 31) had not yet had the chance to try the products, with seemingly no objections to the products. Cost is another factor influencing purchasing decisions, with a unique suggestion to make animal

proteins more expensive than PBMAs rather than trying to make meat alternatives less expensive [19]. The same authors, through their analysis of preferences, suggested focusing efforts on processed meat alternatives rather than on replicating particular cuts of meat [19].

There were some strengths associated with this study, one being the sample size of individuals who had tried PBMA, which allowed comparison between Consumers and NPs. The inclusion of NPs enabled comparison of trained professionals' views with that of the general population, providing insight into misinformation and potential for further education and public health efforts. We did not formally confirm NPs qualifications, as our interest was primarily in their advanced knowledge of diet–disease relationships and understanding of food supply system issues pertaining to sustainability and food processing, such as fortification. We correctly anticipated divergent views regarding nutrient content between consumers and NPs. The advertising for the study was approved by the University of Wollongong HREC and did not seek to attract any particular group or dietary preference however, a high proportion of vegans and vegetarians participated in the study. This facilitated the collection of in-depth information surrounding their views and consumption habits of plant proteins and PBMA, although this may have resulted in an under-representation of unrestricted meat-eaters, which is a limitation of the study. Furthermore, as the study population are not representative of the Australian population, results are not generalisable and findings cannot be extrapolated beyond the study group. Additionally, there was potential for social desirability where participants may exaggerate their intake of PBMAs in the belief these products are of high nutritional quality. To account for this systematic bias, the survey was designed to limit social desirability by allowing participants to select responses on a scale including "I'm not sure" and the ability to skip questions. Additionally, the survey commenced prior to COVID-19 and any awareness of the impacts of the pandemic on lifestyle, the food supply and cooking habits. This needs to be considered; however, as we now are aware, the situation in Australia has been far less impacted than other countries around the world.

#### **5. Conclusions**

Interest in a plant-based diet and consumption of PBMAs is rapidly growing with consumers believing these products promote good health while also being environmentally friendly. The results of this survey indicate the importance of further research into the life cycle of PBMA products to evaluate and substantiate their environmental impact, to reassure consumers. Additionally, there is potential for product innovation to ensure adequate attention to micronutrients, particularly if these products are to be exchanged for meat, which is especially relevant for vegan and vegetarian consumers who are at greater risk of deficiency. Plant-based and plant proteins undeniably reflect a substantial trend that will play out over the next decade at the very least, in research, impacting policy and food systems. Nutrition professionals must consider the nutritional adequacy of the entire dietary pattern, with the opportunity to highlight whole foods, whole grains and legumes and their use in tasty products to tempt a range of consumers so there is a "new normal" aimed at sustainable, plant-based diets.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualisation, S.G. and J.H.; methodology, S.G.; formal analysis, M.E.; writing—review and editing, M.E., S.G. and J.H. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research received no external funding but was supported by the Grains & Legumes Nutrition Council, a not-for-profit charity.

**Institutional Review Board Statement:** This study was conducted according to the guidelines of the Declaration of Helsinki, and approved by the University of Wollongong Human Research Ethics Committee (2020/256).

**Informed Consent Statement:** Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.

**Data Availability Statement:** All data for this study is contained within the article.

**Acknowledgments:** Thanks to Amy Groucutt and Vanessa El Hosri, Student Dietitians from the University of Wollongong, NSW, who were involved in the development of the survey as part of their university studies. Thanks to Marijka Batterham, Director Statistical Consulting Centre from the University of Wollongong, NSW, who provided statistical advice.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest. J.H. and S.G. are employed by the Grains and Legumes Nutrition Council, a not-for-profit charity.

#### **Appendix A**

Survey Questions


Considering the average cost per 100 g of meat mince is \$1.38, meat sausage is \$1.42, chicken breast is \$1.47, fish fillets are \$2.03 and canned fish is \$2.62, how much are you willing to pay per 100 g for the following plant-based meat alternatives? (Average prices correct as of 3 June 2020 sourced from Woolworths website)

#### **Appendix B**

**Table A1.** Frequency of consumption for plant-based protein and PBMA and differences between consumers and nutrition professionals.


\* within group differences (z score ± 1.96).

#### **Appendix C**

**Table A2.** Participants willingness to pay for PBMA products per 100 g compared to the average cost of traditional animal protein per 100 g.



**Table A2.** *Cont.*

\* within group differences (z score ± 1.96).

#### **Appendix D**

**Table A3.** Importance of the nutrient content of plant-based meat alternatives and difference between Nutrition Professionals (*n* = 143) and Consumers (*n* = 322).


\* Chi-Square tests using Bonferroni adjustments—within group differences (z score ± 1.96).

#### **References**


## *Review* **Local Entrepreneurship in the Context of Food Production: A Review**

#### **Izabela Kwil 1, Katarzyna Piwowar-Sulej <sup>1</sup> and Małgorzata Krzywonos 2,\***


Received: 13 November 2019; Accepted: 25 December 2019; Published: 6 January 2020

**Abstract:** Local food production is meaningful not only for a single producer but also for the consumer, and finally for the entire region. Therefore, it would be beneficial to take up the issue of local entrepreneurship in the context of food production. The aim of the study was to analyze important terms, research topics, and research results related to the issue of local entrepreneurship in the context of food production. Literature review revealed definitional discrepancies related to the subject of the study. Thus, the need to create an unambiguous definition of local food and local entrepreneurship was emphasized. Own definitions of these issues were provided. Most of the available publications are devoted to local food produced in selected countries. In the analyzed research papers, the problem of local food is most often correlated with marketing or health-promoting properties of local food. A research gap was identified: suggestions were made in regards to the research problems worth bringing up in empirical research in the interest of activating local entrepreneurship.

**Keywords:** local food; local entrepreneurship; regional products; traditional product; empirical research

#### **1. Introduction**

In recent years, agricultural companies have been forced to adapt to new challenges such as market changes, changes in consumer habits, food safety, sustainability, and biotechnology [1]. According to the statement by Migliore et al. rapid changes in the agro-food sector (globalization and industrialization) have encouraged agribusiness companies to implement strategies for coping with the economic situation, which are mainly oriented towards mass production and profit maximization. This has raised several environmental concerns related to the exploitation of natural resources and the exclusion of many small family businesses (local producers) in rural areas oriented towards high-quality production from the global market [2]. The specific economic characteristics of the agricultural sector such as strong regulatory environment, mature markets, and start-up subsidies make this sector interesting to study, especially in the context of configuration and restructuring of entrepreneurs' resources [3–6].

Local food production is a subject that is becoming more and more popular in the media because it is associated with high quality ingredients. However, local food is not often known regionally or nationally. Moreover, the term "local food" is defined in various ways. For example, Coelho et al. [7] define it as food produced in close proximity to where the consumers live. However, these authors also point out that alternative food or culturally significant food is sometimes treated as local food. What is more, local food is often equated to such terms as 'traditional food' or 'regional food'. The latter term, though, has specific labeling.

It is important for particular regions to produce products which are not only healthy and tasty, but also well known. Factors that play an important role in regional promotion are culture, history, and the skills that people have as well as the local land. Local food production is inherently connected with the local entrepreneur.

The term 'entrepreneurship' was coined at the turn of the 19th century. The First Industrial Revolution can be pinpointed as the beginning of the scientific and research interest in entrepreneurship. At that time, entrepreneurship was associated with creating new forms of administration and economization of social life. It manifested itself in an appropriate use of capital, technology, raw materials, and human potential. Allocation of capital was incidental to risk related to the opportunity to quickly multiply profits or possibility to suffer a financial loss or go bankrupt. The term entrepreneurship was explained in works of representatives of economic and social liberal thought. Smith, Say, and Schumpeter are considered to be the precursors.

As pointed out by Hjorth and Steyaert [8], there is very little agreement on the issue of entrepreneurship. The terms entrepreneurship and entrepreneur were first described in the 18th century in a study written by Say. He presented entrepreneur as a person who allocates his own capital to risky and unknown investment. An analysis of literature on the subject of management shows that Drucker was first to present the definition of entrepreneurship. He specified that entrepreneurship is related to the introduction of new, better changes which are meant to build a foundation for the future business activity, without overlooking the optimum way to use the already owned resources [9]. Entrepreneurship can also be understood as an attitude or process of entrepreneurial changes resulting from this attitude. Such entrepreneurship manifests itself in readiness to take on new or improve the already existing activities. In his pursuit of reaching intended financial gains, the entrepreneur intends to increase his profits as well as improve his work and life conditions [10]. Griffin [11] on the other hand, pointed out that entrepreneurship is a process of organizing and running a business activity as well as taking risks related to running such activity. He was first to specify the semantic scope of the term entrepreneur.

Modern definitions emphasize that the "process of designing, launching and running a new business is often related to a small business" [12]. A model of entrepreneurship created by Morris, Lewis, and Sexton [13] includes:


Many typologies of entrepreneurship can be found in literature. What is surprising, is that these typologies do not adopt any particular criterion of division [14]. Several types of entrepreneurship can be distinguished including spontaneous, evolutionary, academic, technology, innovative, family, social, ecological, and female. Even though the general definition of entrepreneurship mentions building a new business, there is a separate type of entrepreneurship—corporate entrepreneurship (or intraentrepreneurship), which refers to entrepreneurial activities—such as innovation, venturing, and strategic renewal—within existing firms [15].

One can also come across a general definition of local entrepreneurship which describes entrepreneurship as a new and complex value creation on a local market that triggers change—examples would be a new production structure, new product, or new premises—and affects other firms, actors, and economic players in this locality. The new value disturbs the market in some way, causing the locality itself to change and ultimately develop by responding better to the needs of its own citizens and outside customers, and by creating more inside jobs and wealth, leading ultimately to local economic development [16].

Taking the above into consideration we have formulated the following research objectives:


#### **2. Materials and Methods**

Literature study conducted for the purpose of this paper included materials from the electronic database of publications—Web of Science (WoS) uploaded before 15.05.2019. This database was selected because—similarly to the Scopus database—it lists most of the international literature from a variety of scientific disciplines. There are many papers which are indexed in both of the above-mentioned databases.

An assumption was made in regards to the search, namely that the search will be based on the titles of publications because the keywords that are the main focus of the study are usually used in the title. An analysis of the contents of all publications (articles, book chapters, proceedings papers) which came up as a result of the search using queries: 'local food', 'local food', and 'entrepreneurship', as well as 'local food' and 'producer' was conducted. The Scopus search engine showed 1399 publications in total while WoS showed 1169. However, WoS includes more open access publications, 333, while Scopus includes 229.

The first publication which included searched words in the title was published in 2005. As a result, publications which were published since that point in time were accepted for analysis (Table 1).


**Table 1.** Number of publications devoted to the analyzed topic indexed in WoS and published in years 2005–2018.

Having prepared the statistics of publications the authors read the abstracts of all the articles which were displayed by search engines. Even if the content of the abstract was determined to be irrelevant, we analyzed the content of the paper in order to present, e.g., different ways of defining the issue of 'being local'.

In their analysis the authors chose two perspectives, i.e., topic of research and its relation to the particular geographical area. The process of analysis took 5 months.

It is not possible to present a summary of all the articles within this paper. Therefore, the authors illustrated the research topics by means of a presentation of several publications from each of the research areas.

#### **3. Results of Literature Studies**

#### *3.1. Regional Products, Traditional Product, Local Product—Definitional Issues*

Making a distinction between terms regional or traditional and local product is very difficult because they are often used interchangeably. Such situation may lead to mistakes in the analysis of production statistics as well as reasons for customers' and producers' behaviors. What is interesting is that after typing the phrase 'local food' into Google we get results related to terms such as 'cuisine' and 'dishes' and not to food products that can be bought from local producers.

Regulation (EU) No. 1151/2012 of the European Parliament and the Council [17] regulates issues related to foodstuffs labelled with the 'traditional specialty guaranteed' trademark. Whereas, the Council Regulation (EC) No. 510/2006 [18] defines regional products by referring to their origins. 'Designation of origin' or 'geographical indication' refer to the name of a region, a specific place or, in exceptional cases, a country used to label an agricultural product or a foodstuff [19]:


The most important characteristic of a regional food product is its high quality. It is a result of such products being manufactured using high quality ingredients. Additionally, characteristics of the products can be determined by climatic factors and natural topography. In the European Union, regional products are seen as special goods but also as European cultural heritage [20].

Food producers and marketers around the globe have long realized the importance of branding and labeling geographic associations of food products. This type of association often introduces price premia [21–24]. Regional products are certified using three designations: Protected Designation of Origin, Protected Geographical Indication, and Traditional Specialty Guaranteed. The first of the three is a symbol which specifies the name of the region, place or country used to describe an agri-food product originating from this place. In case of such products, their production as well as preparation should be carried out exclusively in the assigned area [25].

The right to use the Protected Geographical Indication certification is reserved for food products or agricultural products the name of which should be identified with a region, place, or country of its origin and production. In contrast to the Protected Designation of Origin here only one phase of production has to take place in a particular area [26].

According to the Council Regulation (EC) No. 509/2006 [27] traditional product is a product which has specific character—which means that it has one or a few characteristics that in some way make this agricultural product or foodstuff different from similar products or foodstuff belonging to the same category whereby, the characteristic or a few characteristics may refer to its physical, chemical, microbiological or organoleptic qualities, method of production, or specific production conditions [19]. As stated by Kupracz [28] traditional products can be defined as agricultural products, foodstuffs, and spirit drinks the quality or unique characteristics as well as properties of which are a result of using traditional production methods (on a small scale). These methods are considered to be traditional if they have been used for at least 25 years. In Poland, such products are put on the list of traditional products kept by the minister in charge of matters pertaining to agricultural markets.

As it can be concluded from the above considerations, regional product is most of all a certified product. Sometimes, its production is based on traditional formula and it is not mass produced. Similarly, traditional product is produced using traditional methods of production. Moreover, regional product is partially or entirely produced in a specific geographical area. Taking the above into account, how can we define a local product? Boros et al. [29] pointed out the attributes that characterize local food. They are as follows:


The above concept emphasizes the role of a farm which is also a producer of the local food. Meanwhile, some authors of publications use the term local food when referring to businesses owned by big producers. For example, Kokkinakisa et al. [30] took up the subject of producing local food in Greece (Crete). In his publication, he presented the functioning of the HACCP system in three large production facilities: ice-cream, ready-made sandwiches, and bottled water production facilities.

It is worth mentioning that the most used criteria for putting manufactured products into analyzed categories are place of production and perceiving products as being locally produced. Taking into consideration the geographical aspect, local food is food produced within 100 km from the place of residence of the buyer. Local products are associated more closely with a particular town or village than with a region [31]. What is important is that local products are protected by law [32]. Local products may become regional or traditional products [33].

Another important characteristic of local products is that they are manufactured on a small scale in environmentally friendly manner, and they use local ingredients [34]. As a result, this type of production is very profitable from the social, environmental, and economic point of view. Due to its originality, it can become a showpiece not only of a particular town but also of an entire region. This type of production is also a way of implementing the sustainable development policy. This concept is described as development, where the main focus is on fulfilling current needs while simultaneously caring for the needs of future generations and, to do so, it is required to protect natural environment [35].

Bearing in mind the above definitions of analyzed products, a comparison of regional, traditional, and local food and their examples was created and presented in Table 2.


**Table 2.** Comparison of regional, traditional, and local product based on the previously presented definitions (source: own study).

Data included in the table show that the definitions presented in literature and legal acts are fuzzy, which was already emphasized. Also, Granvik et al. confirmed that the interpretations and definitions of the term local food might be confusing and may lead to misunderstandings [36].

That is why, a new, own, and unambiguous definition of local food was created. Local food is a product or a preparation of the agri-food sector, non-certified, not mass produced, produced using best quality ingredients (from verified producers, who produce them in the same area), closely associated with the town or village where the production takes place, with consideration for the sustainable development policy.

Who then, is a local entrepreneur? As it was pointed out in the introduction, no coherent definition of local entrepreneurship was coined in source literature. There are also no regulations or norms which define such type of entrepreneurship. Analysis of the data from the Polish Central Statistical Office (GUS) and from portals devoted to local food producers indicated that it is difficult to estimate how big the general population is. GUS does not keep statistics pertaining to local enterprises (it only publishes figures encompassing the number of all enterprises in the region- divided according to their size).

Based on Sautet [37], it was concluded that local entrepreneurship is a socially productive activity which is limited to a small number of market transactions. It does not create a complicated division of work, it does not involve raising a substantial capital, and it is based on personal and informal relationships. Local entrepreneur/producer is in practice an entity which is a micro-enterprise, i.e., it employs less than 10 employees and has an annual turnover not exceeding 2 million euros [38]. He processes his ingredients using his own formula. In the course of the process he develops his passions thanks to which he can generate an additional or sole source of income.

#### *3.2. Description of Research Topics and Research Results in the Analyzed Area*

Analysis of the content of publications included in Table 1 allows for the conclusion that the research presented in scientific literature focuses on the following issues:


First identified area of research encompasses the idea of sustainable development. Coelho et al. [7] addressed the problem pertaining to consumption of food produced locally with special consideration for sustainable development practices on both the local and global level. They pointed out that promoting such food is a complex problem that includes environmental issues, economy, and health. Moreover, they concluded that transport is not the only deciding factor when it comes to the volume of local food consumption. Technologies used in agricultural production have a much greater impact owing to the fact that they are responsible for the degree of sustainability of production and supplying food to people. They have also emphasized the fact that consumption of local food produced in a way that is in harmony with local environment and using ecological technologies is also beneficial for the economy and society.

In the research conducted by Edwards-Jones [39] special attention was given to the issue of following the sustainable development policy when producing local food and on the health-promoting qualities of local food. For that reason, the authors analyzed source literature looking for arguments confirming the environmental and health benefits of such food. The analysis indicated that no proof confirming this phenomenon was found. As a result, they came to the conclusions that in the future a more in-depth and comprehensive research should be conducted to analyze the issue more thoroughly.

Research devoted to the subject of transportation of local food and food supply chains was conducted by, i.e., Korhonen et al. [41]. They have characterized the issue of customers' interest in local food in Northern Ostrobothnia, Finland. Short food supply chains proved to be an important aspect of this research. The authors concluded that short food supply chains are the key to developing local food markets as they are connected to giving customers easier access to local food. In Finland, the local food program is an instrument which has been steering and supporting the national food policy since 2014. It has been implemented by means of administrative measures as well as development activities encompassing all entities in the local food chain. Logistic cooperation is highly organized around the typical production in Finland such as animal husbandry and milk production. Due to the fact, that logistics chains are highly oriented towards wholesale and retail there are some difficulties related to transporting local food to consumers. In this case, such food is distributed via very small operators, mainly by the farmers. The above-mentioned authors devised a method for analyzing the potential for integral networking of producers and transportation companies by combining qualitative and quantitative geographic information system (GIS)-based analysis.

Whereas, Romero-Lopez & Ramos [43] searched for connections between producers and consumers in a small agricultural market in Mexico. They identified two short food supply chains used for selling eggs which reduced the distance between the producer and consumer, which in turn, enabled the exchange of information regarding, e.g., egg origin or egg production practices. Conducted research had a positive effect on increasing consumers' knowledge and trust in small-scale producers and their products. Moreover, the producer–consumer relationships in short chains allow for closeness, trust, and exchange of information.

The aspect that is closely associated with supporting agriculture is the aspect of agri-food systems. Sanz-Cañada & Muchnik [51] described one of such systems namely Local Agro-Food Systems (LAFS) in North America and Europe. In the research on LAFS the term of local food origins is based on the historical and biocultural analysis of food identity. Belonging of such products to a particular place is determined based on natural, cultural, socio-economic, and demographic factors. Additionally, geographical and organizational proximity is important from the socio-cultural as well as economic point of view in the context of group actions aiming at developing rural areas. LAFS is a reflection of certain spatial density and a network of farms and enterprises cooperating in order to produce and introduce local products based on identity to the market. There is a need for an interdisciplinary view, where the emergence and the evolution of food based on identity is as important as understanding the role it plays in creating sustainable development of rural areas in the future. However, currently, not only the quality of products, their sensory properties or agri-food systems are important in promoting local food, what is also important is the innovativeness of such products. Authors devoted attention to that issue because food centers, food innovation districts as well as agricultural commodities markets are main examples of local gastronomy which can attract consumers. Thereby, they increase the interaction between communities, improve access to local healthy food and provide new market for small enterprises.

Another study conducted in North America (North Carolina) was devoted to local food systems created in the last 15 years. The authors pointed out that food hubs are part of an expanding network of local food distribution infrastructure aiming at helping small, local farms access not only local but also national market. However, the influence of food hubs on the region's developing food system is contradictory. It is so, because on one hand food centers contribute to developing local food supply chains and by that they create market opportunities for the farms, but on the other they may also work against bigger and long-term goals of the local food movement. Taking as an example the systems operating in the western North Carolina it was concluded that the food hubs are used as primary

mechanisms for building local food systems and that building local food systems requires to engage people in the processes which can shape production, technology, and distribution of local food [50].

Other research conducted in North Carolina (the United States of America) in 2012 was also devoted to the issue of local food systems. Additionally, an attempt was made at estimating the willingness of consumers to pay for locally grown products. In relation to that, the authors carried out a survey which was divided into few sections i.e.,: current consumption of agricultural products, learning about the knowledge and opinions of the respondents (340 people) on the subject of local food and local food systems as well as socio-economic demographic characteristics (age, gender, level of education, etc.). Obtained results indicate that households are willing to pay 11% more for local products in comparison to agricultural products not produced locally. Introducing a local food system into a particular area may result in strengthening local food distribution networks. The analysis indicated that such system allows to foster economic development through agglomeration and clustering, improvement of the quality of life in the region, stimulating social capital formation, and it may be the basis for regional branding strategies [52].

Benedek and Balázs [45] analyzed the situation of local food systems (LFS) in Hungary. The authors have also described the food relocalization index (PIFRI—Policy Intervention for Food Relocalization Index) in order to quantitatively reveal how rural development program measures should be allocated efficiently to promote local food production. This index additionally points out underdeveloped areas that require further support and as a result it helps in setting goals of food policy. LFS in Hungary is in the early stages of development. Only in Budapest it is involved in short food supply chains. In their research paper, the authors concluded that PIFRI may be a valuable and easy tool to be used for mapping local food activity and may support rural development planning processes in Hungary. Other authors who focused their attention on food systems are Papaoikonomou and Gineis [49]. They focused their attention on two other systems: Community Supported Agriculture in Manhattan, New York and Responsible Consumption Cooperatives in Catalonia, Spain which allowed them to study the relationship between producers and consumers of local food.

Ballantyne-Brodie & Telalbasic [44] focused their attention on the issue of ensuring that society has possibility to implement food systems and studied ways to effectively design post-capitalist models for food systems. In order to do so, they described three case studies characterizing the following systems: 'Shepparton', 'Dandenong', and 'Coltivando'. The first of the three systems was created in Regional Victoria, Australia. It was created due to the serious economic issues resulting from cheap importation of fruit. The second system pertains to food strategies of the City of Greater Dandenong, Metropolitan Melbourne (Australia). The local food strategy was designed in order to support food policy. The last of the three systems was created in Politecnico di Milano, Italy. This project led to establishing urban agriculture. The first of the three projects was carried out on the premises of the university garden. Described cases show that local institutions are changing their attitudes towards citizens and vice versa. The ability to adjust to socio-economic changes is the key here, as it drives the business design process of local food systems to generate sustainable and scalable models. The model creates a platform for building capacities by strengthening the position of local people in order for them to take an active part in setting up food systems.

