*3.2. The Orang Rimba of Jambi, Central Sumatra (Indonesia)*

The Orang Rimba, formerly also known as the Kubu or the Anak Dalam, traditionally occupied the lowland forests of the central part of Sumatra. They were hunters and gatherers with only limited contacts with the outside world, which mainly consisted of the Malay people, who were living in scattered settlements along the banks of the major rivers. Since the early reports on the Orang Rimba, they have always been described as living in extremely poor conditions. Many Dutch colonial administrators as well as early ethnographers believed that they were on their way to either complete assimilation into the Malay society or they would go extinct in the near future. They made their living through hunting animals like monkeys, wild pigs, and deer and by collecting a variety of wild tubers and forest fruits. Through a system of ´silent trade´ they were exchanging some forest products like rattan and honey for tobacco, iron ware, and cloth [54,55]. They were living in small bands. Their huts consisted of lean-to´s or very small houses with a somewhat elevated floor. The Orang Rimba in general moved within a particular part of watershed of one of the major rivers in the area. On the basis of their intimate knowledge of such an area they could making a living from the available resources [56,57] (see Figure 4).

Since the beginning of the so-called New Order of President Suharto (1966–1997) large areas of the lowland forests were granted as concessions for logging companies. Sometimes the areas were designated as production forests but very often they were converted into plantations for crops like rubber and palm oil or they were planned as sites for the large scale transmigration of people from the overpopulated islands of Java, Bali, and Madura. In the area there were also mining activities. At the same time, the infrastructure in terms of roads was developed. The Trans Sumatra Highway, running from the north of the south of Sumatra was cutting through the forests and very soon a dense web of secondary and tertiary roads started to be developed [57].

**Figure 4.** Map of Sumatra, indicating the territory of the Orang Rimba.

Specifically for the Orang Rimba, just like for all other 'isolated tribes´ the Indonesian government implemented a special development program. In so-called resettlement villages the scattered living people were housed in an effort to turn them over a number of years into modern Indonesian citizens. They had to give up hunting and gathering and become permanent agriculturalists. In addition, their children had to be sent to school and they had to embrace one of the officially accepted religions in Indonesia [57].

Though some of these resettlement villages were actually built, most of the Orang Rimba refused to live in them. They preferred the forest, even the remnants of the forest or the heavily logged over forest to living in such neat villages under daily supervision of government officials and 'community workers'. They preferred to stay at a safe distance from the Malay people, who have always looked down on them as being primitive and dirty [58] (see Figure 5).

In the past few decades, the lowland forests of Central Sumatra have become one of the most severely degraded areas in the whole of Southeast Asia [59,60]. Large-scale logging followed by conversion into oil palm rubber plantations, or clear cutting the forests to make room for transmigration sites for people from the overpopulated islands of Java and Bali have reduced the amount of relatively intact forest to marginal areas compared to the original forest cover. A road network of highways and connecting roads to all major towns and settlements has provided relatively easy access to the forest resources, which is further supported by a dense web of logging roads and other secondary roads that connect the plantations to processing units for palm oil or rubber. These roads have provided ample opportunities for spontaneous migrants from various parts of Sumatra and other Indonesian islands in search of arable 'empty' land. From satellite images, it is clear how the road network facilitated

this encroaching process. Only a relatively small portion of the area have been designated as national parks or reserves with a lower protection status [58].

**Figure 5.** A small group of Orang Rimba is moving through the heavily logged forest in Central Sumatra. Hunting wild animals and collecting food like wild tubers and fruits become increasingly difficult under such circumstances (© Persoon, August 1988).

The results of these processes for the Orang Rimba have been enormous. They could no longer make a living in the forests the way they had done in the past. One way or the other they had to adjust to the new circumstances. They did not avail of ways to resist these outside pressures. On the contrary: their reaction was usually one of retreat and avoidance. But with little forest left to retreat to, they had to adjust to the new conditions. They have done in various ways. Some have been able to survive in a more or less traditional way in some of the protected areas such as the national parks of Bukit Duabelas or Tiga Puluh. At the other end of the spectrum there are, what is being called 'the highway nomads', people who hang around in bus terminals along the major roads. They beg for some food or money or try to sell medicinal plants from the forest or wild honey. In between those extremes there are various kinds of adaptation. Some Orang Rimba make a living by so-called 'garden hunting', which takes place in the extensively used forest fields of the Malay people. The Orang Rimba hunt wild animals which the Malay people consider as pests for their agricultural crops (like bananas, cassava, and a variety of fruit trees). Animals like wild pigs, deer, and monkeys like to forage in those gardens because of the relative abundance of food. For that reason, the Malay villagers consider these animals as pests. By allowing the Orang Rimba to hunt in the forest fields, they reduce the loss of food crops for the Orang Malay while hunting itself is not as difficult as in the rain forest itself because of the higher density of animals. The Orang Rimba may also be hired by the Malay people to harvest the rubber or to do other types of paid work in their forest gardens. In this way a kind of symbiosis has developed