Whereas, the results of the study conducted by Lutz et al. [47] show that cooperation between farmers is a good way of creating local food systems in Australia. The study demonstrated that local production infrastructure, processing, and distribution are becoming more approachable when farmers cooperate with each other, consumers and institutions. Additionally, the authors pointed out that sharing knowledge helps to optimize local agriculture and food supply systems (farmers are often lacking knowledge and time to establish new cooperation or to reorganize work, distribution, and communication).

Martinez [48] raised the issue of federal, state, and local policy in the United States of North America in the context of supporting local food systems. Local food was linked to several government actions, i.e., improving rural economy and supporting agricultural producers. What is important is that United States policy lowers the barriers that inhibit further growth of local food markets, e.g., lack of infrastructure for increasing local food sales, producers lacking sufficient knowledge. Positive actions that should be taken up in this context are: increasing small farms' production, fulfilling the needs of bigger retail outlets, creating ability to track the origins of the product, and educating producers on the subject of local food expansion.

An important part of research on local food is related to consumer preferences. For example, in Italy a survey was carried out in order to assess factors influencing consumers' perceptions of Riso e Rane Carnaroli. Preliminary research results revealed that consumers are more aware of such information as: the origins of the product, local food system, and tradition, than for example DNA tested certification [55]. Rytkönen et al. [57] focused on the issue of identifying preferences as well as factors motivating consumers and tourists to buy local artisanal cheese in Jämtland (Sweden). They have conducted two surveys in Östersund. The place where the survey was conducted was selected based on the fact that farms, farm cafés, and markets are the main sales channels for dairy. The research determined that respondents appreciate combinations of various attributes defined as MDDPS—market-driven direct produce system; and CTS—close typicity system. In MDDPS, it was determined that the nature of relationships between producers and consumers can be specified by the level of common knowledge between the buyers and sellers. In this system, the involvement of consumers is often a result of searching for unconventional food production. In CTS, it is the relationship between the product and region that plays the central role when it comes to consumer deciding to buy a product. Moreover, the survey revealed that respondents choose local products firstly, because of their 'good taste 'and 'high quality'. The authors also concluded that purchasing this type of food is very often determined by tradition and historical ties of the consumers with the region in which local products are being produced.

Similar subject was taken up by Albrecht and Smithers [53]. They conducted a survey among 13 producers of local food (meat products) and 31 consumers in the Southwestern Ontario (Canada) between June and September of 2013. The area of their research was focused on identifying ways in which farmers shape 'value' and 'quality' of the manufactured products and assess the preferences for such products (questions pertained to farm size, produced goods, and the frequency of the consumer/producer interaction). Whereas, when it comes to consumers the authors focused on their opinions, expectations, and motivations for buying local food. Therefore, they were looking for factors that could bring the two studied groups together. Collected information enabled the authors to formulate conclusions which indicated that making connections between producers of local food and consumers is appreciated by both parties in terms of profitability (producers) and the health-promoting nature of the manufactured products (consumers). Authors came to the conclusion that creating connections between producers and consumers is determined by what both groups have to offer to each other (sharing collected knowledge, raising awareness of local products, and various partnerships between producers).

Another research devoted to the issue of consumers' interest in local food was conducted by Lim and Hu [56]. Their aim was to determine consumers' demand for local food (pork chops, local beef) and point out barriers for purchasing such types of food. A survey was conducted with 1406 respondents from Connecticut (North America). Results of the survey revealed that the most crucial purchasing barrier is the price and availability of local products. The authors drew attention to the health-promoting properties of such food products suggesting that they may be helpful in fighting with obesity in the United States. Crespo et al. [54] focused their attention on the role of social capital in developing the region. They have concluded that nowadays farmers have to face the challenge of product certification that would allow local society to transform their resources and the know-how into new market opportunities.

Halldórsdóttir and Nicholas [40] conducted research which focused on identifying behavioral barriers influencing production and consumption of local food in Iceland. The authors assessed the structure of pro-ecological behaviors which result in purchasing local food in the context of three

groups of factors: structural (sustainable production), cultural, and personal (sustainable consumption). With that in mind they have analyzed the survey data on cultural norms and purchasing behaviors of local food consumers. The data was obtained from the Matis research and development company. As a result of the conducted research they came to the conclusion that two-thirds of the respondents find it important to support local agriculture (in the context of environmentally friendly production). They have also identified barriers which decrease demand for local food. They were as follows: decrease in variety of food (structural barrier) and skepticism of the consumers (as a barrier hindering the growth of consumption of such food).

The significance that local food has for the modern consumer was described in the research carried out by Litavniece et al. [72]. Their goal was to study local food choices and how they are used by modern consumers. Over 500 respondents from Łatgalii (Latvia) took part in the research which was conducted in 2017. The survey was conducted in order to assess the extent of people's knowledge on the subject of local as well as functional and ecological food. Additionally, they asked how often are the responders choosing local food and what is their attitude towards that choice. The results revealed that consumers pay attention to the quality of food, date of production and price. They have also concluded that responders are regularly purchasing food from local producers.

While in the research conducted by Wenzing and Gruchmann [58], who studied preferences of consumers vis-à-vis local food, (327 respondents took part in the research) the researchers demonstrated that respondents have some limitations when it comes to buying local food that are related to lack of knowledge in this area.

Another important issue associated with local food is related to producers promoting their products, e.g., via educational programs. This issue was described by local food researchers in Spain. They aimed to recognize and characterize activities promoting purchase of local food intended for schools and local education centers. They were looking for governmental and non-governmental initiatives which organize programs that promote this type of food in schools and other autonomous communities. The non-governmental initiatives were found on the internet and were analyzed in terms of their geographical distribution, organizational area, number of schools, management style, and purchasing local food. In the course of the research, they identified 12 (6 governmental and 6 non-governmental) initiatives that were carried out by 318 schools (which constitutes 2.16% of all Spanish schools which have their own food services). They have concluded that local initiatives promoting buying food in Spain have limited scope [61].

Boros et al. [29] have also focused their attention on the way local food product manufacturers are promoted by the trading policy of one of the largest Hungarian food retailer chains. They conducted a supplementary analysis in categories which offered very few regional food products. They came to a conclusion that the percentage of sales of products produced locally is higher in these categories in which production is less complicated and the role of complex marketing is less important. In those categories where professional marketing tools or production procedures are required the existing producers were able to keep their significant market position. The authors drew attention to the need to produce food of the highest quality after scandals related to bad quality of products. Therefore, the government of Hungary realized that there is a necessity to create new legal conditions to define local food. This decision led to creation of 'Hungaricum Act' which describes the typical Hungarian traditional food and 'Local Product Act' which determines which products could be called local.

In North America (State of Michigan) in 2013 a project under the name of Grand Rapids Downtown Market (DTM) was developed in order to create space for producing local food, entrepreneurship, supporting health of the community, and providing work places. The aim of the project was to ensure that consumers have the possibility to buy healthy food. Creation of this concept allowed to promote local food systems to boost economy by agglomeration of small producers located in the region. Food innovation districts are supposed to stimulate job growth, increase healthy food options, and create a 'sense of place', concentrating on improving the quality of life of local residents [46].

The next area of research associated with local food is the issue of local food security. Burke et al. [62] in their research focused on local food stored in traditional storage cellars in Alaska (North America). They focused their attention on food stored by the poorest section of society living in rural areas. This section of society includes in their diet foods that are mostly natural and made at home. They conducted interviews on the basis of which they determined that food stored in storage cellars is microbiologically safe.

Another issue related to local food production is tourism. Although there are many studies on behaviors of tourists, they rarely take into consideration the influence of local food on tourists' experiences. Demand for local food generated by tourists occurs on many levels of intensity. For that reason, tourists could be divided into those who travel around the region for gastronomic reasons and those who treat local food just as an addition to their experience. Sengel et al. [65] studied factors that have influence on choosing local food by tourists in various parts of the Old Town of Istanbul. They have concluded that the issue of food tourism is important because it is a new trend and also because gastronomy has started to be recognized as a symbolic value representing territories and culture in tourism. Beforehand, local food was considered to be an additional rather than the main attraction of the visited place. Culinary tourism, beyond the dishes offered by a region, encompasses getting to know local food producers, visiting food festivals, restaurants, as well as purchasing local products directly from producers. According to Forné [63] food tourism is currently one of the most important and specialized tourist niches. Tourism benefits from traditional farming and breeding in the context of rural tourism. Local gastronomy reflects the fusion between natural and cultural characteristics of the region. Therefore, culinary heritage has to act as a source of local development by overcoming the seasonal character of demand for tourism. It is then necessary to aim for balance, so that the citizens and tourists could live in a region in a sustainable way.

The issue of culinary tourism was also taken up by Madaleno et al. [64]. The authors conducted an empirical study in Portugal (Lisbon, Porto, and Coimbra) in 2015. The study involved 500 respondents. The aim of the study was to specify the factors which have influence on the decision to purchase local food products by foreign guests from Portugal. It was determined that approximately 84% of respondents enjoy buying local food during their travels. The factors that influence tourists when they make the decision to purchase food are related to their personality and their motivation to make a purchase as well as determining relationships between the place of production and the local product itself. It turned out that the authenticity as well as the appearance of local food has a positive influence on the decisions of the consumers. They have then pointed out that certification of local products should be taken into consideration when specifying the policy actions promoting local products.

In the research conducted in North America (Southwestern Ontario) authors drew attention to the issue of local food in the context of its health promoting properties. For that purpose they created a research project promoting this type of food by means of using an application designed for smartphones named 'SmartAPPetite'. The application was designed to encourage healthy dietary behaviors by reducing educational, behavioral, and economic barriers. SmartAPPetite proved to be effective in improving awareness and consumption of healthy food and it also drew people to local food producers more frequently than traditional measures [67].

In another study focused on describing the problem of obesity, authors compiled an overview of literature (review research) and described conceptual framework characterizing the health-promoting indicators of local food. They have found 177 research papers which correspond with the subject in question. The research demonstrated that obesity is a result of lack of energy balance (from the ingested food) and little physical activity (sedentary lifestyle) [69].

Morland and Evenson [68] as well as Pelletier et al. [70], and Cobb et al. [66] described the issue of consumer obesity and confronted it with consumption of local food. Each of the research was conducted in the United States. The authors of the first and the second paper carried out surveys where 1295 respondents took part in the 2003 survey and 1201 respondents took part in the 2010 survey respectively. In case of the first study, the authors concluded that prevalence of obesity was lower in

areas that had supermarkets and higher in areas with small grocery stores or fast food restaurants. The second study determined that approximately half of the respondents gave local food high marks. Additionally, respondents who pay a lot of attention to purchasing local food consume much more fruit and vegetables, dietary fiber, and less sugar and fat in comparison to people who do not pay attention to the food they purchase. The last paper used a review of literature pertaining to the described issue as the research method. They have found 71 matching papers which proved that there are no links between presence of food establishments and obesity. Table 3 presents geographical areas where research on local food is most prevalent.

**Table 3.** Research topics related to local food taking into account the geographical areas (source: own study).


The conclusion based on the data from Table 3 is that issues relating to the subject of local food production are taken up most frequently by researchers from the USA. Researchers from European countries are focusing mainly on: issues relating to tourism (Spain, Portugal), food safety (Greece), and marketing (Spain, Hungary) as well as the meaning that the local food has for the consumer (Italy, Sweden, Iceland, Latvia, and Germany), and the idea of sustainable development (Great Britain).

#### **4. Discussion and Directions for Further Research**

Literature review revealed definitional discrepancies related to the subject of the study. The analysis of the publications proved that the issue of local entrepreneurship in the context of food production was not fully explored.

Most of the available publications are devoted to local food produced in the United States, Canada, Hungary, Greece, etc. Local food is often defined as food produced by a big enterprise in a particular area. Critical literature review revealed significant insights provided by prior research. In the analyzed research papers the problem of local food is most often correlated with its marketing or health promoting properties. However, examples of supporting local production and distribution provided in the publications may serve as a benchmark for initiatives undertaken in other countries. For example, in Poland governmental and non-governmental initiatives—such as in Spain—which organize programs that promote local food in schools are needed [61]. One can use the list of health indicators prepared by Murphy et al. [69] and a similar application to above-presented 'SmartAPPetite' [67] in order to make education more attractive for youth (generation Z). Moreover, network of producers and transportation companies can be improved by means of using a dedicated geographic information system, such as the system that has been implemented in Finland [41].

While looking for research problems which could be raised in empirical research in the interest of mobilizing local entrepreneurship (important for the development of the region) it was concluded that there is a lack of publications pertaining to:


There are many typologies of entrepreneurship that can be found in source literature. Examples of definitions were presented in Table 4. It would be interesting to inter alia explore the scope of cooperation between local enterprises and academic centers, explore the manner of conducting a business (traditional vs. virtual/internet based) or the degree to which the entrepreneurs act in an ethical manner (i.e., care about the quality of the product even at the expense of decreasing revenue). As stated by Lutz et al. [47], farmers are often lacking knowledge and time to establish new cooperation or to reorganize work, distribution, and communication. The issue can be studied further from different perspectives, e.g., reasons for cooperation/non-cooperation with universities or correlation between specific family business culture and implementation of the idea of open innovation. Other implications for further research are presented in Table 4.



When considering the 'social' type of entrepreneurship one can conclude that the relationship between commercial entrepreneurship and social entrepreneurship has been studied in literature devoted to this field of research. To give an example, the commercial entrepreneurship can create social value by generating economic wealth [2]. The findings of Mars and Schau revealed that the commercial and social variations of local food entrepreneurship are assorted, yet synergistic enactments of the economic, environmental, and social conditions and principles that characterize the southeastern Arizona local food system. It would be worth conducting research on specific management concepts (e.g., management by values) and their application in practices of local food producers to create ethical, ecological, and social business [83].

In order to find ways of mobilizing local entrepreneurs it would be worth conducting research on the subject of determinants of entrepreneurship. The determinants can be divided into external and internal (personal) determinants. External determinants are the characteristics of socio-economic environment of the enterprise. Availability of capital, systems of economic and legal policies, national and international entrepreneurship support programs, systems of education and training, etc. are some of the external determinants. Internal determinants are the qualities possessed by an entrepreneur. Table 5 presents examples of internal and external determinants of entrepreneurship.


**Table 5.** Characteristics of selected determinants of entrepreneurship in the context of local food production (source: own study based on: [84–93]).

The local food producers, especially those who allow for in-site tasting, have a strong implication for the structure of local product added-value chain because they satisfy consumers' preference and needs [94]. They also contribute to the health of community members and the economic livelihood of small farms [88]. Engelseth suggests that local food supply is "personal" and associated with proximity makes it more closely resemble service supply chains [95]. Local markets are the platform where people share memories, experiences, stories, and values based on trust [96]. Abatekassa and Peterson stated that local producers need to provide additional market services and develop relationships with their buyers based on trust to create better market access for local foods [97]. Schmit et al. indicated that sufficient engagement between local producers and urban consumers, combined with educational programming by the farmers market, can increase the transmission of intellectual capital flows to rural areas [89]. However, the local food business often suffers from a lack of economic viability [98]. Boys and Fraser indicated that practical marketing considerations, such as payment terms, and processing, packaging and delivery requirements of supplying institutional foodservice buyers, were identified as obstacles to the efficient function of this market channel [93]. Food safety challenges, including the related issues of obtaining (food) products liability insurance and food safety certifications, were also acknowledged among top concerns [93]. High transaction costs for direct exchange, however, impede growth in the direct market channel [99]. Small farms face extreme difficulties in reaching formal market channels and therefore rely on subsistence and informal sales [91]. The producers of local food are often small, and many are facing bottlenecks in logistics and transport when trying to expand their business [100] They need to integrate within networks of suppliers, distributor, customers, and community representatives to increase their competitiveness [101,102]. Direct marketing is a widespread marketing practice among smaller producers. Packing and grading standards, sampling and consumer premiums (marketing factors) can also affect the profitability [103]. Scale, production enterprise specialty, market outlet choices, land ownership, and management of expenses have the most significant influence on producer financial efficiency [104]. The number of farmers and producers selling through local food markets is growing.

Community-supported agriculture is a unique local food channel adopted by producers. It was initially established as a strategy for producers to directly benefit from the season-long investments of buyers who align with their community-focused mission [92]. Local food system development is a popular strategy employed by many communities in the pursuit of sustainable and equitable economic growth and development. This strategy includes a range of economic projects, including farmers' markets, community-supported agriculture enterprises, urban farming/agriculture projects, and food hubs. Sometimes, it includes intermediated marketing channels like grocery stores and broad-line distributors interested in providing local foods [105]. Short food supply chains are now widely believed to be more sustainable in comparison to mass food delivery systems [106]. Development of short food supply chains may help to provide various benefits support of the local economy, the strengthening of relations between consumers and their food traditions, the supply of fresher food products in comparison to conventional food networks, the re-valuation of the small-scale farmer's role in the food systems, the use of sustainable production methods and the reduction of CO2 emissions [107]. Nevertheless, farmers' engagement in short food supply chains' is still limited in many countries [108].

As it was pointed out earlier, the conducted source literature review determined that various authors focus in detail on issues connected with local food production. For example, the subject of supporting local production by means of governmental and non-governmental initiatives has been discussed. Consumers' perceptions of local products are also important. However, institutional support and consumers' opinions are only two of the many determinants of entrepreneurship. Before introducing public initiatives, it is worth to conduct research on determinants which are the most important stimulators and barriers for local food entrepreneurship in particular region/country/business (e.g., local wine production). One can conduct further research including a combination of a variety of issues. An example of such research topic could be joint influence of different public initiatives with the moderating role of specific elements of entrepreneurs' human potential on business results.

The above described lines of research may be taken up globally or may be based within specific country or region or may be focused on production of particular food products. As it was determined by the source literature studies, research on the subject of local food conducted in Central and Eastern Europe is sparse.

#### **5. Conclusions**

Local food production is meaningful not only for single producer but also for the consumer, and finally for the entire region. Therefore, it would be beneficial to take up the issue of local entrepreneurship in the context of food production. The need to define local food and local entrepreneurship in an unambiguous way was emphasized in the study and own definitions of the issues were provided. An analysis of the research topics undertaken in papers published after 2005 and indexed in the Web of Science database was conducted. Local food is associated with, i.e., its health promoting properties as well as the idea of sustainable development. The authors have also investigated the subject of local food transportation and delivery chains. Many forms of local production supported by means of governmental and non-governmental initiatives are widely featured in literature. Tourism associated with learning about local food is a relatively new research subject.

There are many practical implications of the source literature review, related to, e.g., implementing local food production support programs. Whereas, we identified research gaps that created room for further empirical research on the subject of, e.g., cooperation of local entrepreneurs with academic world, ethicality of activities performed by the local producers, and numerous determinants of entrepreneurship. It would also be worthwhile to conduct research in the 'neglected' geographical areas such as Central and Eastern Europe. Conducting the above-mentioned research would be valuable not only from the scientific point of view but also from a practical one—it could contribute to the development of local entrepreneurship and thereby, to the development of the entire regions.

**Author Contributions:** I.K., K.P.-S., M.K. conceptualization, I.K., K.P.-S., M.K. methodology, I.K., K.P.-S., M.K. writing—original draft preparation, I.K., K.P.-S., M.K. review and editing. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** The project is financed by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education in Poland under the programme "Regional Initiative of Excellence" 2019–2022 project number 015/RID/2018/19 total funding amount 10 721 040,00 PLN.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **References**


© 2020 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

## *Article* **Organic Food Consumption: The Relevance of the Health Attribute**

**Giuseppina Rizzo 1,\*, Massimiliano Borrello 2, Giovanni Dara Guccione 3, Giorgio Schifani <sup>1</sup> and Luigi Cembalo <sup>2</sup>**


Received: 2 December 2019; Accepted: 9 January 2020; Published: 13 January 2020

**Abstract:** During the last decades, organic food products have become the main sustainable alternative to conventional food consumption. Among the several organic food attributes that consumers recognize in organic food, healthiness has been reported as the primary motivation to buy products certified as organic. The objective of the current study is to assess the relative weight of the health attribute among other recognized organic food attributes. To achieve this aim, a multiple price list (MPL) methodology is adopted to elicit consumers' Willingness to Pay (WTP) for organic extra virgin olive oil (EVOO). Findings show that the contribution of the health attribute to determine the average premium price for organic EVOO is 78.9% of its total premium price. The study generates managerial implications to promote further expansion of the organic food market.

**Keywords:** health concern; sustainable food; organic food; extra virgin olive oil; organic attributes; health attribute; consumer behavior

#### **1. Introduction**

Sustainability in global food systems is one of the most relevant goals in this century [1]. If one considers agri-food production, this may be achieved by reducing trade-offs between productivity and sustainability, by choosing appropriate production methods [2,3]. On the other hand, fostering sustainable food consumption addresses the sustainability goal emphasizing the relevance of consumers' choices. In this regard, over the years, changes in consumer behavior have been observed, with increasing number of individuals choosing more sustainable products in their daily dietary choice [4]. This is due to the spreading awareness of environmental impacts of the agri-food sector [5], as well as the growing interest for the health dimension of food related to nutrients intake [6] and food safety [7].

Within this scenario, consuming organic foods has become one of the most popular sustainable consumption options among the several alternatives to conventional food [7,8]. According to the latest available data, organic food consumption in the world continues to grow with a consolidated trend in every country [9]. Organic produce counts on a market of 90 billion euros in the world, with the United States as the top market with 40 billion euros, followed by Germany (10 billion euros), France (7.9 billion euros), China (7.6 billion euros), and Italy (3.1 billion euros).

Studies undertaken in different countries, using different empirical strategies, identify common attributes associated with organic products [10–12]. These attributes are, in order of relevance to consumers: healthiness [13], food safety [14], environmental protection [15], animal welfare [16], and the support of the local economy [17–19]. Literature informing consumers' choice for organic food

states that, although the attitude of consumers for animal welfare and environmental consequences is a determining factor, the attitude and the awareness of health represent the main factor that influences willingness to pay (WTP) [20]. Among others, Li and colleagues [21] found that the higher is consumers' concern about health, the greater is their willingness to pay for organic food. Furthermore, consumers who believe that organic food is healthier are less likely to purchase a conventional product, even if the organic product is more expensive than they expected [22,23]. According to Massey et al. [24] and Krystallis and colleagues [25], the most important arguments used to justify consumers' price premium for organic foods is the health attribute recognized to organic food, followed by the nature conservation attribute and the perception that it has a good taste. Despite the extensive literature providing a list of the main reasons to buy organic food (e.g., [10,12]), to the best of our knowledge, the relative importance of organic food attributes to determine consumers' preferences and WTP has received scant attention. Based on the studies reporting healthiness as the primary consumers' motivation for purchasing organic foods (e.g., [21–26]), the current study seeks to assess the relative weight of this attribute among other recognized organic food attributes. More specifically, the following research objectives are addressed: 1) to find the contribution of the health attribute in determining consumers' WTP a premium price for organic food products, and 2) to explore the drivers behind consumers' WTP for the health attribute. Discovering the contribution of each attribute to consumers' preferences would provide a better understanding of consumers' valuation of organic food products, generating, as a consequence, managerial implications to support the further expansion of this sustainable market, thus contributing to the goal of more sustainable food systems.

The remainder of this paper unfolds as follows. Following this introduction, Section 2 describes the empirical strategy adopted in the study. In Section 3, findings are shown and discussed. Section 4 concludes the work by providing implications and suggestions for future research.

#### **2. Empirical Strategy**

The empirical strategy adopted assumes to derive consumers' preferences for the health attribute of the organic extra virgin olive oil (EVOO) by comparing this product with a counterpart conveying to consumers food healthiness as unique attribute, i.e., functional EVOO. Food products can be considered functional if, together with the basic nutritional impact, they have beneficial effects on one or more functions of the human organism, thus either improving the general and physical conditions or/and decreasing the risk of the evolution of diseases [27]. In this regard, with the Reg. (UE) 432/2012, the EFSA (European Food Safety Authority, Parma, Italy) has authorized some functional health claims (hc) to apply to EVOO. The rationale to compare organic EVOO with its functional counterpart lies in the assumption that a functional product brings, somehow clearly isolated, the health attribute [28,29]. Therefore, by comparing the two products, it is possible to isolate consumers' preference for the health attribute in the organic version. This empirical strategy was, to the best of our knowledge, never applied before in other studies.

A structured and closed online questionnaire on the consumption of EVOO was submitted. Data were collected between Spring and Winter 2018. Consumers were invited, via social networks and e-mail, to participate in the online survey. There were no restrictions except for being older than 18 years old (adult age in Italy) and a regular EVOO consumer (at least once per month). Though not statistically representative, a convenient sampling strategy allows to target a wide number of consumers.

The questionnaire was structured in four sections, lasting about 20 min. In the first section, information was collected regarding: frequency of EVOO consumption; whether respondents were responsible for the family's olive oil purchases; the prevailing EVOO purchase channel (i.e., supermarket, specialty shop, direct selling by farmers, etc.); the most frequent consumption circumstance; the annual quantity consumed.

In the second section, WTP for EVOO was elicited by using an elicitation mechanism named Multiple Price List (MPL) [30,31]. Prices were presented as an array of ordered prices in a table (ranging from €7.50 to €12.00 at €0.50 intervals), one per row, and respondents asked to indicate whether they were willing to buy the specific product at each price level (i.e., yes/no). Respondents were informed of the average market price of conventional EVOO (€7 per liter).

It is known that food is not only a mean to satisfy basic needs, but plays a key role in preventing food-related diseases and improving physical and mental well-being [32]. Therefore, in the third section, different measures have been used to understand whether the preference for the two versions of EVOO is influenced by extra-mercantile factors such as, attitudinal or psychological ones. To analyze constructs related to these factors, measurement scales developed in the field of generic foods can be used also in the domain of organic and functional products. First, Roininen et al. [33] developed an attitude scale to measure general health interest (GHI) in food choices. As functional foods differ from conventionally healthy foods, this scale is expected to correlate positively, but only moderately, with attitudes towards functional foods. Second, the same authors developed a scale for measuring natural product interest (NPI) [33]. Under the hypothesis that functional foods are considered by consumers as less natural than conventional ones [34], this scale is expected to have a negative correlation with functional food attitudes. Third, in order to assess the interviewees' specific attitudes towards functional products, a short version of the scale defined by Urala and Lähteenmäki [34] was used. The dimension taken into consideration is defined "perceived reward for the use of functional foods" (FF REW) which includes statements expressing personal fulfillment derived from the use of such foods, intended as a tool to improve health and to take care of oneself. Fourth, NEP scale [35] was used to predict environmental activism, environmentally significant behaviors, people's real environmental behavior, awareness for environmental problems, and emotional connectedness to nature [36]. These validated GHI, NPI, FF REW, and NEP attitude scales were collected by means of seven-point Likert scales. The different items taken into consideration were formulated in such a way that respondents with opposing attitudes provided different answers by positioning on the various anchors: 1 = totally disagree; 2 = disagree; 3 = partially disagree; 4 = uncertain; 5 = partially agree; 6 = agree; 7 = totally agree, so as to be able to detect and quantify the variables.

In the fourth and last section, socio-demographic information of participants is requested, namely: region of origin, age, gender, number of members and presence of minors in the family, educational qualifications, profession, and income of the interviewee.

#### *Statistical Analysis*

In order to find the relative contribution of the health attribute in an organic product, and then, to explore the drivers behind consumers' willingness to pay for the health attribute, the data collected through the online platform questionnaire were processed in three distinct phases, using the Stata integrated statistical software.

In the first phase descriptive analysis of the data were conducted in order to define the socio-demographic characteristics of the sample and the consumer purchasing behavior; in the second phase the psycho-attitudinal scales were decoded; in the final part, after a description of the WTPs detected for the two types of EVOO, a Tobit Regression was performed to measure how the individual variables examined in the analysis can influence the price premium.

This stochastic model may be expressed by the following relationship:


where *N* is the number of observations, *yt* is the dependent variable, *Xt* is a vector of independent variables, β is a vector of unknown coefficients, and *ut* is an independently distributed error term assumed to be normal, with zero mean and constant variance ϑ2. Thus, the model assumes that there is an underlying, stochastic index equal to (*Xt*β + *ut*) which is observed only when it is positive, and hence qualifies as an unobserved, latent variable.

#### **3. Results and Discussion**

#### *3.1. Socio-Demographic Characteristics*

The questionnaire was correctly filled in by 867 consumers, who are equally distributed in gender, with 441 females (51%) and 426 males (49%). The questionnaire was administered to adult consumers, and this resulted in a respondents' age distribution ranging from 18 to 73 years, with an average age of 42 years.

Except for 11% of respondents who declared themselves single, the average number of members of the households was 3. Specifically, there were families of four components (34%), three components (23%), two components (20%), five components (11%), and more than five components (1%). Minors were present in 33% of the sampled households.

The highest percentage of the participants had a high education degree, while 32% of the sample had a high school degree, 47% had a bachelor's degree, 18% had master or a doctorate and the remaining 3% had secondary school education. Further, 77% of the sample declared that their monthly income falls in the class between 1080 and 4320 euros, 10% ranked between less than 540 and up to 1080 euros, and the remaining 13% had income of between 4320 and over 8100 euros.

As for profession, 43.6% of respondents claimed to be public or private employees, in second place were the unemployed (18%) and freelancers (18%), followed by teachers with 8.5%, entrepreneurs with 7.3%, executives and pensioners with a percentage just over 4.6%.

Furthermore, 79% of the sample were concentrated in the South and Islands, compared to 21%, which includes the remaining regions, so the data are not representative of the Italian population. This distribution is part of the sample selection process, as we wanted to detect the largest number of respondents in the regions with the highest oil production and daily use in the normal daily diet. In fact, presented with the question "With what frequency do you consume EVOO?", 90% of the interviewees declared "every day".

For the evaluation of purchasing habits, the survey showed that 39% of consumers purchase EVOO personally, 35% together with another family member, and the remaining 26% said that EVOO's purchasing manager was another family member. The descriptive analyzes of the sample are summarized in Table 1.


**Table 1.** Descriptive statistics of the sample (n = 867).

1: Dummy variable, 1 = Female and 0 = Male; 2: Continuous variable; 3: Categorical variable, 1 = Single, 2 = Two members, 3 <sup>=</sup> Three members, 4 <sup>=</sup> Four members, 5 <sup>=</sup> Five members and 6 <sup>=</sup> family with more than 5 members; 4: Dummy variable, 1 <sup>=</sup> minors are present in the family and 0 <sup>=</sup> minors are not present in the family; 5: Categorical variable, 1 = elementary school, 2 = junior high school, 3 = diploma, 4 = degree, 5 = Master/PhD; 6: Categorical variable, 1 = low income, 2 = middle-income, 3 = high income.

#### *3.2. Psycho-Attitudinal Scales*

Attitude can be defined as "a psychological tendency that is expressed by evaluating a particular entity with some degree of favour or disfavour" [37]. Because attitudes strongly affect food choice behavior, they can be used to explain consumers' food choices by means of appropriate attitudinal scales [38].

The used attitudinal scales concerning the general interest for health (GHI), for natural products (NPI), the perceived reward for the use of functional foods (FF REW), and the attitude towards the environment (NEP) have already been presented in the second section. Each interviewee expressed his or her degree of agreement or disagreement, positioning himself on the seven-point Likert scale for each individual statement reported (item). The average and standard deviation of each item were calculated and are shown in Tables 2–5.








In order to verify the internal validity of the four used scales, the Cronbach's alpha was computed. This coefficient is a statistical indicator used to measure the consistency or reliability of a score in psychological tests for a sample of subjects examined. It is calculated as follows:

$$\alpha = \frac{K}{K-1} \left( 1 - \frac{\sum\_{i=1}^{k} \sigma\_{yi}^{2}}{\sigma\_{x}^{2}} \right) \tag{1}$$

where *k* is the number of items; σ<sup>2</sup> *<sup>X</sup>* is the variance of the total score and <sup>σ</sup><sup>2</sup> *Yi* is the variance of the items, for the sample of individuals under examination.

In general, high reliability values are to be considered as those greater than or equal to 0.65; therefore, from the results reported in Table 6 relating to the 4 scales, we can confirm a good internal consistency for the different items.


**Table 6.** Cronbach's Alpha for the four psycho-attitudinal scales used.

From the correlation analysis, it turned out that the four scales are interrelated (especially GHI and NPI, with 57% correlation). Except for the NEP scale, which turns out to be inversely related to the others since it presents reverse items, all the scales show direct proportionality, that is, as one increases, the other considered increases (Table 7).


**Table 7.** Correlation analysis.

#### *3.3. Willingness to Pay*

The growing awareness of the link between food and health has led consumers to perceive and associate an additional value to those products that lead back to health attributes. The questionnaire included, after providing information on the health value of the organic and functional EVOO, a question through which it was asked to express the willingness to pay a price premium for the two types of EVOO.

As mentioned in Section 2, the elicitation method adopted in the study is the Multiple Price List (MPL). In the context of eliciting willingness to pay for some good, MPL confronts the interviewee with an array of ordered prices in a table, one per row, and asks him/her to indicate "yes" or "no" for each price. WTP values were based on the average calculated on the highest price for which the respondent indicated "yes" and the first price for which he/she responded "no". It was also allowed an opt-out. In the event, a price premium of zero was associated.

Findings reveal that 76.7% of sampled consumers are willing to pay a premium price for the organic EVOO, against the remaining 23.3% who do not believe that the health attribute of organic EVOO justifies a premium price. For the functional EVOO, 67.6% of respondents declared to be willing to pay a premium price for its health claim, against the remaining 32.4%.

The averages of the price premium for the two types of EVOO were calculated. The willingness to pay a price premium for organic EVOO (WTPbio) is €1.405, while that for functional EVOO (WTPhc) is €1.109 (Table 8). Figures 1 and 2 show WTPbio and WTPhc Kdensity and box-plot.


**Table 8.** Descriptive statistics for WTPbio and WTPhc variables.

**Figure 1.** WTPbio and WTPhc Kdensity.

**Figure 2.** WTPbio and WTPhc Box-plot.

Parametric (*t*-test) [39] and non-parametric tests (Wilcoxon tests) [40] demonstrate that the value of WTPbio is significantly different and greater than that of WTPhc, with an average delta of about €0.30. This delta represents the value of all attributes associated to organic food, once that the health attribute is isolated by difference between the WTP of the two EVOO versions. Therefore, and answering to the first research question of the current paper, the contribution of the health attribute to determine the

average premium price for organic EVOO is €1.109 (78.9% of its total premium price), corresponding to the respondents' average premium price for the health claim of functional EVOO (WTPhc).

#### *3.4. Drivers behind Consumers' WTP for the Health Attribute*

It has been previously emphasized that consumers' choice depends on a multitude of factors. A Tobit regression model having as dependent variable the relative contribution of the EVOO health attribute (euro amount of WTP for the health attribute) and as regressors the other variables collected in the questionnaire—i.e., the socio-demographic characteristics and psycho-attitudinal scales—was implemented to find the main drivers of consumer' willingness to pay for the EVOO health attribute. Table 9 shows the estimated coefficients, with relative statistical significance, for the model. Only statistically significant variables are reported.


**Table 9.** Results of Tobit Regression Model.

Dependent variable: Organic Health Attribute; Limits: Lower = 0 and Upper = 5; Number Obs = 867 (516 Uncensored; LR chi2 (9) = 82.80, Prob > chi2 = 0.0000; Pseudo R2 = 0.0294.

As the Tobit regression model shows, the expected value of *y* in the model is:

$$E\_y = X\beta F(z) + \sigma f(z) \tag{2}$$

where *X* is a vector of independent variables, β is a vector of unknown coefficients, z is the unit normal density, *F*(*z*) is the cumulative normal distribution function and *f*(*z*) is the normal probability density function. A Tobit model is a regression in which the observed range of the dependent variable is censored/truncated in some way. In the presence of a censored dependent variable, usual ordinary least squares regression does not yield consistent parameter estimates, while Tobit estimates are consistent [41].

In Table 10, marginal effects are shown. They are the variation of the dependent variable y when one explanatory variable x varies of one unit, considering all the other x variables to the average; if the independent variable x is a dummy, the marginal effect indicates the variation in the dependent variable y, in the passage of the x variable from 0 to 1.

**Table 10.** Marginal effects calculation.


(\*) dy/dx is for discrete change of dummy variable from 0 to 1.

What emerges from the analysis is the relevance of the general interest scale for health (GHI), the reward scale perceived by the consumption of functional products (FF REW), monthly income, presence of minors, age, and gender. In particular, it is possible to notice that the two scales and the monthly income are positively correlated (+0.11, +0.24 and +0.04, respectively) with the dependent variable and therefore as the value of these regressors increases, the average of the dependent variable tends to increase. On the contrary, the negative coefficients of the presence of minors, gender, and age

variables suggest that as they increase, the dependent variable tends to decrease. The data elaboration shows that being a female reduces WTP for healthy attribute of organic EVOO by 0.19 euro/L relative to male. The presence of children in households decreases WTP for the same attribute by 0.15 euro/L, and as age increases the WTP decreases by 0.004 euro/L.

These results are only partially in line with previously published literature. For example, Gunduz and colleagues [42] found that monthly income is positively correlated with the WTP for organic chicken, while Krystallis and colleagues [25] argue that income affects mainly the quantity of organic products bought by households and not their willingness to buy them.

The negative effect of being a woman in determining WTP for the health attribute of organic EVOO contradicts existing literature; this is probably due by the fact that, even if women are more careful and aware of the health dimension of their food choices, men are generally inclined to pay a higher price premium than women [43].

Finally, in agreement with Charatsari and Tzimitra-Kalogianni [44,45] and Magnusson et al. [46], the age factor does not seem to play an important role, with younger consumers showing only a slightly higher WTP (as in our results where age is not significant).

#### **4. Conclusions**

Organic food is peculiar since it is associated by consumers with an array of attributes, among which the perceived positive impact on human health has been shown as the main one to drive consumer preferences [47]. Informed by these evidences and adopting extra-virgin olive oil (EVOO) as contextual example, the current research was aimed to evaluate the relative contribution of the health attribute to determine consumers' preference and WTP for organic products and to explore the factors behind consumers' WTP for the health attribute. To achieve this goal, an online survey of 867 consumers of Italian EVOO was conducted, in which a multiple price list (MPL) mechanism was adopted to elicit consumers' WTP. WTP was elicited for organic EVOO and for a functional counterpart in order to isolate the health attribute of the organic product.

Results show the fundamental role of the health attribute to generate consumers' preferences for organic EVOO. Particularly, our findings show that the relative contribution of the health attribute amounts to about four fifths of the total value attributed by consumers to the organic EVOO. It was also found that the willingness to pay for the health attribute under study is positively influenced by the consumers' interest in health, the perceived personal fulfillment generated by the consumption of functional products and monthly income, while gender negatively affected the consumer's willingness to pay.

It is recognized that food is one of the three consumption domains responsible for the largest share of environmental impact [48] and that, at the same time, environmental sustainability is a fundamental determinant of human health [49,50]. In this regard, global calls for sustainable food systems solicit market strategies to foster the consumption of food products coming from sustainable alternatives to conventional agriculture [51–53]. Among the several sustainable alternatives to conventional food production, certified organic foods undoubtedly represent those that have gained greatest momentum.

The new EU regulation on organic production recognizes that "Organic production is an overall system of farm management and food production that combines the best environmental and climate action practices, a high level of biodiversity, and the preservation of natural resources" [54]. Thus, fostering organic food consumption by studying the drivers that guide consumer preferences for this category of products is a crucial strategy to preserve environmental sustainability [55]. Based on this assumption, this study was designed with the aim to gain more insights on consumers' perception of organic food characteristics, as well as on the main drivers of organic food purchase.

Further research is expected to follow the lead of our study to make findings generalizable to the reference population. The current study did not seek statistical representativeness of the sample. Such a strategy implies that the data generating process does not allow to infer the unknown population. If known, that population would be made of adult Italian regular consumers of EVOO. Based on this, we had no chance for a comparison with the whole population, even though we believe it would make results more robust with a wider external validity. Moreover, consumers with different demographic profiles, such as age, education background, occupation, and income should be considered. As follow up of this research, another organic food product should be considered to validate our findings, as it would also be relevant to evaluate the relative weight of other attributes of organic products.

**Author Contributions:** This paper is the result of teamwork. G.R., G.S. and G.D.G. conceived the research question. G.R. and L.C. conceived the research design. G.R. analyzed the data. M.B., G.R. and L.C. discussed the results. G.R., M.B. and L.C. wrote the paper while the other two authors supported in writing the paper. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research was partially supported by PRIN-MIUR 2017: "DRASTIC—Driving the Italian Agri-Food System into a Circular Economy Model", no. 2017JYRZFF.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **References**


© 2020 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

## *Article* **Role of Seaweed in Diets of Samoa and Kiribati: Exploring Key Motivators for Consumption**

**Hayley Butcher 1, Sarah Burkhart 1,2, Nicholas Paul 3, Ulusapeti Tiitii 3,4, Karibanang Tamuera 5, Taati Eria <sup>5</sup> and Libby Swanepoel 1,2,\***


Received: 30 July 2020; Accepted: 2 September 2020; Published: 8 September 2020

**Abstract:** Edible seaweeds have significant potential to contribute to sustainable diets that promote health of Pacific Islanders in ecologically, economically, and socially acceptable ways. No studies to date have investigated motivators for and the consumption of edible green seaweed from the genus *Caulerpa* (sea grapes) in Samoa and Kiribati. An observational, cross-sectional study utilized an interviewer-administered questionnaire to explore consumption behaviors and the role of sea grapes in the current diets of individuals in Samoa and Kiribati. Of the total 145 participants (n = 79, 54.5% Samoa; n = 66, 45.5% Kiribati), half (n = 76, 52%) reported consuming sea grapes. A significantly greater proportion of Samoans (n = 56, 70.9%) reported consumption than I-Kiribati participants (n = 20, 30.3%). A greater proportion of consumers were male (n = 47, 61.8%). Samoan consumers reported consumption of sea grapes with a higher diversity of foods and being related to traditional events or ceremonies. Motivators for consumption varied between countries, with Samoan consumers reporting strong agreement for taste and value for money, and identified sea grapes as nutritious food, as influences on consumption. Easy access was a motivator in Kiribati only. The findings of this study are underpinned by the degree of food security and differences in culture in Samoa and Kiribati. Future public health efforts to integrate traditional fresh food into local food systems will need to work within the existing social parameters in each respective country.

**Keywords:** sustainable diet; algae; *Caulerpa*; research for development; RDI; livelihood; Pacific; nutrition; NCDs

#### **1. Introduction**

The Pacific Islands are a collection of island nations located across the Pacific Ocean, which divide into the regions of Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia [1]. Many Pacific populations are in nutrition transition, manifesting as changes in dietary intake and a move away from local food supply chains [2,3]. These nutrition transitions have coincided with a rise in the incidence of diet-related non-communicable diseases (DR-NCDs), such as cardiovascular disease, type 2 diabetes mellitus, and cancer [4], and these diseases are the leading cause of mortality in the Pacific region, accounting for 70–75 percent of deaths [5]. Poor diets are a major contributory factor to the rising prevalence of malnutrition in all its forms [6]. Following a sustainable healthy diet can promote optimal growth and development, support functioning and physical, mental, and social wellbeing at all life stages for present and future generations, contribute to preventing all forms of malnutrition, reduce the risk of DR-NCDs, and support the preservation of biodiversity and planetary health [6]. Malnutrition is a key risk factor for NCDs, exhibiting as nutrient disorders caused by either deficient, excessive, or imbalanced intake of energy and nutrients [7]. Obesity, hyperglycemia and hypertension are diet-related risk factors linked to the manifestation of NCDs in the Pacific Islands [8].

Samoa and Kiribati are two countries located in the Pacific Islands region, close to the equator but separated by 1200 km [1] (Figure 1). Samoa, an independent country in Polynesia, is made up of two main islands, Upolu and Savai'i, and smaller islands as part of the archipelago, with a land area of 2841 km2. In 2018, Samoa had a population of 201,000 and a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita of US\$ 6022 [9]. The Republic of Kiribati, located in Micronesia, is one of the most remote and geographically dispersed countries in the world, comprised of 32 atolls and one coral island with a land area of 811 km<sup>2</sup> [5]. In 2018, Kiribati had a population of 110,000, half of whom reside in the capital of South Tarawa, and a GDP per capita of US\$ 1981 [10]. In 2020, according to World Bank classifications, Samoa was ranked as an upper-middle-income country, whilst Kiribati was a lower-middle-income country [11]. While both are in the Pacific Ocean, Samoa and Kiribati have different food systems based on their geographical location, participation in trade, and land mass (volcanic soil in Samoa vs. coral atolls in Kiribati). A positive association between GDP per capita and intake across all food groups has been found, indicating poorer dietary diversity and diet quality in lower-middle-income countries [12]. Dietary shifts toward a modernized and less varied dietary pattern are considered a major factor in the rise of obesity and NCDs in Pacific Island countries, including in Samoa and Kiribati [13,14]. Samoa has higher dietary diversity in comparison to Kiribati, primarily due to greater access to a variety of foods (tubers, legumes, fresh fish and meat, fruit, and green leafy vegetables) [15]. Greater dietary diversity is typically indicative of better diet quality and improved health status [16]. The low dietary diversity in Kiribati has been linked to the high cost of imported foods, low socio-economic status, limited agricultural capacity secondary to environmental effects of climate change and geographic remoteness [17]. Each of these factors also increases the vulnerability of I-Kiribati people to food insecurity, defined as the situation that exists when people lack secure access to sufficient amounts and types of safe, nutritious food [13].

Edible green seaweeds (genus *Caulerpa,* commonly referred to as sea grapes) are a natural resource that grows on shallow reefs around Samoa and Kiribati. The term sea grapes includes several species of *Caulerpa,* two of which (*C. racemosa* and *C. chemnitzia*) are available in Kiribati and Samoa. Sea grapes can be cultivated for local consumption [18], and also potentially exported, providing economic opportunity for Pacific Island countries [17], although neither country is involved in cultivation or exports at present. Like other edible seaweeds, sea grapes are a rich source of nutrients, including fiber, vitamin A, iron, and calcium [19–21], thus providing potential to contribute to the nutritional adequacy of Samoan and I-Kiribati people. Given the coexistence of undernutrition and overnutrition in the Pacific region [22], the high fiber and micronutrient content of indigenous sea grapes may potentially offer preventative health solutions. To date, the population consumption practices of seaweed in Pacific Island Countries is not known and will, therefore, be explored in this study. Additionally, the role that sea grapes play in the anthropology of Samoan and I-Kiribati diets is unknown. If seaweeds are a possible positive addition to Pacific Islanders' diets, it is important to first understand if, how, and why these populations are including seaweeds in their diets. Thus, the aim of this study was to undertake an initial exploration of how sea grapes are currently included in Samoan and I-Kiribati diets by quantifying intake and exploring motives for consumption.

**Figure 1.** Location of territorial waters of Kiribati (Tarawa, red dot) and Samoa either side of the equator in the Pacific Ocean, from CartoGIS Services, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University. [23].

#### **2. Materials and Methods**

An observational, cross-sectional study design was used to explore the consumption behaviors and role of sea grapes in the current diets of individuals in Samoa and Kiribati. An interviewer-administered survey was used to collect quantitative and qualitative data to analyze consumption behaviors, including the frequency of intake, portion size, and methods of inclusion in the diet. Motives behind participants' decision to consume sea grapes were explored with the purpose of identifying differences between the Samoa and Kiribati populations. Ethical approval was granted by the University of the Sunshine Coast Human Research Ethics Committee (S181186) and local government approvals were granted through the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries (Samoa) and the Ministry of Fisheries and Marine Resources Development (Kiribati).

#### *2.1. Recruitment*

Recruitment for this study was undertaken in two locations, Samoa and Kiribati. This study used a convenience sampling method, whereby intercept interviewer-administered surveys took place with eligible participants in the Apia Fish Market and Fungalei Market (Samoa, June 2018) and in local villages in South Tarawa, Kiribati (June 2019). In both instances, participants were initially approached by a local research assistant from the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries in Samoa (four staff) and the Ministry of Fisheries and Marine Resources Development in Kiribati (eight staff), in tandem with a member of the university research team. Participant eligibility was determined by initially asking two questions to confirm that participants were aged 18 years or over and identified as a resident of either Kiribati or Samoa. A participant information sheet was available for participants prior to commencing the interview and participants provided verbal consent to participate in the study. No incentive was provided for participation.

#### *2.2. Tool*

The interviewer-administered structured survey contained three sections: (1) Demographics, (2) Consumption behaviors, and (3) Motivators for consumption. Demographic questions included gender and age. *Caulerpa* species were referred to in the survey by their common name, sea grapes, acknowledging that the term encompasses multiple species of *Caulerpa* in Samoa and Kiribati including *C. racemosa* and *C. chemnitzia.* Questions on consumption behaviors were informed by the wording used in the Dietary Questionnaire for Epidemiological Studies, Version 3.2 (DQES v3.2, Cancer Council Victoria, Australia) and included two multiple-choice questions: On average, last year how often did you eat sea grapes? (options from never to six or more times a day), and choose the usual portion size of sea grapes that you would eat (with the interviewer showing the participant an actual serve size of sea grapes as sold in the country) on a scale of less than <sup>1</sup> <sup>4</sup> serving to more than one serving (with interviewer recording amount over one serving). Section 2 also included the questions: Do you eat sea grapes on their own? (yes/no, if not, please describe how you include them in your meals and what else do you eat with them), and are there any traditional meals or dishes that you include sea grapes in? (yes/no, if yes, please describe these traditional dishes and how often would this occur, and how did you learn to prepare these dishes?). Section 3 included questions relating to motivations for eating sea grapes. These questions were informed by a review of the literature which identified key factors influencing food choice and read as follows: Thinking about the factors that influence your decision to eat sea grapes, please rate the level to which you agree with each of the following statements (on a four-point scale of strongly agree to strongly disagree) for: I like the taste, texture, smell, it is nutritious, it is healthy, it is value for money, it is a local food, it is fresh, and it is natural. Participants were also asked one open-ended question: Please describe any other reasons that influence your decision to eat sea grapes. The survey questions were reviewed by the research team for content validity. Additionally, the survey was reviewed by a member of the in-country research team and piloted with five participants in each country, prior to data collection in Samoa and Kiribati. Minor changes were made to wording of questions to ensure culturally appropriate language was used in each country. Researchers and research assistants were provided with in-country training to ensure a consistent process was followed to collect survey data. Surveys took between 10 and 15 minutes to complete. Surveys were completed in English, however, researchers provided the option to verbally translate into the local language (Samoan or I-Kiribati) if the participant chose not to converse in English.

#### *2.3. Analysis*

Descriptive analysis was completed in Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS version 24, SPSS Inc., Chicago, IL, USA). Demographic data and reported consumption are presented with frequency and proportion for each variable. Likert scale responses regarding motivators for consumption are presented as a proportion of each category. Chi-square analysis was performed to identify associations between nationality and consumption status, consumption status and gender, and consumption status and age.

To determine an average portion size in each country, responses to the question on the usual portion size were assigned a gram equivalent to an average bunch weight of sea grapes (640 g). The average bunch weight of sea grapes is based on data collected by the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries (personal communication, June 2018). The average portion size for each eating occasion was subsequently calculated for both Samoa and Kiribati. A Mann-Whitney U test was performed to analyze the difference in portion size between the samples.

Conventional content analysis of qualitative data was performed based on the limited understanding of this phenomenon [24]. Working independently, two researchers (H.B. and L.S.) initially immersed themselves in the data by reading through this repeatedly [24]. Both researchers then identified exact thoughts or concepts and highlighted these on a Microsoft Excel spreadsheet (Microsoft Office 2019), while making notes to describe the initial analysis [24]. From here, code labels emerged from the data and were recorded on the spreadsheet. The codes were then categorized into

categories, based on related thoughts or ideas [24], and then further grouped into meaningful clusters (key categories) [24]. At this point, the researchers H.B and L.S discussed the analysis and resolved any discrepancies in coding. This analysis was completed by two authors (H.B. and L.S.) for triangulation and to increase research rigor. The results of the open-ended questions are presented as key categories, with examples of responses where relevant.

#### **3. Results**

#### *3.1. Participant Characteristics and Consumption Behaviours*

A total of 145 participants completed the interviewer-administered survey, with n = 79 (54.5%) from Samoa and n = 66 (45.5%) from Kiribati. Half (52%) of the total participants in this study (76 of 145) reported consuming sea grapes, with a significantly greater proportion of consumers in Samoa (n = 56, 70.9%) than Kiribati (n = 20, 30.3%) (*p* < 0.01). Of those who reported consuming sea grapes, a greater number of these were male (n = 47, 61.8% vs. female n = 29, 38.2%). Overall, there was no significant difference in reported consumption across age categories (Table 1).


**Table 1.** Participant characteristics in the Samoan and I-Kiribati participants. Raw number and percentage (bracket).

\* Greater proportion of consumers in Samoa (*p* ≤ 0.01).

Of the participants who reported frequency of consumption (n = 55), most reported consumption of sea grapes one to three times a month. No participants reported consumption more than once a day (Figure 2). Self-reported average portion size was larger in Samoa (365 g) than in Kiribati (240 g), but not significantly different (*p* = 0.218).

Conventional content analysis revealed that Samoan consumers primarily eat sea grapes with taro (68.9%, n = 31), banana (28.9%, n = 13), breadfruit (15.6%, n = 7), fish (15.6%, n = 7), and other meats (13.3%, n = 6). I-Kiribati consumers reported less variety, with consumers reporting fish (55.6%, n = 10), breadfruit (50%, n = 9) and rice (44.4%, n = 8) to accompany sea grapes. Further, most Samoans who reported consuming sea grapes (92.1%, n = 35) identified that it is consumed at traditional events or ceremonies, such as weddings, birthdays, and Church services. The I-Kiribati did not associate sea grape consumption with any special events.

**Figure 2.** Frequency of consumption in Samoan and I-Kiribati participants.

#### *3.2. Motivators for Consumption*

Motivations for sea grape consumption differed between Samoan (n = 56) and I-Kiribati consumers (n = 20), with a greater proportion of Samoan consumers reporting strong agreement for taste, value for money, and that sea grapes are nutritious, as influences on consumption (Figure 3).

Conventional content analysis of the open-ended questions allowed participants to clarify their primary motivators for eating sea grapes or offer new factors that were not listed in the previous question. Three key categories emerged as motivators: Taste, health, and price. No new factors emerged from the qualitative comments, with the three key categories corroborating quantitative responses in the previous question (Figure 3). In line with quantitative ratings of key motivators (Figure 3), only Samoan respondents qualitatively described the importance of taste as a positive influence on them eating sea grapes (n = 33, 41.3%), as illustrated through the following quotes:

*"I like the bitter salty taste from the sea."* [Participant 6, Samoa]

*"It tastes so good and is delicious with taro. I crave it when I see other people eating it."* [Participant 43 Samoa]

Health and price were important to consumers in both countries (Samoa n = 35, 43.6%; Kiribati n = 14, 66.6%), as evidenced through the following quotes (limu is the Samoan name for seaweed):

*"It's free and healthy."* [Participant 49, Samoa]

*"It's good for my throat, the saltiness of limu makes my throat clearer."* [Participant 20, Samoa]

*"It's healthier than salt and helps to prevent high blood pressure."* [Participant 54, Samoa]

*"It's the number one health food to consume."* [Participant 7 Kiribati]

**Figure 3.** Proportion of Samoan and I-Kiribati consumers and level of agreement of factor as an influence on consumption of sea grapes.

#### **4. Discussion**

The aim of this study was to undertake a preliminary exploration of how sea grapes are currently included in Samoan and I-Kiribati diets by quantifying intake and exploring motives for consumption. Our study provides first insights into how the edible seaweed *Caulerpa* (sea grapes) is included in Samoan and I-Kiribati diets. Given the potential that sea grapes may play in contributing to sustainable healthy diets, this understanding makes a valuable contribution to the literature and can inform future practice and policy efforts to support sustainable diets and promote human health. Our findings confirm the complexity of food choice in this setting, as we uncovered multiple intertwined factors that influence sea grape consumption. We found that sea grapes are eaten in both countries, however, consumption is more common, more frequent, and in potentially larger amounts in Samoa compared with Kiribati. Despite being indigenous to both countries, an exploration of consumption practices revealed different motivating factors for consumption.

#### *4.1. Reported Consumption*

While only half of all participants reported eating sea grapes, consumption was more likely in Samoans than the I-Kiribati. In both countries, the majority of consumers did not report consumption greater than one to three times per month. As such, it is unlikely that sea grapes contribute substantially to the international targets for specific nutrients [25], despite having a favorable nutrient profile and the portion size being relatively high (365 grams). Samoans also reported consuming sea grapes

alongside a higher variety of foods, such as taro, banana, breadfruit, fish, and meat. Samoans have a preference for high fat, processed foods, which are characteristically high in added sugar and salt [26]. Dietary diversity in Kiribati, on the contrary, is low [17].

Interestingly, despite knowing that seaweeds are indigenous species to the Pacific, readily available for consumption, and have possible health benefits [27], their potential contribution to meeting recommended nutrient intakes is largely unknown. Further investigation to describe how seaweeds fit within a broader diet and the amounts needed to meet recommended nutrient intakes for groups of individuals of different ages and genders is warranted. Sea grapes are an affordable source of nutrients, available locally that could replace less healthy alternatives in the diet. The various motivators identified could be used to inform culturally and geographically appropriate health promotion efforts to help encourage such a change.

#### *4.2. Motivators for Sea Grape Consumption*

Gaining insight into the various interconnecting factors that influence food intake is needed to develop holistic policies and programs that promote sustainable diets. Sensory perception is a known determinant of nutrition and eating [28]. Sensory drivers for consumption, such as taste, texture, and smell, were important to all consumers in our study. To a lesser degree, our study revealed the importance of health and nutrition, and cultural connectedness to sea grapes as key factors motivating consumption for some Samoan participants. Whilst in Kiribati, value for money and local accessibility were more commonly identified as motivators.

#### *4.3. Sensory Drivers for Consumption*

Sensory drivers for consuming sea grapes were important to all participants in our study, however, Samoans were more likely to be motivated by taste compared with the I-Kiribati. Taste as a motivator in food choices in low-middle income countries (LMICs) has not been well researched [2]. Given socioeconomic status is a key determinant of food security [29], it is possible that the difference in taste motivators seen in our sample is due to the greater relative socioeconomic advantage in Samoa compared with Kiribati. Importantly, a positive association between GDP per capita and intake across all food groups has been found, indicating poorer dietary diversity and diet quality in low socioeconomic countries [12]. The prevalence of food security in Samoa and Kiribati is difficult to compare due to a lack of accurate food security data reporting in Kiribati. However, the Global Nutrition Index (GNI) ranks Samoa as more advantaged than Kiribati, with a GNI of 0.681 and 0.650, respectively [30]. While this data is not without its limitations, we postulate that Kiribati is at higher risk of food insecurity, which underpins the lack of emphasis on taste by I-Kiribati consumers. It is possible that motivators for consuming food in Kiribati is driven by satiety, rather than sensory satisfaction. Another possible explanation for this finding is the lower dietary diversity in Kiribati when compared to Samoa [15,17], suggesting that I-Kiribati people are accustomed to having low variety in their diet, and as such, do not seek to diversify in flavor and texture.

#### *4.4. Health and Nutrition*

Samoan consumers identified health and nutrition as one of the motivators in their decision to consume sea grapes. This finding confounds the existing literature, as it is typically those of high socioeconomic status who opt for food choices based on the premise of health [31]. Our study may be limited due to participant bias, as only consumers of sea grapes were asked to identify motivators for its consumption, as such, it is possible that these participants (who currently eat sea grapes) are already more health-conscious. It is also possible that Samoans have a greater awareness of the link between dietary behaviors and health outcomes (health literacy) with Samoans previously reported as having basic knowledge of NCDs [32]. Future research targeting both consumers and non-consumers is warranted to capture both barriers to, and enablers for, sea grape consumption.

#### *4.5. Freshness and Food Access*

Freshness was identified by the Samoans as a key motivator for the consumption of sea grapes, which was not the case for I-Kiribati participants. Freshness is a dimension of food access that, alongside other factors within the food environment, are known to influence dietary health [33]. Access and availability of nutritious, culturally appropriate food, key pillars of food security [34], are issues in Kiribati, given its isolated geographical location, poor soil quality, overcrowding, and limited space. Household decisions around food procurement in Kiribati are primarily based on the foods that are accessible and available across seasons [35]. Low dietary diversity in Kiribati is likely due to the limited availability and affordability of nutritious foods [17]. Given the population density and scarcity of fresh food vendors in South Tarawa, the I-Kiribati people may rely on imported processed foods and home food production. A key barrier to fresh food production in Kiribati is the perceived effort of home gardening in comparison to easy access of other imported foods [35]. As a 'no feed' crop that does not require exogenous feeding [36], edible seaweeds grow plentifully in oceans and can be cultivated with little or no costs [37]. Involvement in seaweed production can contribute to improved wellbeing through positive economic and social impacts [38]. Given the ready access to reef flats (Figure 4) and the desire of I-Kiribati people to develop new edible seaweed supply chains [39], there is great potential to overcome the barriers of access and availability that currently hinder sea grape consumption in Kiribati. However, currently, we have little understanding of fishery access in Kiribati, as opposed to the long-term monitoring of fisheries (including sea grapes) by the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries in Samoan markets. The highly exposed, fringing reef flats common in Kiribati are different from those of Samoan reefs. Revision of ministerial processes to include structured field auditing operations is warranted to determine if, and how, habitat influences the abundance of sea grapes in Kiribati. For this study, the Kiribati samples of sea grapes shown to participants during the survey were collected primarily from walls of the artisanal fish traps on the exposed reefs (Figure 4), which were traditionally owned and cared for by coastal communities to capture fish for their daily sustenance.

**Figure 4.** (**a**). Kiribati women collecting sea grapes (*Caulerpa chemnitzia*) from the wall and sheltered pools of an artisanal fish trap at Temwaiku village, South Tarawa; (**b**). Close up of Pacific Island sea grapes (*Caulerpa racemosa);* (**c**). Harvesting environment, low tide on the reef flat utilizing buckets for collection; (**d**). Close up of prepared Pacific Island sea grapes *(Caulerpa chemnitzia).*

#### *4.6. Cultural Connectedness*

Sea grapes are consumed in a number of locations across the world and are a culturally significant food source in Hawaii, Japan, Indonesia, Malaysia, Fiji, and the Philippines [40]. In our study, Samoan consumers recounted the importance of sea grapes as a local food, that was not evident in Kiribati. In Samoa, the consumption frequency and the inclusion of sea grapes at ceremonial events suggest that it may hold a traditional place within the diet. The association between sea grapes and the Samoan culture may be attributed to the strong food culture in Samoa [41,42]. Most festivities or celebrations are centered around food in Samoa, including the traditional *to'onai* (Sunday lunch), *Lotu Tamaiti* (White Sunday), in addition to weddings, birthdays, village or church meetings. The composition of a meal is reflective of status, for instance, the butchering of a pig or a large deep-sea fish is considered appropriate for *ali'i sili* (High Chief) visits [41]. The nostalgia that Samoan consumers associated with sea grapes was not reciprocated in Kiribati, where consumption was reported to be infrequent and local food and culture did not emerge as a motivator to consume. These results highlighted a key point of difference between the two countries. As Samoan consumers associated sea grapes with a local food that may link to their cultural background and heritage, the I-Kiribati did not. Limited recorded data exist in relation to the role of food in the I-Kiribati culture. The diet is based on seafood, however, due to the low dietary diversity and poorer access to fresh foods [17], it is possible that food does not play a significant role in the I-Kiribati culture in comparison to the Samoan. This insight suggests that a cultural component is important to complement edible seaweed promotion efforts in Kiribati.

Samoan's have repeated exposure to sea grapes through their cultural heritage and attendance at ceremonial events that serve traditional foods. Familiarity with a food is known to increase consumption [43]. Whilst research into Pacific food environments is emerging, it has been found that perceptions of food availability are significantly and positively associated with food acquisition [34]. The culmination of these factors (cultural traditions and familiarity) may potentially be enhancing consumption in Samoa, and lessening consumption in Kiribati. Understanding the cultural drivers underpinning sea grape intake in Samoa offers promising insights that could inform culturally appropriate promotion strategies in Kiribati and elsewhere. Research in Samoa [26,44] and Solomon Islands [45] has demonstrated a preference for local foods. Nostalgic past-focused marketing (as opposed to present-focused marketing) can lead to more favorable brand awareness and greater intent to purchase a product [46]. From a marketing perspective, private companies and the food industry could employ similar strategies whereby advertising is designed to directly elicit feelings of nostalgia that connect consumers to eating sea grapes. Future studies, including qualitative investigations, should explore the factors that would motivate a change in behavior in those who do not consume sea grapes.

#### *4.7. Limitations*

There are several limitations to our study. Firstly, our sample size was modest, and our results are not representative of the broader Samoan and I-Kiribati people. Given our sample size, limited statistical analysis was able to be undertaken. As we used an intercept interviewer-administered survey, we did not record those individuals who declined to participate in the survey. However, given the exploratory nature of this work, our descriptive results are novel and provide a starting point for further work to understand seaweed consumption patterns and motivators in Samoa, Kiribati, and the wider Pacific region. Given the cross-sectional nature of our study design, we relied on self-report data and typical bundle size to quantify sea grape consumption. We acknowledge that there are limitations to self-report dietary data and there may be variance in typical bundle size between vendors and over the course of the year. The literature suggests that differences in typical diets exist between urban and rural areas in Samoa and Kiribati [44], so it is likely that further research may find variations in consumption behaviors across these countries, and the broader Pacific region.

#### *4.8. Conclusions*

This study provides preliminary findings on seaweed consumption behaviors and motivators in Samoan and I-Kiribati people. In Samoa, the cultural significance of sea grapes is evident through its inclusion in celebratory meals that occur on a weekly or monthly basis. Sea grapes could play an important role in Kiribati to address poor access to and availability of fresh food, as a sustainable diet approach to tackle low dietary diversity, multiple micronutrient deficiencies, food insecurity, and livelihoods.

Future research from a whole-diet approach, with a larger sample size, is warranted to determine the contribution that sea grapes (and other edible seaweeds) have towards improving diet quality and addressing the malnutrition in all its forms. Our exploration of motives for consuming sea grapes provides first insights that can inform the food industry and private companies, as well as future practice and policy efforts to support sustainable diets and promote human health. Our findings also confirm the complexity of food choice in this setting, recognizing the interplay between multiple influences, necessitating the adoption of sociological and anthropological approaches for a robust understanding of dietary motivators in this context.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, L.S., S.B. and N.P.; methodology, H.B., L.S., S.B. and N.P.; formal analysis, H.B., L.S. and S.B.; investigation, H.B., L.S., S.B., K.T., T.E. and U.T.; resources, H.B., L.S. and N.P.; data curation, H.B., L.S., S.B., K.T., T.E. and U.T.; writing—original draft preparation, H.B.; writing—review and editing, L.S., S.B. and N.P.; supervision, L.S., S.B. and N.P.; project administration, L.S.; funding acquisition, L.S. and N.P. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research was funded an Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research (ACIAR) project 'Diversification of Seaweed Industries in Pacific Island Countries', grant number FIS/2010/098 (https://aciar.gov.au/project/fis-2010-098), and an internal research grant from the University of the Sunshine Coast. Student involvement in this research was funded by the Australian Government New Colombo Plan.

**Acknowledgments:** This research was conducted as part of an ACIAR project 'Diversification of Seaweed Industries in Pacific Island Countries' (FIS/2010/098). We acknowledge and thank our participants for their involvement in this study. We are also greatly appreciative of the support of our local staff from the Kiribati Ministry of Fisheries and Marine Resource Development and the Samoan Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries. We also acknowledge the hard work and assistance of our dedicated student research volunteers; Charli Ash, Kashmira Lal, Emma Lavelle and Joseph Martin.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **References**


© 2020 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

## *Article* **The Process of Ethnocentralizing the Concept of Ecological Agroalimentary Products for the Romanian Urban Consumer**

**Alina Butu 1, Codrin Dinu Vasiliu 2, Steliana Rodino 3,\*, Ioan-Sebastian Brumă 2, Lucian Tanasă <sup>2</sup> and Marian Butu 1,\***


Received: 3 October 2019; Accepted: 5 November 2019; Published: 7 November 2019

**Abstract:** In the case of the Romanian urban consumer, ecological agroalimentary products do not merely operate on the discursive line mapped by the rules of certification. The ecology of the agroalimentary products is reinterpreted and, thus, an interesting phenomenon occurs. The products perceived as natural, local, or peasant are seen as ecological enough to influence the purchase decision. Hence, according to the Romanian urban consumer, the ecological product stands for a symbolic projection provided by their own experience and trust level as a consumer. In the present paper, we aimed to go beyond the theory claiming that such behavior is determined by confusion in the social action of purchase and, following this line of interpretation, we also intended to identify the symbolic systems and hermeneutical criteria by which the Romanian urban consumer makes a social projection of ecological agroalimentary products through certain ethnocentralizing mechanisms. Our research paper was based on a qualitative and quantitative anthropological analysis that had, as a starting point, a questionnaire applied online (with a total of 1792 respondents, out of which 1342 were urban respondents).

**Keywords:** urban person; ecological alimentary products; health; consumers; symbolic systems; Romania; natural product; traditional product; countryside product; local product

#### **1. Introduction**

One of the best-known critics of the consumption society [1–4] has brought reproaches on consumerism based on the fact that it lays the foundations for a hedonist society. The first half of the 20th century marked the emergence of mass consumption, where meeting the basic needs started turning into a socioeconomic system of also satisfying pleasure and prestige.

The need for nourishment has been gradually replaced by the gourmet pleasure, while the need for clothing has turned into the desire to be trendy or fashionable. Moving, dwelling, and socializing have all acquired extra objectives: pleasure and prestige publicity including the pleasure of eating, the delight of dressing up, the comfort of one's dwelling, and the enjoyment of travelling and communicating. Therefore, the comfort, delight, and extra notoriety become criteria, according to which the added value of the goods and services we purchase is being decided. We no longer possess a body whose mere needs translate into survival and preservation; instead, we own a body in which we need to procure recognition and pleasure.

From the individual, regarded as a survival unit, we move onto the idea of the consumer, regarded as a unit establishing the psychosocial and socioeconomic bases. Thus, a consumption economy inevitably involves a sociology of delight. The consumption society takes us into a direct relationship with the basic necessary resources and also places us into a gearing where we are shaped in our own image and pleasures.

Regardless of how alarming these critical positions may sound, the consumption society can hardly escape the hedonism label. The consumption surplus as delight looks like a label permanently attached. The contemporary person has forever moved into that universe of pleasure generated by purchasing goods at grassroots level. A certain term has been invented, namely consumerism, to morally qualify this connection between consumption and delight [5], which conveys both the idea of consumption surplus and pleasure.

Thus, the simple fact of going shopping becomes a pleasant, private, and gender neutral activity, engaged into a daily rhythm and rituals clearly defined in a world especially created and designed for consumers. What is called the "shoppers' economy" [6] is no farther than a utopia under the purchasing mark. In this context, a little paradox is born: how does a contemporary person, subject to hedonistic consumerism, increasingly desire to live in a healthy universe? Why do we want to eat and live as naturally as it can be? Is it about a critical moment in the symbolic universe of consumerism?

All these questions are related to a systemic matter of the consumption. The entire system of the consumption society displays this sort of behavior, which is rather close to an anthropological paradox. Somewhere, along the line, a symbolic fault line occurs in the structural understanding of the entire system of the consumption society when we are discussing the hedonistic nature of the whole assembly, and the health wish, as it has been increasingly noticed among the emerging individual behaviors.

For the reasons presented above, these are precisely the main questions, the ones we ask ourselves when the Romanian urban consumers of ecological agroalimentary products are in question. Starting from the data gathered through the above-mentioned questionnaire, we shall attempt to understand how the ecological concept reaches certain adjustments between two apparently opposed symbolic systems: consumption and a healthy life. The current paper does not intend to analyze the impact of the ecological food products upon health, but the manner by which the concept of ecological food products goes through resemanticization in the interaction area of these symbolic systems.

#### **2. Methodology**

Having these questions as a starting point and based on the analysis of the data obtained by means of a nationwide questionnaire, we propose the following working hypotheses:


Therefore, the concept of ecological food product goes through a process of ethnocentralizing and obtains connotations that no longer regard the ecological certification. It concerns a phenomenon that does not involve a confusion, but rather the pressure put by the collective imaginary on the semantics of the concept of ecological food products.

In 2016, the interdisciplinary research group known as Rural Development Research Platform developed a questionnaire on the behavior of the Romanian consumers of ecological agroalimentary products. The questionnaire was conducted nationwide and mostly applied online through Facebook and email. In the case of Facebook, it employed various pages, groups, and the private accounts of some authors who wrote the present article. The questionnaire was posted on the following Facebook pages and groups: Rural Development Research Platform (with an audience of 1889 persons); Eco Ruralis—an

association of peasants from Romania (with an audience of 11,948 persons); Regiunea de Dezvoltare Nord-Est (4496 members); Iasul vrea produse locale (over 36,000 members); Iasiul vrea produse naturale (over 39,000 members); Targuri si manifestari taranesti (290 members); Iasiul vrea produse naturale din gospodării (over 10,000 members); Academia Română, Filiala Ias,i (with an audience of 2633 persons); Institutul de Cercetări Economice ¸si Sociale "Gh.Zane" (with an audience of 325 persons); and so on. The above-mentioned questionnaire was also sent on by email to approximately 400 email addresses and registered a response rate of roughly 10%.

The questionnaire was conducted on a sample of 1792 people across Romania. Out of the 1792 answers received, 1613 were validated. Among these, 1342 people lived in the urban space of Romania. Regarding the urban respondents 'age, according to gender, out of the total respondents, there were 423 male (31.5%) and 919 female respondents (68.5%). Based on the age category, 14 respondents (1%) were up to 18 years old, 218 (16.2%) were between 18 and 25 years old, 642 (47.8%) were between 26 and 40 years old, while 441 (32.9%) were between 41 and 65 years old, and 27 (2.0%) were ranged over 65 years old. According to educational background, urban respondents fell under the following categories: 544 (40.5%) had post-graduate degrees, 643 (47.9%) graduated college, 148 (11.0%) graduated from high school, and seven (0.5%) graduated from secondary school.

Within the questionnaire, 20 questions were introduced regarding gender, age, civil status, children in care, family monthly income, main activity, frequency of ecological alimentary products purchase, acquisition of other ecological products, main reason for buy eco-friendly products, place of purchase, main criterion for identifying eco-friendly food products, what does eco-friendly food product mean, degree of trust in the ecological products, the official logo of the ecological products in EU, the most important source of information, the most used device for Internet surfing, and how eco-friendly food products could be best promoted.

A series of these questions had already been addressed in a previous study [7] that focused primarily on a purchase decision analysis of ecological agroalimentary products. Following the writing of the above-mentioned study, the research team reached a conclusion that could not be fully explored within that particular paper: that, in Romania, although consumers of ecological agroalimentary products are aware and informed about the ecological certification and easily recognize the labels of ecologically certified products, they also chose to interpret the meaning of the concept of ecological agroalimentary products according to their own experiences and financial means. The certification itself was not sufficient motivation to force an understanding of healthy alimentation within the official conceptual delimitations of ecological alimentary products.

Along these lines and based on the study mentioned earlier, we reached the conclusion that the idea of ecological agroalimentary products is the object of a mental projection that regulates itself, especially within the symbolic system of relating to a healthy life. These symbolic projections and structures lead to formulating some uncommon selection criteria in the purchasing process of food products. At the same time, based on these subjective criteria of selection, the Romanian urban consumer seems rather more interested in purchasing products as ecological as possible without paying much attention to the officially accepted certification. In other words, the Romanian consumer is more interested in purchasing what corresponds as much as possible with their own interpretations on the ecological agroalimentary product, rather than on the fact that a certain product is certified or not.

To further advance this research, the present paper aimed to analyze the symbolic mechanisms by which the Romanian urban consumer decodes the semantics of the ecological concept in its private contexts as well as the ways in which these contexts lead to a resemanticization of the ecological concept.

Therefore, we would like to explore the following:


• Resemanticization of the ecological concept in the conceptual zone of traditional, local, and peasant products.

This paper used both a qualitative and quantitative approach. Our analyses concerned both the anthropology of the Romanian urban consumer, as they been revealed from the literature and our own observations, and the quantitative data were obtained by applying our questionnaire.

The graphics of the data employed in the present study were made with the assistance of Microsoft Excel and the statistical application R Program [8–10]. In the case of R Program, the following work package was used: multiple correspondence analysis (MCA) to identify the strongest correlations [11–13].

#### **3. Preliminary Data**

#### *3.1. Reductionism in Understanding the Ecological Agroalimentary Product*

On quite a few occasions, the consumption society has been regarded through the lenses of reductionism. This perspective can put at risk the understanding of this society viewed as an automatic phenomenon that should be exclusively regulated in accordance with the official regulation. In the case of the present analysis, we would like to highlight two of these reductions.

The first type of reductionism resides in the idea that between conventional agriculture and ecologically certified agriculture, there are fundamental differences regarding food security. We see the agroalimentary products obtained from conventional agriculture as a non-ecological product by far, while, in what concerns the certified product, we consider that it possesses all the ecological arguments related to food safety and security. The opposition between conventional and certified becomes an exclusive one, at least, by the manner in which these two terms are in absolute opposition.

This reductionism has, at least, two side effects in terms of mentality and functionality:


To further explain why we believe we are not dealing with a confused consumer, we need to point out a few aspects connected to the culture of imaginary of the consumer. Sociologically speaking, Romanian urban consumers can be seen as a consumption community as they share common symbolic systems. Thus, the perceptions, representations, emotions, ideas, preconceptions, and their actions are influenced, to a lesser or greater degree, by the same discourses that circulate openly in the public space and are also at the level of the common imaginary. These discourses work as legitimizing narratives [14] and become interpretative agents that either balance or unbalance the link between the symbolic systems. In this case, these legitimizing narratives intervene at the level of tension between the symbolic system of consumption and that of health.

For instance, the fact that peasant agroalimentary products are seen as ecological products does not create confusion, but a legitimizing narrative by which this consumer is trying to balance the symbolic system of consumption with the symbolic system of health. Such a legitimizing narrative is backed by a personal history, a subjective system of valorization, a set of purchase routines, and last but not least, an individual or family interpretation on alimentary consumption.

A second type of reductionism worthy of attention regards the preconception according to which we are dealing with a confused consumer [15–17]. The Romanian urban consumer is indeed confused as long as he/she, by their purchase decision, does not identify the ecological agroalimentary product as strictly the ecologically certified agroalimentary product. Resting on this reductionism lies the idea that we are dealing with a bidimensional concept of the ecological product, where the production and commercialization are the only dimensions where the certification occurs. Actually, the consumption, especially through the purchase decision, introduces a third dimension in this configuration system of the ecologically certified products.

These legitimizing narratives, as shown further, reconfigure the concept of ecological agroalimentary products and have the following consequences:


In the beginning, we shall present the fundamental data of these two symbolic systems, namely the urban consumption of food products and health.

#### *3.2. The Symbolic System of the Urban Consumption of Food Products*

The analysis of the consumption symbolic system may very well commence from an idea expressed by Gilles Lipovetsky, that "The consumerism civilization is defined by the central place occupied by the expectation to well-being and the search for a better life for himself/herself or his/her own family." [6]. Three issues are worth remembering in this quotation: The consumer is determined by the expectation to well-being, improved life quality, and family context. We could add that as a consumer, their aspiration to wellbeing conditions his/her satisfaction; the improved life quality determines his/her objectives on a daily basis; while the family context defines his/her immediate space of valorization and action.

Based on these three coordinates, in the case of the Romanian urban consumer, we can safely make the following observations regarding the purchase symbolic system of the food products:


At the same time, as Cristian Drago¸s and Vincen¸tiu Vere¸s state, at present, in Romania, farmers' markets still occupy a privileged position and remain competitive through price, proximity, freshness, and quality of the agricultural products, and also in the range of agricultural products [19]. Regarding the smaller cities/towns, the presence of supermarkets, malls, or hypermarkets can produce a recreational type of consumption phenomenon or display of social prestige, behaviors that go beyond the simple motivation of going shopping for supply reasons.


Romanian consumers buy large quantities of agroalimentary products to prepare home-made canned food for winter (jams, canned vegetables, tomato juice, fruit compotes, and many others). Many of the Romanian urban consumers are still preparing these home-made canned foods (before 1989, during the communist regime, this was a frequent and necessary activity for almost any Romanian household). This aspect can be explained by either tradition or due to the fact that the products offered by the big producers do not satisfy these buyers in terms of taste or because the traditional products offered by the small producers are considered too expensive.

e) To better understand the subjective and objective determinations of the food consumption, a few clarifications should be made in terms of what concerns the consumption context of the basic food products.

Bread—The product always present on a Romanian kitchen table is bread. Romanians are one of the largest consumer groups of bread worldwide [20], and they occupy first place in Europe on bread consumption [21]. Concerning the agricultural areas of cereals cultivated in an ecological system, wheat occupies the first position in Romania, registering over 45,000 ha in 2017 [22]. Both bakers' wheat (*Triticum aestivum*) and durum wheat (*Triticum durum*) used for making bread and pasta are cultivated in Romania.

Despite these facts, ecologically certified bread is hardly found in the big retail shops. It is commonly present in specialized stores and less easily sold. Most varieties for sale fall within the category of white bread (around 65% out of the total of bread consumption) [23]. This is a purchase behavior that seems largely motivated by taste, and not one related to nutritional values.

Meat—Chicken and pork are among other food products often purchased by the Romanian urban consumer. Beef is also highly appreciated, but it is less consumed due to its relatively costly price. Similar to the case of bread, there is a relatively low offer of ecologically certified precooked meats products.

Eggs—Romanian cuisine values eggs as basic products that are either consumed by minimum cooking (boiling or frying) or as ingredients for many traditional recipes. In the retail shops, the offer of ecologically certified eggs is quite well-supplied. The 0 (zero)-marked eggs come from ecological production as there are strict regulations related to the rearing areas, wellbeing standards, fodder, and medical treatments administered to the laying hens (the birds are fed with ecologically certified, pesticide, and hormone-free fodder only, without antibiotics or other synthesis substances) [24].

Fish—In Romania, fish consumption is quite significant, although the Romanian consumer does not excel at this food chapter. Fish farmed in an ecological system is barely present on the market. However, the Romanian consumer chooses freshly caught fish when they wish to buy a healthy product.

Dairy products—Related to cheese, the variety is considerably lower than that of other countries with long traditions such as France, Italy, Switzerland, Spain, and others. Romanians, except for some geographical regions, do not have a strong tradition in matured cheeses. The offer of ecologically certified products is also low. The purchase decision is mainly focused on traditional, local, or peasant products. In comparison to other European gastronomical cultures, sour cream is among the most consumed dairy products in Romania. Yogurts register high percentages in preferences along with milk, which has the widest offer of ecologically certified dairy products. Butter is another highly appreciated dairy product in Romanian cuisine.

Maize—Maize flour is largely used as a prime ingredient in "mămăligă" (a sort of maize porridge similar to Italian polenta). "Mămăliga", quite legitimately, has often been associated with the history of Romanians [25]. Gastronomically speaking, "mămăliga" successfully replaces bread in association with foods based on cheese, eggs, or meat (and often combined). Romania is also an important maize producer for both human and animal consumption and, recently, as a novelty, for bio fuel production [26].

The maize crop in the ecological system occupies the second position after wheat (approximately 20,000 ha cultivated in 2017). However, the yield is largely used as fodder for the animals raised ecologically [22].

Herbs—In Romania, the most purchased herbs are parsley, lovage, dill, and lettuce. Green onion and garlic are also associated with herbs and are often consumed. Ecologically grown herbs like parsley, lovage, and dill are entirely absent. There is a rather limited offer of ecologically certified lettuce.

Tomatoes—These are one of the most symbolically loaded aliments among the agroalimentary products for the Romanian consumer. Tomatoes are chiefly consumed during summer as the consumers favor the Romanian varieties that are considered much tastier than the imported ones. Tomatoes can be generally bought from the farmers' markets and the most important purchase criteria are the following: peasant or rural nature, variety, and area where they were grown. There are offers of ecologically certified tomatoes in the retail shops, but, in spite of this, the tomatoes labelled as Romanian peasant product are preferred during the growing season. On quite a few occasions, the Romanian urban consumer can be heard talking about "imported or supermarket tomatoes that taste like rubber".

Other vegetables—Romanians frequently eat potatoes, beans, carrots, celery, parsnip, onion, garlic, bell peppers, red peppers, hot peppers, eggplants, marrows, and cucumbers. The native peasant products are generally favored in the case of these vegetables. The offer of ecologically certified products is barely present on the market.

Fruit—These are among the most consumed products (fresh, dried, frozen, or canned). The most diversified offer of ecologically certified fruit is for apples, pears, strawberries, blueberries, raspberries, sea buckthorn, citrus fruits, and bananas.

Honey—Romanian honey is a highly successful product both nationally and internationally. It is also one of the high-quality products obtained in Romania. The offer of ecologically certified honey and apicultural products is quite generous.

Edible Oils—The consumption of cooking oil is fairly high as Romanian gastronomy has many recipes that involve tempering and frying. The most consumed oil is sunflower.

Beer and wine—In terms of legislation, in Romania, beer and wine fall within the category of aliment. Concurrently, the beer consumption is quite high in Romania (1.4295 L per capita monthly, Table 1), which places Romania in seventh position in the world. However, ecologically certified beer is barely present here. The quality beer consumption is as high as 50% [27]. Regarding the wine consumption, the Romanians register as drinking 0.887 L per capita monthly (Table 1). The ecologically certified wine offer is much more diversified and generous in Romania.

To visualize the data on consumption, Table 1 presents the processed data provided by the Romanian National Institute of Statistics [28].


**Table 1.** Average consumption of agro-food products and alcoholic beverages, by residence area in 2015–2018 (monthly average quantities per person) [28].

In Romania there are [22]:


#### *3.3. The Symbolic System of Health*

The symbolic system of health, as much as the symbolic system of consumption, has certain determinations related to historical memory. Certain things that occurred during the communist regime, in spite of the 30-year period, had a strong impact that is still hard to ignore.

Thus, there arises the need to highlight some particular facts such as, during the communist period before 1989, the system would censor the public exposure of the disaster in matters of the population's health and medical system. Illness was mostly perceived at a family level. Being ill was a private phenomenon that had a quiet course within the family context and without any public exposure by which the severity of the situation could be exposed somewhat. At the same time, the discourses of prophylaxis were few in a society profoundly affected by the lack of food in the alimentary shops. Almost no one had an issue with fats. Cholesterol was a medical term largely used by professionals and the elderly who were constantly exposed to heart diseases. Preservatives were sought, not avoided, as they helped to preserve aliments for longer periods (Romanians have a real cult for preserving fruit and vegetables over winter). The food additives were never mentioned, although the Romanian chemical industry was quite advanced.

After the fall of the communist regime, in the 90s, the Romanian market became a veritable sponge for low-quality food imports [31] as there were little or no food safety and security regulations in place. At the same time, agriculture went through another crisis, while local products were replaced by food goods imported from the USA or Turkey (in the 90s), Spain, Italy, Holland, Israel (after 2000), and many others. The common feature of all these imported goods was the undeniable inferior taste in comparison with the native local products.

This phenomenon is still very much alive since the only local agroalimentary products that made it on the market are obtained where there is a strong agricultural family tradition, namely the green houses and solariums from zones of long tradition in this field of activity.

Thus, health has started being associated more and more with the quality of food products. Furthermore, over time, the Romanian consumer has started to lose their trust in certain imported products, goods originating from the extensive agriculture or highly cheminized agricultural production.

The censorship of illness, poor alimentation, and corruption [32] has also eroded trust in the medical system. Hence, at present, and related to the Romanian urban consumer, the most widespread representation of health lies in the inverse need of seeing a doctor. Being healthy equals being as far as possible (in time and space) from a hospital. According to a IRES (Romanian Institute for Evaluation and Strategy) survey made in 2011, 78% of Romanians are discontent with the medical services in relation to the sums of money paid for health insurance [33]. Concurrently, merely 39% of the Romanians trust the state hospitals and 65% of them believe in private clinics or hospitals. Problems such as corruption, hospital-acquired infections, and lack of qualified personnel are reasons enough to keep the Romanian consumer in a constant fear of medical facts.

Another determinant of this symbolic system lies in the over excessive concern of the Romanian consumer regarding health. Vintilă Mihăilescu asserts that Romanians have the highest concerns about health in Europe [34] and affirmed it by noting an alarming increased rate of self-medication and consumption of nutritional supplements. In this case, a role has been also played by the tacit consent of the mass-media [35], which has largely promoted this trend on "the new health" of the consumer. Thus, occasionally, the concern about one's own health and family creates its particular symbolic systems off the medical grid, outside the officially designated institutions that manage the medical activities and discourses. The failure of trust has turned the Romanian consumer into an individual that would rather be on their own, rather than rely on such systems, especially if the situation allows it.

As we shall notice further, the same thing occurs in the case of purchasing ecological agroalimentary products. A similar mistrust surfaces when both certified or uncertified food goods are involved, either as traditional, local, or peasant products. Every consumer develops their own assessment and selection system for the ecological agroalimentary products and this fact has important consequences on the symbolic representation of the ecological concept.

#### *3.4. Debates and Interpretation*

In the above sub-chapters, we introduced the key data of the symbolic systems regarding food product consumption and healthy lifestyle. We further aimed to identify the legitimizing narratives by which the Romanian urban consumer tried to find a compromise solution that is somewhat able to balance these two systems. The starting point of this compromise is the very expectation of wellbeing, improved life quality, and family context.

To identify the legitimizing narratives of the consumption of ecological agroalimentary products as healthy products and starting from the earlier-mentioned questionnaire, we first analyzed the consumption context based on monthly family income, marital status, children in care, and the purchase frequency of ecological agroalimentary products.

Table 2 presents the distribution of monthly family income and comfort level provided by this income.


**Table 2.** Comfort level according to monthly family income.

Furthermore, Figure 1 presents the monthly family income according to the marital status of the respondents and whether or not they have children in care.

**Figure 1.** The monthly family income according to marital status and whether there are children in care.

Figure 2 introduces the purchase frequency of the families whose monthly income is under 4000 Lei (890 Euros) and whether there are children in care involved.

**Figure 2.** The purchase frequency rates of the ecological agroalimentary products for families with or without children in care, where the monthly family income ranged between 800 Lei (178 Euros) and 4000 Lei (890 Euros).

In Figure 3, the purchase frequency is displayed concerning the families with a monthly income exceeding 4000 Lei (890 Euros) and with or without children in care.

**Figure 3.** The purchase frequency rates of the ecological agroalimentary products in families with or without children, whose monthly family income exceeded 4000 Lei (890 Euros).

In Figure 2, it can be observed that in the case of the consumers whose monthly family income ranged between 800 Lei (178 Euros) and 4000 Lei (890 Euros), with or without children in care, the number of those who occasionally or often bought ecological agroalimentary products was higher than the number of those who had the same monthly income but had children in care.

In turn, regarding the group of respondents whose monthly family income exceeded 4000 Lei (890 Euros) (Figure 3), the values were closer for both families with children in care and families without children. Additionally, the ratio between those who bought often and those who had children in care turned in favor of those having children.

However, perhaps the most interesting fact is that the percentage of those frequently buying ecological agroalimentary products was higher in the group of families with children in care (81.2%) than in the group of those without children in care (62.5%). Hence, we could discuss the purchase direction according to family context.

Conforming to the data above-introduced, if we are to take into consideration the monthly family income as a key factor for the wellbeing and improved life quality, the following conclusions should be formulated:


However, under the circumstances, an interesting thing occurs. As long as the difference between the minimum comfort zone and prosperity is significant, the respondents should largely declare that they do not purchase ecological food products due to financial limitations. Or, at least, they should declare that they do not often purchase such items. However, the answers are not in line with this hypothesis. As observed in Figure 4, those who did not buy ecological agroalimentary products belonged to the group of respondents whose monthly family income was up to 800 Lei (178 Euros).

**Figure 4.** The purchase frequency on groups of monthly family income.

If we also link these similarities to the level of trust (Figure 5), we notice a correlation between the purchase frequency and the trust in agroalimentary products. Those who do not trust ecological agroalimentary products are also among the most people who do not buy such products. Additionally, those who have a medium or high level of trust are the majority, who occasionally or frequently buy ecological agroalimentary products. As it is further visible, trust is the main vector for mentally configuring the idea of ecological products as well as for the purchase decision.

**Figure 5.** The multi-variable analysis of the similarities among trust level in the ecological agroalimentary products, purchase frequency, and monthly family income.

On the other hand, as it shown in Figure 6, the Romanian urban consumer has a medium and high level of trust in ecological agroalimentary products.

**Figure 6.** Level of trust in the ecological agroalimentary products.

In addition, the tough nucleus of those who do not buy nor trust such products (or they have a low level of trust) was quite low, as can be seen in Figure 7. Merely 35 (2.60%) of the respondents were part of this tough nucleus.

*Sustainability* **2019**, *11*, 6226

**Figure 7.** Level of trust in the ecological agroalimentary products in the case of those who do not buy such products.

Actually, trust here conveys the fact that associating the agroalimentary product with the ecological quality transfers this product from the area of food safety and security. The extra food safety and security may arise from the ecological nature of the agroalimentary product. However, as seen in Figure 8, merely 511 respondents identified the agroalimentary product as ecological based on the label. In other words, only 38.07% of respondents had ecological certification as the main selection criterion. In the case of the other respondents, certification was not the most important criterion for considering an agroalimentary product as ecological or non-ecological.

**Figure 8.** The most important criterion for identifying ecological food products at the moment of purchase.

As noted in Figure 9, out of the 511 respondents who guided themselves based on the label, most subjects bought ecological agroalimentary goods from the supermarket and specialized shops. These are, in fact, the very places where these types of products can be found and purchased. These respondents represent the group where the purchase is determined by the official concept of an ecologically certified product. They buy products based on the label as a sign of certification and consider that the definition of ecological agroalimentary product conveys the idea of a certified, organic, or bio product (equivalent terms in Romanian legislation).

**Figure 9.** Where the ecologically agroalimentary products were bought by those who regarded the label as the main identification criterion of these products.

The number of these respondents only reached 331 (24.66%), as seen in Figure 10. The rest had a different approach to the ecological concept with respect to agroalimentary products.

**Figure 10.** Purchase frequency of ecological agroalimentary products depending on the meaning of ecological agroalimentary products for those who identify these products based on label.

Thus, in Figure 11, we note three main groups of consumers:

• Group 1. In quadrant 4, bottom left, we can observe a strong correlation between those who buy ecological agroalimentary products based on label and those who think that the ecological agroalimentary product means an ecologically certified product.


**Figure 11.** The multi-variable correlation regarding the similarities between what does the ecological agroalimentary product mean and the main identification criterion for this product.

Thus, in the case of groups 2 and 3 (which constitute the tough nucleus of understanding the ecological concept outside the concept of ecologically certified), according to Figure 12, the idea of ecological product changes its meaning in the area of the representations provided by the natural product (394 respondents think that the ecological agroalimentary product is the additive-free and chemical-free product obtained, and also without genetic modifications), local product (129 subjects think that the ecological agroalimentary product is a local or countryside product) and traditional product (38 respondents consider that the ecological agroalimentary product is the traditional product).

#### *Sustainability* **2019**, *11*, 6226

**Figure 12.** The purchase frequency according to the meaning of ecological agroalimentary product in the case of the respondents whose main identification criterion lies in something different from the label of a certified product.

In addition, by leaving aside the filters provided by the main identification criteria of the ecological agroalimentary products, in Figure 13, we note that 738 respondents (55.0%) symbolically configured the idea of ecological agroalimentary products outside the semantics of certified products. This percentage also turned into pressure applied to the epistemology of ecological certification and marketing of the ecological agroalimentary products.

**Figure 13.** The percentages of understanding the ecological agroalimentary product in the area of certified and uncertified products.

It is obvious that certain features of ecological agroalimentary products become the very substitutes of this concept and start functioning as its representations. We are dealing with synecdochic thinking here.

This phenomenon is partly determined by the relatively reduced penetration power of the certification concept in the public discourse and collective mentality. As it has been recently officially regulated, the concept of ecologically certified product is not located at the social imaginary level and possesses a relatively low symbolic energy. When competing with other concepts of alimentary consumption (natural, traditional, local, peasant product), it gets to the point where it often overlaps these concepts, or even dissolves itself in their prophylactic references.

Thus, to better understand the key factors of these mental representations and identify solutions addressing a consumer ideology, the interpretations should start reconsidering the aspects previously shown not as deviant phenomena, but as representative data for the symbolic systems of health and consumption. By embracing them as archetypal data at a systemic level, we can observe that the ecological product undergoes the following changes of meaning:


These particular cases of resemanticization are the lines of ethnocentralizing the concept of ecological agroalimentary products. During this process of ethnocentralizing, they are legitimized by a series of narratives that convey the idea of natural, local, or traditional products.

From this point, we can discuss three legitimizing narratives.

#### 3.4.1. Legitimizing Narratives of Certification Decentralization

The quality of the agroalimentary products (given by taste, appearance, smell, and perishability) often provides enough arguments for the Romanian urban consumer that they are dealing with a product grown/obtained under natural conditions and is not certified (Figure 14). Under such a legitimizing narrative, paradoxically, the natural character of an agroalimentary product (or supposedly ecological in this direction) becomes a substitute and even more, a competitor at the level of trust invested in the certified agroalimentary product (related to which there are occasional suspicions about respecting the conditions of certification). The sensorial implication in the purchase decision puts the certified product in direct competition with the uncertified product, especially when the latter has a high sensorial impact upon the consumer; "flavorful tomatoes", "vegetables from old times", and "countryside products" are expressions frequently related to the imagination of the urban consumer. Thus, taste, smell, appearance, and the fact that the products are on the stand of a local producer become strong selection criteria by which an uncertified product is perceived as more valuable than a certified product.

**Figure 14.** The main selection criterion of the ecological agroalimentary products, according to the level of trust and for the consumers who do not see the meaning of the ecological agroalimentary product as an ecologically certified product, organic, or bio product.

In this context, there is also another legitimizing narrative that relates to the perception between imported and domestic products. The Romanian consumer is more of a person who remembers than inquires. Hence, their memory is a key factor in formulating the purchase options. Moreover, domestic products have a higher success of triggering memories as they employ the most experiences gathered on food consumption over time. In this way, Romanian products gain slightly more value as a healthier product (and are also perceived as more ecological) than the imported products.

Thus, there emerges a localization phenomenon of the agroalimentary product and comes from a very strong identitary lineage as the rural space or countryside is symbolically seen as the place where parents, grandparents, and forefathers live or lived. Thus, rural products have an intensely familiar significance for the Romanian urban consumer.

#### 3.4.2. Legitimizing the Narratives of Accessibility

Regarding the legitimization of accessibility, one of the most common narratives refers to the idea of fair price. Thus, in the Romanian public space, there are frequent discourses claiming that peasant work is not duly respected since they struggle and have basic subsistence difficulties. This type of discourse has an interesting consequence on the legitimizing level of the peasant product as an ecological product: the ideological algorithm provides enough arguments for supporting the idea that the limited resources of some peasants force them to produce in a durable and sustainable system (by using classic peasant available resources). Thus, the products obtained are not treated with substances coming from outside the farm, and are seen as natural, and therefore, ecological products. This is the reason why peasant agroalimentary products purchased at accessible prices at the farmers' markets are regarded by the Romanian urban consumer as products obtained in ecological circumstances (provided that there are certain trust networks toward some producers in the farmers' market). Concerning these discourses, it is necessary to mention that Romanian urban consumers are poorly informed about the existing subsidies for the rural environment, even in the case of conventional agriculture.

Another narrative built through the trust gained of farmers' market is related to the reliability perceived by the Romanian urban consumer toward certain producers whose products have earned their trust over time. They are seen as producers of tradition who are reliable and do not use chemical treatments, but are not interested in becoming certified either to keep prices as low as possible, or due to the lack of time and energy. Such preconceptions are not entirely unjustified. Many small rural producers would rather base their activity in the family's inherited traditions than move to a certified production system.

3.4.3. Legitimizing Narratives of Overlapping the Concept of an Ecological Product with the Concept of a Healthy Product

When legitimizing narratives of overlapping the concept of an ecological product with the concept of a healthy product, the first thing we need to mention is the semantic contamination between a healthy product and an ecological product. At the mental level of the Romanian urban consumer, a paralogism emerges: if everything ecological is healthy, then everything healthy is ecological. Here, the inversion and contamination zone between the representation of health and that of ecological concept surfaces. It is not the certification that empowers the ecological nature, but the nature of a healthy product.

Therefore, everything related to the ecological concept changes its meaning and becomes support for the legitimizing narratives of the health symbolic system. The products seen as healthy become the only valid representation of the ecological product.

This appears as a legitimizing narrative of the health universe by consuming ecological agroalimentary products. Based on this, at a mental level, consumption and health adjust themselves as symbolic systems through the consumption of ecological products regarded as healthy consumption. Thus, the ecological value becomes a health condition and health turns into one of the ecological consequences.

Another legitimizing narrative of this overlap derives from the mistrust felt by certain consumers toward certified products. Thus, there are discourses in the public space claiming that some producers do not follow the rules of certification, or that some distributors use non-ecological substances to reduce the perishability of the ecological agroalimentary products. A possible solution in these cases can be by shortening the food chains of supply up to the point of direct sales (where the producer can interact face-to-face with the buyer and inform them about the products offered for sale).

We cannot claim that these legitimizing narratives are pertinent. Further scientific investigations should be conducted in this direction. However, these narratives are relevant within the symbolic universe of the healthy alimentation for the Romanian urban consumer.

#### **4. Conclusions**

Instead of becoming a certification hallmark, ecological agroalimentary products become a philosophy of selection. Thus, the purchase decision comes out of its automatism and embraces a deliberative character. Out in the public space, the brand of ecological agroalimentary products is more and more semantically changed by a consumer who becomes the user and reshapes it by virtue of what we nowadays call the user experience. From the rhetorical mark of certification, the ecological agroalimentary product turns into a common place of personal strategies and individual purchase decisions. Instead of capitalizing itself in the zone of general common sense, the ecological agroalimentary product moves into the zone of daily common-sense (where it is semantically changed on a regular basis and capitalized at the junction of private and public space).

Are we dealing with the general behavior of the consumer as it is stated that "consumption can be a productive force, creating and (re)creating meaning and underpinning political, economic, social and cultural practices and values" [36]? We are facing pro-active consumption, which is more and more replacing passive consumption.

The consumption society, as expression of hyperconsumption, thus defines an interesting phenomenon. The consumption is experienced individually (in a personal or family context), while the consequences are felt generally. To be able to buy a cheaper product nearby, there must be a supermarket in the area where, if I want to find food products at the lowest possible price, it is possible that they are either nutritionally poor or obtained through the conventional agricultural system, chemically treated, or over-processed. As a recurrence, such situations do not impact upon the whole community, as a

supermarket opened in my neighborhood involves problems of traffic, air quality, aesthetics of the dwelling area, and so on.

Hence, the consumption society resembles a democratic system where private decisions can be taken, while in the general context, the public phenomena are those determining the ways of life. Moreover, democracy is the most appropriate political system for the consumption society as it turns us into ideal consumers and provides the most consumption opportunities. Additionally, it hard to believe that we could easily give up a consumption society, even if we perceive it as a hedonistic society. Our bodies and experiences or emotions have developed a relationship of comfort and self-treatment with the world of products we acquire, use, or consume. The only moral way of overcoming this relationship can be provided by reconfiguring the consumption world. Lately, it seems that we have been witnessing a new revolution within the consumption society. Thus, gradually, the consumer's decision is determined by the desire to turn the consumption society into a healthy universe.

Our study intends to have an inverse approach. The resemanticization of the ecological concept has been regarded not as the consumer's confusion, but as a mental mechanism by which the consumer tries to bring a healthy order in their purchase behavior of agroalimentary products. This consumer is defined by a self-assumed interpretation of the ecological value of the agroalimentary products and is based on both the critical and hermeneutical attitude that they take part in the phenomenon of ethnocentralizing the concept of ecological agroalimentary products. In short, this consumer seizes a public concept regulated by governance and structured by market phenomena and introduces it into their private space of understanding and acceptance. From the rule formulated within the certification area, the ecology of the agroalimentary products becomes the mental and discursive playground where the Romanian contemporary person reconfigures their position in a world where health and consumption can no longer be understood and accepted unless the starting point comes from the very systems in which they trigger.

Actually, in an ideal world, where the producers fully comply with the guidelines of durability, sustainability, food safety and security, ecological certification would be pointless. The ecological certification is the present-day tool by which the socioeconomic aspects of alimentation are directed to certain standards that help us agree with the health of the environment and population. However, as we have noticed earlier, consumers are inclined to semantically change this concept of ecological agroalimentary product in the comfort of their private space in accordance with their resources, objectives, and mentalities.

Having as a starting point the present study, it is our belief that the entrepreneurial environment from Romania should take into consideration, at least, the following features concerning the marketing strategies and product development:


**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, I.-S.B., S.R., L.T., and M.B.; Data curation, C.D.V., I.-S.B., and M.B.; Formal analysis, A.B., C.D.V., I.-S.B., S.R., and L.T.; Funding acquisition, A.B.; Investigation, A.B., C.D.V., I.-S.B., S.R., L.T., and M.B.; Methodology, A.B., C.D.V., I.-S.B., S.R., L.T., and M.B.; Project administration, A.B. and M.B.; Software, C.D.V.; Supervision, A.B.; Validation, A.B., C.D.V., L.T., and M.B.; Visualization, C.D.V., I.-S.B., and S.R.; Writing—original draft, A.B., C.D.V., I.-S.B., S.R., L.T., and M.B.; Writing—review & editing, A.B., C.D.V.,

I.-S.B., S.R., L.T., and M.B. All authors made equal contributions to this paper, and they are therefore all considered first authors.

**Funding:** This work was supported by a grant from the Ministry of Research and Innovation through Program 1-Development of the National R&D System, Subprogram 1.2-Institutional Performance-Projects for Excellence Financing in RDI, Contract no. 22PFE/2018 and Program NUCLEU 25N-104/2019.

**Acknowledgments:** We would like to thank our good friend and colleague, George Bodi, for all his assistance with the statistical analysis instrument of R Programming and for all the advice given during the writing of this article. Thanks go to Sonia Bulei for the English translation. We would like to thank our reviewers for the suggestions that led to improving this material.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **References**


© 2019 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

## *Article* **Important Influencing and Decision Factors in Organic Food Purchasing in Hungary**

**Kinga Nagy-Pércsi <sup>1</sup> and Csaba Fogarassy 2,\***


Received: 23 August 2019; Accepted: 25 October 2019; Published: 1 November 2019

**Abstract:** Organic farming is one of the most developed and accepted production systems from the aspect of sustainability. In this study, the Hungarian organic market was segmented on the basis of attitude-relating motivations of organic food purchasing. A descriptive statistic was used for the whole sample, and factor and cluster analysis was applied to segment the organic consumers. A sample of 247 questionnaires was processed to investigate the behavior and characteristics of Hungarian organic food consumers. Our aim was to explore the Hungarian organic consumer market from the aspect of trust in labels, we would like to find answers to the questions "Which kind of information consumers check on the product?" and "What are the main influencing factors of purchase decisions?". According to our research, the majority of organic food consumers say that color is not as important as taste or freshness, so they do not associate the color of the product with the freshness of the product. Based on the factor analysis, four clusters could be separated that show different shopping motives and differ in their attitude towards food shopping. We named these clusters: Health-conscious, Disappointed, Safe and free food eaters, and Quality-price comparators. Based on the recognized consumer segments, different information should be communicated to consumers so that they can use it in their consumer decisions. Our research suggests that branding or product labeling is not as important to organic food consumers as we previously thought.

**Keywords:** organic consumer market; emotional factors; health consciousness; consumers' trust; labeling system; consumer behavior; bio food

#### **1. Introduction**

In the case of organic food marketing the usual direct selling form and through this the personal contact with the producers fulfill the circular economy principle also. Namely, the producers should know the demand and the consumers should know the supply to avoid overproduction or overdemand. In this context, when the organic food product leaves the short supply chain, or direct supply chain an applicable quality certification, a label becomes necessary. However, a well-functioning label is a basic instrument in the development of the sector as well as other aspects also, the realization of the circle of utilized and produced materials is a principle of organic farming also. What are the main influencing factors of purchase decisions? How can consumers' trust in certificating labels increase? To answer these questions the organic food consumers' behavior should be investigated. A key factor for organic agriculture is the perception of consumers related to organic products, in terms of attitude and preferences, as particular expressions of their behavior [1]. When analyzing consumer behavior, one should consider the following: What consumers think/ perceive, feel, and how they behave, alongside environmental factors that influence them [2]. Consumer behavior can hence be influenced by experience. This can lead to a change in attitudes and behavior [3]. The factors that determine consumer perception refer not only to physical needs, like food, health and environmental

protection [4], but also their dependence on other socio-cultural components, like culture, religion, training, income, and social position [5]. The most important incentive for the consumers in Hungary, similar to many other countries eating organic food, is the healthiness of this kind of product [6,7]. Different motives can be separated into a healthy diet. There are special needs as a consequence of illnesses, fitness considerations, search for safety, and avoiding harmful components. Hungarian food consumption habits have recently been influenced by several trends, such as the trend of convenience, health and wellness, environmental consciousness, search for experience, ethical consumption, and time consciousness [8].

The results of the Nielsen Global Health and Wellness Survey [9], conducted in 60 countries and involving 30,000 consumers, revealed that the most desirable food attributes are freshness, naturalness, and minimal processing [10]. Fresh food can fulfill most of the requirements relating to these attributes. On the basis of our survey, organic food consumers eat fruits and vegetables most frequently and the purchasing habits relating to fruits and vegetables are also relevant in the organic food sector. The research institutes GFK Hungary Ltd. and Agrar Europe Ltd. [11] conducted a consumer survey relating to fresh fruit and vegetable consumption and purchasing. According to their results, the consumers buy fresh fruits and vegetables mainly at traditional markets, from small farmers or street vendors today also. According to GFK analysis, these sources gave 27% of the total purchased quantity. The consumers buy mainly fresh food on market, 36% of the total spending went on vegetables, 18% on fruits, 12% on fresh meat, 7-7% on bakery and processed meat products [12]. In spite of the favorable health impact of fresh food, the relating microbiological and chemical risks give a reason for anxiety [13,14]. The illnesses relating mainly to the sporadic cases of microbiological hazards [15–17]. The foodborne diseases connected to the fresh products, unfortunately, are gaining importance in the last few decades. The fresh products form a separate food safety category. The bacterial agents found the most common food safety danger by the expert in relation to fresh food, this was followed by foodborne viruses and pesticide residues. The different mold toxins can have also an important health risk. It is interesting, however, that the organic food consumers judge the microbiological dangers as not so harmful, they think the residues are the most dangerous health affected factor [18]. Other food safety hazards like antibiotic resistance, the wax shield on the fruits shell, and the genetically modified organizations are all emerging problems for the stakeholders in the fresh food supply chain [19–21]. For these anxieties, eating organic food can be a solution for a great part of the consumers.

Parallelly, there is also an increasing interest in investigating the health effects of organic food consumption. However, the results are still insufficient when attempting to formulate explicit conclusions [22]. The abovementioned concerns are influencing the development of the organic markets on the world and have an impact on the consuming pattern and behavior of organic food consumers. These phenomena, the purchasing channels of organic food, the most frequently purchased food in certain purchasing channels, the attitudes of purchase and the relating subjects should be investigated, in particular, for a better understanding of the economic characteristics of this special market. Based on the above, the research questions in this study are: Do consumers in the organic market pay attention to where they buy? Do customers consider it safer to buy food from small-scale farmers? Is the appearance of the product important, or is the taste important, and how do brand and product labels influence customer decisions?

#### **2. Literature Review**

The relevant literature affects three main fields: The main motives of buying organic, the preferred supply chain in organic food purchasing and the utility and acceptance of labels relating to organic food marketing. However the organic food consumption is at a low level in Hungary, the demand for organic food is growing steadily. In 2010, the market value of organic products was 82.3 million USD, which took 1.5% of the total food trade and meant a great increase as compared to 2005. In this year the total organic selling was only 36.7 million USD, 0.8% of the total food trade. For 2015 the value of organic food selling was assessed to 110.4 million USD [23,24]. This upward trend can also be

observed in other parts of the world and relating mainly to environmental concerns [25]. The healthy diet and lifestyle are also becoming more and more important for the consumers parallelly with economic growth and this process is favorable for the development of organic selling. The analyses of major motivations that stand behind the organic food buying behavior of consumers reveal that health issues represent the main reason for purchasing organic food and that health attributes have become as important as sensory ones during the buying decision-making process [26–29]. The reduced consumption of chemicals in organic farming is the main criterion for which the consumers choose products. When it comes to the respondents' perception of the sensory quality of the organic products, it can be said that a majority of the respondents consider organic products less appealing but instead tastier. The results of a Romanian study show a positive consumer perception for the taste of the organic products, indifferent to the level of education [1]. Consumers' interest in organic foods in Hungary is also driven by the perceived health benefits associated with consuming goods free of chemical additives and pesticide residue [30,31]. On the other hand, solidarity with local producers, and the associated environmental benefits also drive sales. A positive relationship can be found between higher education and organic food acceptance [32,33]. Beside education income situation has a great impact on buying organic. Consumers with higher income buy organics more frequently [33–37]. Women were suggested to be organic food buyers [38–40]. Women are more motivated due to eating a healthy diet, men are more influenced by their social circumstances [41]. The organic food buyers tend to be older, with children, and have a higher education level than those of non-buyers [33,34,37,42,43]. Consumers' urge to seek novelty and to gain substantial information regarding product utility in terms of price and quality can also influence consumers' decisions to buy organic products [44]. According to the beforementioned it can be stated that organic food is strongly motivated by consumers' perception that organic food is healthier than conventional food [45]. This is particularly relevant in emerging markets where healthiness is perceived to be the most important characteristic of organic food that motivates consumer purchase behavior [46]. Sensory and the so-called ethical quality characteristics mentioned by many studies as a motivation factor to buy organics [47]. The organic food buyers have an inclination to pay a higher price for the higher food safety requirements [48]. It should be parallel mention that according to Csíkné [49] the most important influencing factors at food procurement in the case of an average Hungarian consumer are the price, freshness, food-safety, and the choice. She found that the least important influencing factors are the direct personal contact with the farmers, the producing methods and decreasing of the environmental pollution. Hungarian organic production and processing are underdeveloped, in 2009 almost 70% of the organic food was stemming from import. Hungarian organic food stores concentrate on vegan food and only a few of them occupy meat products however it can be more adequate for traditional eating habits [50]. Szente et al. [51] mentioned that in Hungary several times products, which are not in demand being distributed, while the selection and volume of certain products are not satisfactory on organic markets. It is contrary to the principle of circular economy also namely the suppliers should know the demand. This fact also emphasizes the role of a well -functioning label. A well-functioning label can build also trust in organic food marketing. The findings of a Chinese survey revealed that information on the label of organic food is a significant antecedent of consumers' trust in organic food [52]. Rácz found that domestic consumers do not know the objective meaning of food labels in several cases. This uncertainty can be resulted by the number of labels, so consumers cannot gather a wide range of information before purchasing decision because of the lack of unified, sustainability proving labels and the use of several label formats if we take into account also the limiting role of time [53]. The different domestic promotion campaign, also the labeling of those food products which contains raw materials produced in Hungary or those which are produced in Hungary has been operating for years. However, the special marketing program of the organic food produced in Hungary and the connected label system does not work at all. The lack of an adequate label comes out in other countries also. The Romanian consumers do not pay sufficient attention to organic food labels. The authors assumed that it is due to that the Romanians are not properly educated in this regard and because of hasty shopping [7]. Drexler et al. found that organic

product labeling can play a role in decision-making, but regardless 27% of experiment participants do not care about the organic quality labels or don't pay attention to them [54]. Due to the lack of an adequate labeling system, the consumers' trust, the personal and direct consumer-producer connection is the dominant factor in purchasing decisions of organics. The organic food consumers are interested in who has produced food items they consume and where they have originated. Organic food consumers may also be inspired by knowing and supporting the individual who has produced their food as opposed to supporting a faceless corporation or distant producer [30,55]. According to the survey conducted by Szente [40] the origin is partially or totally important for the respondents (72.9%) and those who prefer organic food also pay attention to the local origin. It should be added here that the alternative and modern form of direct selling are not popular yet in Hungary. Most of the consumers rather choose the traditional Short Supply Chains like producers' market and organic markets [48]. Hungarian consumers especially price-sensitive [43]. It should be noted here that the most important limiting factor is the price in the development of the market. Other limiting factors are the availability problems and the lack of trust relating to the labeling systems and certification processes [43]. Makatouni [56] added to these factors the lack of perceived value [57]. This phenomenon is general in other countries with developing the organic market in the world [58]. According to other international studies, the relationship between producer and buyer is also determined by behavior associated with the cultural or solidarity economy, which in combination with a number of other features, may form a different relationship or network within the consumer system [59–61]. Due to the above-mentioned phenomena, it can be stated that organic food consumers are not very interested in branded products, but rather they are looking for product groups or opting for system characteristics related to product sales that are based on consumer confidence. Hungarian organic food consumers are categorized by several authors [8,30,43,55]. The families with small children as a subcategory can be well defined inside the "health-conscious" category. Families with small children are those who give special interest to organic food. Between 2006 and 2010 the selling of organic baby food and the special baby dairy product started to increase. During the financial crisis, the families focused their spending on their children and they choose an organic baby meal which they think safer and healthier as compared to others [62].

#### **3. Material and Methods**

#### *3.1. Sampling and Survey Instrument*

To get a deeper insight into the characteristics of organic food marketing and consumption in Hungary a survey was conducted on the biggest Hungarian Organic Market in Budapest (Biokultúra Organic Market) in February 2018. This was the first step in data sampling. There 31 questionnaires were collected altogether by personal interviews. Many useful experiences were gained from this survey and the questionnaire can be improved according to these experiences. The respondents had the opportunity to add their opinion relating to certain questions. This information was noted and used for data processing. Parallelly with these interviews, to find and eliminate potential problems relating to the survey instrument, a pre-test was performed. An evaluation group consisting of three academics experts was formed to ensure the validity and suitability of the items. The applied questionnaire (Appendix A) contained 16 mainly closed questions relating to eating habits, consumer behavior, factors influencing consumers' purchase decisions, attitudes, purchasing channels and judgment of food-safety beyond the demographic characteristics of the respondents. The questionnaire was established mainly on the basis of the relevant professional literature [12,25,28,40,49,51,54] selected according to the aim of the article. Food choice motives were assessed using 18 motive dimensions, like "freshness", "taste", "colour", "wrapping", "advertisement", "impact on health", "components", "price", "high preparedness", "high endurance", "habits", "price", "free of E-numbers", free of additives", "nutrients", "recommendation", "label", "brand". The scale was a five-point Likert scale which was anchored at "1" indicating strong disagreement and "5" indicating strong agreement. The consumption frequency of certain food products was measured by a scale ranging from 0-5, where 0 means "I do not consume.", 1 means "I consume less than once in a month.", 2 means "I consume once or twice in a month.", 3 means "I consume once or twice in a week.", 4 means "I consume three or four times in a week.", 5 means "I consume on a daily basis.". After the abovementioned on the spot survey further 811 were collected with the help of students attending to the courses of "Food safety and quality assurance" and "Hygiene in catering" in Szent Istvan University. The exercise of the students was to interview one person from their family and from other familiar households (grandmother, grandfather, aunts, uncles, friends, etc.) until the end of March 2018. It was an important criterion that the respondents should be more than 18-year-old. Finally, 842 questionnaires were collected in these ways. From the 842 questionnaires only 247 was suitable to investigate the behavior and characteristics of organic food consumers because together with the personal interviews conducted on the Organic Market in Budapest, 247 respondents buy regularly organic food. Inside this group, another subgroup can be separated called organic market consumers. The most important characteristic of this group, that they buy organic food on some of the organic markets as the most important purchasing channel. The size of this sample is 102 questionnaires, which contains the questionnaires filled in the frame of a personal interview on the biggest Organic Market in Budapest. Unfortunately, 13 questionnaires should be excluded from further analysis because of too many missing data or inconsistency. However, we processed the data of 18 questionnaires where the respondents choose the option that they do not buy organic food but they parallelly use the organic market as a food purchasing channel. The problem could be stemming from the misunderstanding of the adequate concepts because in Hungary the official term for this kind of food is ecological (means organic) but many consumers know them as bio food.

#### *3.2. Data Analysis*

A descriptive statistic was used for the whole sample and factor and cluster analysis was applied to segment the organic consumers. The data were analyzed using SPSS software, version 24. Factor analysis was performed and segmentation was conducted using K-means cluster analysis. The factor scales consisting of six factors were used in cluster analysis. Before K-means clustering a hierarchical cluster analysis using Ward Linkage was conducted to determine the adequate number of clusters. The results of this cluster analysis indicated that the optimal number of clusters was 4 (Figure 1). The differences between the segments were examined using the average related consumer attitude scores for certain clusters and the average scores of purchasing motives.

**Figure 1.** Agglomeration schedule of hierarchical cluster analysis.

The last two agglomeration steps were omitted on the bases of the Dendrogram and the elbow criterion method. As a result, the ideal numbers of the clusters were 4. As Table 1 shows we could get homogenous groups by using 4 clusters.


**Table 1.** Most important attributes of the different groups.

The variables shown in Table 2 were subjected to a factor analysis using principal axis factoring and Varimax rotation to determine the smallest number of meaningful factors.


**Table 2.** Variables used for segmentation.

Bartlett's test of sphericity was significant at the 0.001 level and the Kaiser–Meyer–Olkin (KMO) value was greater than 0.7 [63].

#### **4. Results**

The results of the study give a clear answer that organic food consumers are not very interested in the appearance of the product, unlike traditional consumers who make their decisions based on the appearance of the product. Our investigations also show us where they are and what kind of shopping environment organic food consumers are looking for. What kind of cultural or solidarity elements of these decisive locations can be based on the analysis!

#### *4.1. Main Characteristics Of Organic Food Consumers*

Most of the organic food consumers (60%) is female, 45% of the respondents live in Budapest, in the capital city, 51% graduated and 44% is white-collar worker. These data are in harmony with the results of former surveys also [64,65]. In that case, 86% of the surveyed consumer have average or higher income levels. The respondents of the survey think in the first place with the same scores that they are conscious consumers, they pay much attention to where they buy food and that the food is full of harmful ingredients. The respondents agreed in that to a great extent. They do not really think that they get safer food on the market but at the same time, they do not trust food traded by food stores (Figure 2).

**Figure 2.** The attitude of the surveyed organic food consumers (N = 247).

According to the survey, the most important purchase influencing factors are freshness, flavor, and only at the third place positive health impacts. It is interesting to note here that Oroian et al. [6] found that the "extrinsic attributes" of the organic products were not considered to be the main reasons for consumers to buy organic products, but it was appreciated due to the important information on the ingredients and nutritional aspects, the factors that influence organic food consumers' buying behavior. It is important and on the contrary to the average Hungarian consumers' behavior that the price is not really important for this segment (Figure 3).

**Figure 3.** The influencing factors of purchase in the case of organic food consumers (N = 247).

These attributes are not surprising in light of the fact that the organic market consumers eat vegetables most frequently according to our survey. Our survey sample contained not only organic food consumers but also non-organic food consumers. Moreover, a segment could be separated from the organic food consumers, those who buy organic food basically from the organic market, these are the organic market consumers (N = 102). For comparison, the main features of the other two segments from our survey sample are hereby presented in figures. The differences between the diet of the non-organic food eaters and organic market consumers are bigger.

This latter mentioned group eats vegetables and fruits with the highest frequency (Figure 4), while the non-organic food consumers eat fruits and vegetables only at the fifth and fourth place (Figure 5). There is a slight difference between the diet of organic food consumers and organic market consumers (who buy organics mainly on organic markets) because the organic food consumers eat vegetables with the highest frequency. It was followed by the bakery and only then fruits.

The organic food consumers buy food with the highest frequency on the traditional market which is followed by the direct purchase from the producers and the local producers' market. This finding is in accordance with other relevant surveys. The standard deviation was the lowest in the case of the organic market, while it was the highest in the case of direct relations with the producers.

Another interesting question is where organic food buyers purchase organic food products. We found on the basis of our survey that they prefer the organic markets which were followed by special organic stores and retail chains.

**Figure 5.** Consumption frequency of certain food products in the case of non-organic food consumers (N = 582) *Source: Own data collection and processing, 2018.*

#### *4.2. The Outcomes Of Factor Analysis*

The factor analysis resulted in 18 observed variables allocated to six factors. "Color" as an organoleptic characteristic is a separate explaining variable. It is interesting, because we noticed during the interviews on the Organic Market, that most of the organic food consumers think that color is not as important as taste or freshness, so they did not link color with freshness. However, they usually buy fruits and vegetables in the organic market. The six factors were named "Health effect", where the information on label plays an important role, "Influences", "Organoleptic properties", Convenience", "Price and habits", where this assigned quality characteristic and the habits have influence (Table 3).


**Table 3.** Results of the factor analysis.

Extraction Method: Principal Component Analysis. Rotation Method: Varimax with Kaiser Normalization (Rotation converged in 6 iterations).

Finally, 4 clusters could be separated according to the abovementioned on the basis of the factor analysis. The most important characteristic of members of Cluster 1 (N = 59) (Figure 6) that the price of organic food influences them to the least extent as compared to the other segments' members. The freshness and good health impact of food are very important for them. They seem very health-conscious consumers, who are inclined to pay higher prices for quality and healthy food. They try to buy as much healthier food as they can (Health conscious). Freshness and a good impact on health are the most important motives for them. Price and advertisement have the least influence on their purchase decisions. They also try to buy as healthy food as they can and think the food is full of harmful components. As a consequence of this, they select carefully the source of purchase and they do not trust in food sold in food stores and judge poorly the performance of the authority. Freshness, taste, and food components are the most important motives in the second segment of the consumers, Cluster 2 (N = 88) (Figure 6). They chose organic food because they are disappointed by conventional food. They pay much attention to where they buy food and think that food is full of harmful components. These are the most influencing factor in their attitude (Disappointed). Members in Cluster 3 (N = 21) (Figure 6) choose organic food because of its favorable health effect, but they pay attention to the price also. They have a fear of additives, so the most influencing motive for them is that the food should not contain additives (Safe and free food eaters). They do not trust in food sold in the food stores and judge poorly the performance of the authority as the members of Cluster 1.

Cluster 4 (N = 78) (Figure 6) also likes eating well, and think organic food is tastier and fresher than conventional but they can be influenced and have stable purchasing source. Since they influenced by habits in purchasing the brand as a motive is ranked to the best place in this cluster as compared to the other segments. They are lag behind in trying new products (Quality – price comparator). The attitude "Food is full of harmful components" is ranked in the first two places in every cluster, which also very important information for policymakers and other stakeholders in the food industry. It is important to note that "label" as a motivator is ranked in the middle or end of the motivation list in every cluster which focuses our attention on the role of labels in the promotion of organic products.

**Figure 6.** Factors influencing consumers' decisions in different clusters.

#### **5. Discussion and Conclusions**

Our research has confirmed the connection found in the literature that consumers mainly buy fresh food on the bio market, which mainly means buying fruits and vegetables [12]. We also see through consumer perception of labels and product labels, because of the microbiological risks associated with the consumption of fresh foods, consumers are more careful when purchasing [13,14]. From the literature review, it can be concluded that consumers of organic food can be divided into several groups based on the main behavioral categories. According to the literature, the two most influential groups are the group that prefers healthy food and the group that follows fashion or current trends [53,54,58]. The preference for freshness of products (which in many cases is also a symbol of healthy food) is an important criterion not only for organic food consumers but also for traditional food consumers. According to our survey, it can be stated that organic food consumers have the healthiest diet because they eat vegetables and fruits with the highest frequency. Organic market consumers pay much attention to where they buy food, but the respondent of the survey does not try to buy food from small scale farmers directly it is not important for them. They do not really think that they get safer food on the market and they do not trust in food traded by food stores, the most trust in their own senses. The surveyed consumers decide mainly on the basis of sensory characteristics (freshness, flavor) but the positive health impact also a very dominant factor at food purchase. According to the factor analysis we can state that there are six explaining factors, we named them as "Health effect", where the information on label plays an important role, "Influences", "Organoleptic properties", Convenience", "Price and habits", where this assigned quality characteristic and the habits have influence. "Colour" as an organoleptic characteristic is a separate explaining variable. Four clusters with different purchasing motives could be separated and some differences can be found among the clusters in attitude toward food purchase. We named these clusters as Health conscious, Disappointed, Safe and free food eaters, Quality-price comparator. Freshness and good impacts on health are the most important motives for the members of the "Health-conscious" cluster. Price and advertisement have the least influence on their purchase decisions. Freshness, taste, and food components are the most important motives in the segment of the "Disappointed" consumers. "Safe and free food eaters" have a fear of additives, so the

most influencing motive for them is that the food should not contain additives. They do not trust in food sold in food stores and judge poorly the performance of the authority as the members of cluster 1. "Quality-price comparator" think organic food is tastier and fresher than conventional but they can be influenced and have stable purchasing source. The brand as a motive is ranked to better place in this cluster as compared to the other segments. The attitude "Food is full of harmful components" is ranked in the first two places in every cluster, which is very important information for policymakers and other stakeholders in the food industry. It is important to note that "label" as a motive is ranked in the middle or end of the motive list in every cluster which focuses our attention on the role of labels in the promotion of bio-foods and also for the malfunctions of these labels. The ingredients should be well readable and markable on labels, however the origin and brand are almost irrelevant for the consumers' segments. The presence of certain ingredients in the product and the freshness of the products can contribute more to sales than branding. Based on the results of the study, we can call the group of health-conscious consumers a clearly distinct group. In their case, it is a surprising result that this group can be influenced well by different marketing tools towards healthy eating. It is an interesting finding for disappointed consumers that they try to get back the loss of consumer confidence in traditional products through their preference for the taste of the products. Consumer sensitivity to the price of the product is typical of the quality-price comparator group, but it is interesting to observe from studies that consumers pay close attention to the price of products in almost all groups. Brand awareness and personal recommendations are of paramount importance to the Safe and Free Food Eaters group. The price comparison consumer group is that they do not attach a particularly strong preference to either the product characteristics or the conditions under which the product is sold at the time of purchase. The results of the study provide valuable and important information about Hungarian consumers of organic food products that can be used by decision-makers in their development strategies in order to enhance small farmers' production and local products. Producers should accommodate their supply to the special need of the consumers' preferences to develop their products based on the needs of each group of consumers. The level of consumers' satisfaction can be increased and a profitable production can evolve. It is important to note that consumers generally believe that "Food is full of harmful ingredients" - this is the first two places in each cluster, which is very important information for policymakers and food business operators. It is important to emphasize that the "label" as a motivator is ranked in the middle or at the end of the motivation list in each group, which is important to consider because we previously thought based on the related researches, that good brands and well-known branding can create an effective sales strategy. Based on the feedback we can confidently state that the information on the label is really important, but branding itself is only a secondary consumer demand!

**Limitations:** The research was carried out on a small sample, so no exact behavioral patterns can be deduced from the composition of the respondents. It should be emphasized that the data were processed from two sources. In a sample of 31 people, we conducted a bio-market survey among bio-market buyers and interviewed over 800 people with university students to learn about family consumption patterns. Our study does not cover all possible topics but is limited to what we consider important. The research carried out does not represent the consumer habits of all organic food consumers living in Hungary, but the results identify appropriate trends in the consumer community.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, methodology and formal analysis, K.N.-P.; resources, writing, writing—review and editing, and supervision, C.F.

**Funding:** This research received no external funding.

**Acknowledgments:** Preparation of the manuscript and our final article was supported by the Szent Istvan University (SZIU) Climate Change Research Centre and Doctoral School of Management and Business Administration at SZIU. Special thanks to Amelia Godor, Miriam Bahna, and Prespa Ymeri PhD students who helped us with the questionnaire management and the collection and sorting of references.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **Appendix A**

The applied questionnaire

1. How often do you consume the following food categories?

0—never, 1—less than once in a month, 2—1–2 times in a month, 3—1–2 times in a week, 4—3–4 times in a week, 5 every day


2. How are you affected by the following factors in your food purchase? Please, indicate it with 1–5. 1—I am not affected at all, 5—I am affected in a great extent


3. What do you think about the health impact of the following articles? 1—it is not harmful, 5—very dangerous

> animal fat exposing food to smoke salt high energy content high fat content sweetening content allergens trans-fatty acid additives high sugar content mold preservatives GMO content artificial food colouring antibiotic residue pesticide residues hormone residues advertisement wrapping easy to prepare brand long shelf life recommendation color label routine price origin nutrient content free from E-number free from additives ingredients positive impacts to health flavour freshness

	- 1—Yes

2—No


Please, use the following code!

0—never, 1—less than once in a month, 2—1–2 times in a month, 3—1–2 times in a week, 4—3–4 times in a week, 5 every day

local producers' market organic market directly from producers through the internet traditional market other direct selling form

6. How often do you buy organic food?

0—never, 1—less than once in a month, 2—1–2 times in a month, 3—1–2 times in a week, 4—3–4 times in a week, 5 every day

7. Where you usually buy organic food?

organic market directly from producers through the internet special organic food store retail chain other:\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_


1—I am totally disagree with it, 5—I am totally agree with it.

I trust in food sold by food stores. I found the activity of the authorities adequate. I try to buy food made by small scale farmers. I always read the name of the processor on the label. I can buy safer food on the market. I buy only trusty food. I prefer Hungarian food. I try to purchase healthy food. Most of the food is full of harmful ingredients. I take care of that where I buy food. I think I am a conscious consumer.

11. What is your gender?

[] female

[] male

12. What is your highest level of education? Please, indicate it!

[] primary school


13. The age of the respondent:

[] under 20 [] between 20 and 30 [] between 31 and 40 [] between 41 and 50 [] between 51 and 65 [] more than 65

14. Settlement type of the respondents' residence:

[] Budapest (capital city) [] chief town of a county [] other city [] village [] ranch

15. Occupation of the respondent:

[] unskilled worker [] skilled worker [] entrepreneur [] employee [] manager [] pensioner [] student

16. Net income in your family

much smaller than the average

smaller than the average

average

more than the average

much more than the average

#### **References**


© 2019 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

## *Article* **Understanding Consumers' Convenience Orientation. An Exploratory Study of Fresh-Cut Fruit in Italy**

**Riccardo Testa, Giorgio Schifani and Giuseppina Migliore \***

Department of Agricultural, Food and Forest Sciences, University of Palermo, Viale delle Scienze, 90128 Palermo, Italy; riccardo.testa@unipa.it (R.T.); giorgio.schifani@unipa.it (G.S.)

**\*** Correspondence: giuseppina.migliore@unipa.it; Tel.: +39-091-23896618

**Abstract:** In Western society, the fresh-cut fruit market is experiencing significant growth, especially in Italy, where, in 2019, the fresh-cut fruit sales volume increased by 35% compared with the previous year. This study aims to understand Italian consumers' demand for fresh-cut fruits and to explore whether this trend is also affected by the prevalence of healthy lifestyles. Health orientation seems, in fact, to be a growing trend in the food sector. Research has recognized that consumers' orientation towards products that are ready to be consumed is not only related to saving time. Sociodemographic factors and psychometric variables, including values and lifestyles, play important roles in understanding consumer demand for convenience products. For this purpose, the food-related lifestyles (FRLs) tool was used to profile consumers. The FRLs tool is a useful instrument that describes different ways in which people use food to achieve their values in life. Data were collected by using an online survey carried out with Italian consumers of fresh-cut fruits. By using a cluster analysis technique, four Italian fresh-cut fruit consumer target groups were identified. The largest target group was represented by uninvolved consumers, who are not inclined to cook or plan meals and who are very influenced by the advertising of food products in their buying decisions. An interesting target group, which may represent a challenge for food enterprises in the sector, was health-oriented consumers, who attach great importance to organic certification and to product information. This target group was also characterized by older consumers with higher net monthly household incomes than other target groups.

**Keywords:** food-related lifestyles; segmentation; minimally processed food; fresh-cut fruits; consumer decision-making

#### **1. Introduction**

In the late 20th century, the evolution of society in Western countries, accompanied by increased incomes and general economic growth as well as by changes in family organization due to the increasing female participation in the labor market, led to a shift in dietary patterns [1–3]. This is observable through the growing trend to eat outside of the home and to consume convenience foods [4,5]. The increasing consumer interest in convenience foods reflects the tendency to minimize the time and effort that goes into the preparation of meals [6,7]. According to Capps et al. [8], convenience foods are partially or fully prepared foods associated with a significant reduction in time, cooking skills, and mental effort required to prepare meals. However, convenience foods have also been accused of being co-responsible for society's inclination towards a higher prevalence of obesity and lifestyle diseases, as well as reducing the joy in cooking [9–12]. Consumption of convenience foods, in fact, is associated with a high intake of calories, salt, saturated and trans fats, and sugar [13]. Moreover, these foods are rich in preservatives, flavoring, and artificial coloring, and they lack the micronutrients necessary for the proper functioning of the body.

The connection between eating habits and the intake of fresh fruits and vegetables (hereafter F&V) for health is widely recognized. These foods contribute essential micronutri-

**Citation:** Testa, R.; Schifani, G.; Migliore, G. Understanding Consumers' Convenience Orientation. An Exploratory Study of Fresh-Cut Fruit in Italy. *Sustainability* **2021**, *13*, 1027. https://doi.org/10.3390/ su13031027

Received: 10 December 2020 Accepted: 19 January 2021 Published: 20 January 2021

**Publisher's Note:** MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

**Copyright:** © 2021 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

ents as well as dietary fiber, which have positive effects on the human body [14]. According to the Consumption Monitor of the European Fresh Produce Association [15], the daily consumption of fresh F&V in European countries is below the 400 g recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO). Constraints related to lack of time and convenience are often reported as the main reasons why the consumption of fresh F&V falls below the daily intake recommended by the WHO [16]. Similarly, there seems to be a growing group of consumers who are demanding simpler solutions to achieving a healthy diet [9]. Health orientation seems, in fact, to be a growing trend in the food sector [10]. An example is the increasing interest of consumers in organic and functional food products, which are recognized by consumers as a way to prevent health diseases [11]. In this context, fresh-cut F&V can also represent a solution to meet consumers' demands to have healthy diets with more F&V, while having meals that are convenient to prepare [9,17,18]. As reported by Farina et al. [19] (p. 1), fresh-cut F&V are products that have been peeled, cut, washed, dried, and packaged in plastic trays and are finally sold in refrigerated boxes. In Europe, the fresh-cut F&V market is experiencing significant growth [20], accompanied by wide availability at various stores [21]. In Italy, starting with their first appearance in the early 1980s, sales of fresh-cut F&V have grown quickly, with a turnover of EUR 913 million in 2019. In particular, within the fresh-cut sector, vegetables accounted for most of the sales volume (96%), whereas fresh-cut fruits, despite only representing 2% of total fruit sales, resulted in a turnover of EUR 33 million (4% of fresh-cut F&V sales), showing an increase of 35% compared to the previous year [21]. Furthermore, the increase in sales of fresh-cut fruits in the last year was three times higher than the increase recorded for fresh-cut vegetables [21], suggesting that in the future, the fresh-cut fruit market will grow further and new opportunities could arise for agricultural enterprises [22–25]. Therefore, it is interesting to understand the characteristics of consumers who are feeding the trend of fresh-cut fruit consumption.

Research has recognized that consumers' convenience orientation is not only related to saving time. Sociodemographic factors and psychometric variables seem to play important roles in understanding consumer demand [26]. Among various approaches used to analyze consumers' behaviors, values and lifestyles have been recognized by research as being reliable psychological constructs in understanding the decision-making process of buying food [27,28]. A valuable measure for analyzing consumer demand in the food domain is the food-related lifestyles (FRLs) construct developed by Brunzø and Grunert [29]. FRLs have been adopted in numerous studies in different countries and used to describe various aspects of self-reported food-related behavior [26,30]. However, to the best of our knowledge, few studies have explored the use of FRLs in relation to consumers' food convenience orientation [31,32], and no study has been performed on consumers' FRLs in the domain of fresh-cut fruits in Italy. Moreover, it is not clear whether the demand for fresh-cut fruit is also characterized by people living health-oriented lifestyles. According to scientific literature, in fact, in recent years, consumers seem to have become increasingly attentive to aspects related to health and environmental sustainability, leading to an important sustainable and socially responsible consumption trend [33,34]. To bridge this gap, this study aims to segment Italian consumers of fresh-cut fruits using the FRLs tool in order to reveal whether and to what extent this fast-growing sector of the Italian agro-food industry is also driven by health-oriented lifestyles. The hypothesis underlining the study is that consumers' convenience orientation is also driven by the desire to live healthy and sustainable lifestyles.

Our findings may have a dual purpose. On the one hand, we aim to enrich the body of literature on consumers' convenience orientation. On the other hand, these findings could help food enterprises develop new products through the identification of specific groups of consumers, their preferences, and their values, which is also valuable for designing marketing strategies [35,36]. Moreover, the knowledge of consumers' lifestyles can help international organizations and governments better address health issues linked to production and consumption systems in order to achieve more efficient consumption of resources and to achieve social and environmental sustainability [33,34].

The remaining part of the paper is developed as follows. In the next section, the role of lifestyles on consumers' food decision-making process is introduced, followed by the Materials and Methods section and then the Results section. After that, a discussion on the main results of the study in light of relevant literature is developed. Conclusions and implications are presented at the end of the manuscript.

#### *Studies on Food-Related Lifestyles of Consumers*

In consumer research, individuals' lifestyles have been shown to play an important role in explaining consumer behavior [37,38]. According to Grunert et al. [39], the lifestyle as a cognitive construct is linked to the personal values concept. In the food domain, the food-related lifestyles (FRLs) tool links food to consumers' achievement of life values. In other words, FRLs are a person-related construct that complements the most popular constructs used to explain the food decision-making process, such as attitudes and beliefs related to products and personality traits [36]. Grunert et al. [38] defined FRLs "as the system of cognitive categories, scripts, and their associations, which relate a set of products to a set of values" (p. 3), and categorized them as an intermediate-level construct between product perception and human values. The FRLs tool describes, in fact, different ways in which people use food to achieve the values of life and represents one of the most elaborate tools for segmenting consumers [37]. The FRLs approach was developed by Brunsø and Grunert [29], who identified five FRL cognitive constructs: ways of shopping, quality aspects of food, cooking methods, consumption situations, and purchasing motives. These five constructs were expressed by 69 attitudinal items measured on a seven-point Likert scale, from "completely disagree" (1) to "completely agree" (7). These 69 items were categorized into 23 dimensions (composed of three items each). The first FRL construct deals with consumer behavior in purchasing situations; it describes how individuals purchase food products, whether their decision-making is characterized by impulse buying or by reasoned actions, the kind of shop at which they buy food, and whether they read labels or trust expert or friend opinions. Quality aspects is the second FRL element and it concerns food attributes that consumers can identify in a specific product, such as whether it is healthy, natural, fresh, and tasty. The cooking methods element includes information on how food is transformed into meals and the time required for preparation, whether it is a spontaneous process that can fit into daily activities, and the reasons that push consumers to cook. The consumption situations element includes the number of daily meals consumed and their distribution and tries to understand the importance of eating outside of the home. The purchasing motives element links food-related activities to a consumer's values by describing the importance that a meal can have and what is expected of it, as well as the importance of social aspects, security, and traditions associated with food.

The FRLs approach is among the most widely validated tools for international segmentation in the food domain, although it appears to be better adapted to Western cultures than other cultures [30].

One of the first segmentations in European countries was proposed by Grunert et al. [38]. They showed, in terms of their relationship with food, that consumers could be segmented into at least five targets: "careless food consumers" [38] (p.220), that is, consumers who have little interest in cooking and give convenience products high importance; "adventurous food consumers," consumers who are very involved in shopping and cooking and have strong interest in health, taste, freshness, and organically produced foods; "conservative food consumers," consumers who are adverse to innovations and are highly price-sensitive; "rational food consumers," a group of consumers who love meal planning and who have a strong interest in product information; and finally, the "uninvolved" target, which includes consumers who are generally indifferent to food and have little involvement in cooking. Along the same line, other segmentations have been carried out with other European countries, including Great Britain [32,37], Poland [40],

Spain [41], and the US [42,43], and the same consumer target groups were identified in reference to the purchasing of different product categories (e.g., snacks, lamb meat, local and organic foods). In a recent study in Spain using the FRLs tool, Montero-Vincente et al. [26] distinguished fresh fruit consumers into four clusters. The first, named "total indifference," represented consumers with no interest in innovation, nutrition, or consumption. The second cluster, called "little time to cook," revealed the consumer target group with the largest consumption of fresh fruits and with a high level of interest in nutrition and health as well as a high inclination to undergo extra domestic consumption. The third group, named "cooks and preference for natural products," included consumers with a medium–high consumption of fresh fruits who cooked at home and who were interested in natural products and the price–quality ratio. The last target group, called "unconcerned," included consumers with the lowest level of fruit consumption and the least interest in natural products compared with other targets.

Within the scientific studies that have adopted the FRLs approach, a few studies have tried to segment consumers of ready-to-eat products [31,32]. In particular, a study conducted in Great Britain by Buckley et al. [32] distinguished six clusters of consumers according to their FRLs associated with convenience foods. The first target group of consumers was named "snacking food consumers" and included consumers who showed less enjoyment in meal preparation compared with other target groups. The other target groups of consumers were in line with those proposed by Grunert et al. [38], that is, "careless food consumers," who attributed less importance to food as a way of achieving their life values than most other target groups of consumers; "adventurous," including consumers of ready-to-eat products who were very interested in cooking and experiencing new ways of cooking compared with other groups; "conservative," represented by consumers who were more price-sensitive and less interested in novel food products; "rational," including consumers who were highly interested in product information and who were more greatly influenced by advertising in terms of their food purchase decisions than other consumer groups; and finally, "uninvolved," including consumers who showed the least interest in food and food-related activities.

To the best of our knowledge, no study has explored target consumer groups related to fresh-cut fruits. Further knowledge is needed to better profile consumers of fresh-cut fruits, which represents a fast-growing sector in the food market.

#### **2. Materials and Methods**

In order to reach the aim of the present study, a segmentation based on FRLs and sociodemographic variables was carried out with a convenience sample of Italian consumers who had purchased fresh-cut fruits during the last 12 months. Data were collected through an online survey carried out between February and May 2020 with 537 Italian consumers, of which 201 stated that they had purchased fresh-cut fruits in the last 12 months. Despite online surveys not providing a fully representative sample, we chose this technique, as it avoided direct interactions between the researcher and interviewee and guaranteed the safety of interactions during the COVID-19 pandemic [44].

The questionnaire was structured in three sections: In the first section, information about the frequency of fresh-cut fruit consumption, the place of purchase, and the occasions at which fresh-cut fruits were consumed was gathered. The second section contained 42 items related to 14 of the 23 dimensions of FRLs described by Brunsø and Grunert [29]. We chose to reduce the original number of FRLs dimensions, 69 items, to shorten the duration of the interview, as in an online setting, having a large number of questionnaire items may discourage participants from completing a survey [45,46]. Therefore, to characterize the main targets of fresh-cut fruit consumers, the FRL dimensions chosen were those that best aligned with the aim of the study, in particular, the importance of product information, attitude to advertising, specialty shops, price criteria, health, novelty, organic products, taste, freshness, interest in cooking, looking for new ways, convenience, planning, and security (Table 1). Finally, the last section of the questionnaire was constructed to collect

the sociodemographic characteristics of the participants, such as age, family size, education (expressed in four categories: primary school, lower secondary school, upper secondary school, and university degree or higher), and net monthly household income, measured in EUR.

**Table 1.** Food-Related Lifestyles dimensions, items used for Italian consumers of fresh-cut fruits, and dimension mean scores.


In order to carry out a segmentation of the sample of fresh-cut fruit consumers on the basis of FRLs, we calculated the score of the 14 FRL dimensions obtained by Brunsø and Grunert [29] through the mean of the scores that consumers gave to each item in each FRL dimension, after having appropriately reversed some item scores in order to make them uniform. The means of the scores related to the 14 FRL dimensions used in this study are reported in Table 1. For the segmentation, a cluster analysis was carried out; however, due to the limited number of observations (201 consumers), to simplify the interpretation of fresh-cut fruit consumer target groups on the basis of the 14 FRL dimensions and the sociodemographic variables, before the cluster analysis, a principal component analysis (PCA) with Varimex rotation was run. The purpose of the PCA was to reduce the amount of information contained in the 14 FRL dimensions into a smaller number of macrodimensions or components. More precisely, the PCA analytically transforms a set of correlated variables into a smaller number of independent macro-variables, minimizing the loss of information.

The PCA can be expressed by the following general formula:

$$\mathbf{Y}\_{i} = \mathbf{w}\_{i1}\boldsymbol{\chi}\_{i} + \mathbf{w}\_{i2}\boldsymbol{\chi}\_{2} + \dots + \mathbf{w}\_{ip}\boldsymbol{\chi}\_{p} \tag{1}$$

where Yi is the i-th new variable, X1, X2, ... ... , Xp are the standardized original P variables and wi1, wi2,... ,wip, are the values of the loading weights associated to each of them.

Factor scores were also calculated for each principal component to express the contribution of each observation on the composition of the components. The factor scores were used for the subsequent cluster analysis, which was designed to group participants on the basis of the FRLs and sociodemographic characteristics, such that consumers in the same group were similar to each other and, similarly, consumers in different groups were different from each other. K-means is one method of cluster analysis that groups consumers by minimizing the Euclidean distances between them. The algorithm randomly assigns k initial centers defined by all n variables. It then iteratively assigns each observation to the nearest center by computing the new center for each cluster as the mean of the centroid of the variables. This process is repeated until a new iteration no longer reassigns any observations to a new cluster; therefore, the algorithm is considered to be convergent, and the final clusters constitute the clustering solution [47]. The choice of the number of clusters was supported by analyzing the clustering dendrogram.

#### **3. Results**

Of 537 Italian consumers surveyed, 201 declared that they had purchased fresh-cut fruits during the last 12 months (about 37% of all consumers surveyed on social networks). The data elaborations revealed three categories of consumption frequency: 23% of the 201 Italian consumers had purchased fresh-cut fruits less than twice in the past 12 months, about 35% had purchased them at least once a month, and about 28% consumed fresh-cut fruits often (at least once every 15 days). The remaining 14% of surveyed consumers said they did not remember their fresh-cut fruit consumption frequency in the last 12 months. Fresh-cut fruits were mainly purchased in supermarkets (38% of cases), bar-restaurants (32.5% of cases), and gourmet boutique shops (16.5% of cases). Other places of fresh-cut fruit purchases included greengrocers, snack vending machines, and canteens (for the remaining 13% of surveyed consumers). About 78% of the interviewees stated that they consumed fresh-cut fruits for meals away from home, whereas the other 22% consumed them as meals at home. The average age of the surveyed consumers was 49 years, ranging from 27 to 65 years. Most of the participants lived in families of three or four people (41% and 38% of cases, respectively), and the incidence of singles was about 15%. The educational level of the consumers interviewed was quite high: More than one-third of the survey participants (35.6%) had a secondary school diploma, and nearly one-third of them had university degrees (32.8%). The prevailing average net monthly income of families (in 47% of cases) was between EUR 2160 and 3860, ranging from EUR 540 to EUR 8000 (Table 2).


**Table 2.** Sociodemographic characteristics of the participants.

The application of the PCA allowed us to reduce the initial number of FRL dimensions (14) and sociodemographic variables (4) into six principal components, which accounted for 68% of the total variance (Table 3). The first principal component, which accounted for about 21% of the total variance, was named the "critical consumption." It was characterized by FRL dimensions that outlined the features of a consumption trend defined in the literature as critical consumption, namely, an interest in organic and natural products, health aspects of food, product information, and buying in specialty shops.

**Table 3.** Results of PCA with a Varimax rotation.


The second principal component accounted for about 12% of the total variance. Although foods in the category of F&V fresh-cut products were chosen for their intrinsic convenience characteristic, this component was named "convenience consumption," as there are FRL dimensions characterizing consumers with extensive use of frozen foods and ready-made soups and low interest in cooking who are highly influenced by advertising. The third principal component was called "neophiliac consumption," as it was positively characterized by consumers looking for new methods of food consumption and novelty dimensions, emphasizing those with interest in new recipes and unusual meals. Moreover, this component, which accounted for about 11% of the total variance, was negatively characterized by the security dimension, highlighting a propensity towards new food experiences that could also change eating habits.

The fourth principal component extracted was named "pragmatic consumption" and was positively characterized by taste, planning, and price criteria dimensions. In other words, this component, accounting for about 9% of the total variance, was characterized by items emphasizing the importance of food taste, planning cooking, and the importance of price in buying decisions. The fifth principal component extracted, accounting for 8.7% of the total variance, was called "age and income," and it was negatively characterized by the age and income of participants—the younger participants were, the lower their net monthly household income was, and vice versa. The sixth and last component extracted was named "education and family size," and it was characterized by sociodemographic variables highlighting the educational levels and family sizes of participants, indicating that among the participants, those with high educational levels had families with fewer members.

#### *Target Groups of Fresh-Cut Fruit Consumers*

As previously emphasized, to find the targets of fresh-cut fruit consumers, a cluster analysis using the K-means technique was performed with 201 Italian consumers who had purchased fresh-cut fruits during the last 12 months. After exploration of the cluster dendrogram, four consumer clusters were identified whose final centers of clusters are reported in Table 4.


**Table 4.** Final centers of the clusters.

In particular, the first cluster, composed of 18.9% of the consumers participating in the survey, was characterized by individuals with little inclination to use frozen foods and ready-made soups and who showed some interest in cooking. Similarly, these consumers also showed neophiliac consumption, that is, a high interest in new products and recipes as well as unusual meals. They were named "neophiliacs" because they seemed to approach fresh-cut fruits as a way to experience new products and new ways of making meals. The second target group of consumers participating in the survey, representing the largest group of consumers surveyed (34.7%), was called "uninvolved." This group was characterized

by FRL dimensions indicating that these consumers extensively used frozen foods and ready-to-eat soups, had little inclination to plan meals, were strongly influenced by the advertising of a product, and had poor attitudes to cooking. The third target group of consumers identified (28.7% of participants) were named "value-seeking consumers." These consumers attached great importance to the taste of food and its price and liked to plan meals in advance. Furthermore, this group of consumers did not attach importance to organic foods, the presence of preservatives and additives in food, or to the freshness of food or product information. This group was characterized by consumers with a high educational level and living in a family with more members. The last target group of freshcut fruits consumers, representing the smallest group of consumers (17.7%), was called "health oriented," as it was characterized by consumers who attached great importance to organic foods, the freshness and healthiness of food, and product information. They were found to often purchase food in specialty shops and were less inclined to try new recipes or to change eating habits. This segment was characterized by older participants with higher net monthly household incomes than other segments.

#### **4. Discussion**

The findings of our study identified four target groups of fresh-cut fruit consumers with distinct food-related lifestyles: neophiliacs, value seeking, health oriented, and uninvolved.

The largest cluster was the "uninvolved" consumers, a group of consumers characterized by a lack of interest towards food and food-related activities, who were found to be highly influenced by the advertising of a food product. It was not a surprise to identify this target group of consumers as being among the major users of fresh-cut fruits, which are, by convention, easy to consume and do not require effort for their preparation. This target group of consumers was also identified by Buckley et al. [32] in their study on consumer convenience orientations in Great Britain, highlighting that uninvolved food consumers are the biggest users of ready meals [32]. In line with other studies, uninvolved consumers had no confidence in their cooking skills and therefore turned to ready-made foods as a meal solution [37,38,41–43]. These consumers had little involvement in meal planning, and their food consumption was often a last-minute decision. The low level of interest in food makes these consumers highly influenced by advertising, which directs their emotions and food choices [48,49]. However, no specific sociodemographic variable was found to characterize this group, suggesting that this target group includes Italian consumers of all age groups, education levels, family members, and income brackets. This is in contrast to what has been shown by other studies, in which uninvolved consumers were classified as having specific sociodemographic characteristics. In fact, they were described as being young and less educated [32], and in some cases with medium–high incomes [50,51] and living in multi-member families [52].

The value-seeking target group representing the second cluster (28.7% of consumers surveyed) was characterized by consumers pushed by a pragmatic approach to consumption. They loved to plan meals and paid attention to price, quality, and sensory traits. Similar to Yeo et al.'s study [53] with Korean consumers, in this cluster, price is an important criterion for choosing food as well as quality and sensory traits [42]. However, unlike these two previous studies, our group of consumers did not seem to consider product information and its freshness as decisive parameters for buying convenience products. They were looking for a reasonable compromise between quality and convenience. This was also shown in other studies regarding F&V [54]. This is in line with a target group of consumers that emerged in a recent study by Fang and Lee [55], in which consumers were found to be very sensitive to the price/quality ratio and taste but not to health and ecological products. Moreover, this target group is comparable to that identified by Zakowska [40] among Polish food consumers, which attributed great importance to taste, safety, and price and did not care about product labels. Regarding sociodemographic variables, consumers

grouped into this cluster, in line with Yeo et al. [53], showed high education levels, although neither income nor age seemed to affect their attitudes towards fresh-cut fruits.

The remaining respondents were almost evenly divided between neophiliacs (18.9%) and health-oriented targets (17.7%). Neophiliacs were characterized by wanting to discover new products and taste new foods. They seemed to perceive new food products in a positive light and wanted to experience them [56]. Moreover, this target group of consumers was found to confer little importance to health and environmental issues [57,58]. It is also interesting to note that neophiliacs were not found to be exclusively younger consumers, unlike in other studies [59,60].

Conversely, the health-oriented target group was essentially characterized by critical consumption behavior, including the consumption of organic products and healthy foods. These consumers were, in fact, not only concerned with the freshness of products, but also considered the consequences of their consumption practices on their health and the environment, highlighting the growing consumer interest in sustainable and socially responsible issues [33,34,61]. For this reason, consumers in this group preferred to buy foods in specialty shops in order to get advice on their decision-making processes, and they were found to attribute significant importance to product information. Health-oriented consumers were also identified in other studies analyzing consumers' perceptions of environmentally friendly and healthy products. For these consumers, in fact, health and environmental issues are key determining factors in their food decision making processes [62,63]. For this reason, they prefer to shop in specialty stores to be supported in their purchasing decisions and attach great importance to product information. For these consumers, a key factor for food enterprises is having an adequate and effective marketing strategy. This was widely discussed by Nyilasy et al. [64], who showed how effective green advertising positively affects consumers' perception towards a food product, helping to increase food enterprise competitiveness.

In line with other studies in the food domain [31,65,66], the health-oriented consumers identified in the present study were older participants with higher net monthly household incomes than consumers in other target groups.

However, despite this being the first study to analyze consumer demand for fresh-cut fruit, some limitations of the study need to be considered when interpreting the results. The exploratory nature of the study and the convenience sample used did not allow us to describe the demand for fresh-cut fruit in Italy in a conclusive way. A further limitation is linked to the timing of the data collection—in the middle of the COVID-19 pandemic. As shown by the literature [67], the COVID-19 pandemic has impacted food choices around the world and has probably also affected the convenience orientation of consumers. Therefore, further research needs to be carried out in order to understand the consumer lifestyles that characterize the convenience orientation of consumers more clearly.

#### **5. Conclusions**

In Italy, the fresh-cut fruit sector has experienced fast growth, with a 35% increase in the turnover of products in 2019 compared to the previous year. This study tried, through an explorative analysis on consumers' FRLs, to shed light on consumer demands for freshcut fruit in Italy by understanding whether and to what extent this demand also includes health-oriented consumers.

Our findings reveal that the largest target group of Italian consumers of fresh-cut fruits is uninvolved consumers, who have little inclination to plan meals and who do not pay particular attention to the information contained on the label. Their attention to advertising is very high, suggesting that for these consumers, marketing communication through advertising or influencers may represent a successful marketing tool to help enterprises be competitive in the fresh-cut fruit market.

Conversely, health-oriented consumers represent the smallest consumer target group found among Italian consumers of fresh-cut fruit. However, although it is not yet a prevalent target group of consumers, health-oriented consumers may represent a very interesting

challenge for agri-food industries, considering the growing demand for healthy eating. This is also observable by the growing consumption of functional, natural, and organic foods that has occurred in the agri-food sector in recent years. This trend suggests that the presence of health-oriented consumers in the domain of convenience food could grow further in the near future and that new opportunities could arise for agricultural enterprises.

These findings may have a dual purpose. On the one hand, they enrich the body of literature on consumer convenience orientation by highlighting that this approach to consumption is also characterized by consumers who are aware of the health consequences of their food choices. On the other hand, these findings may help food enterprises to design new products and marketing strategies in order to better satisfy consumers' needs and expectations by differentiating their offerings and being more competitive in the market.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, G.M.; Introduction section, G.M.; literature review section, R.T.; methodology, G.M.; results section, G.S. and R.T.; discussion section, R.T. and G.M.; Conclusion section; R.T. and G.S. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research received no external funding.

**Institutional Review Board Statement:** Not applicable.

**Informed Consent Statement:** Please add "Informed consent was obtained from all subjects "Not applicable" for studies not involving humans.

**Data Availability Statement:** The data presented in this study are available on request from the corresponding author. The data are not publicly available due to privacy reasons.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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*Review*
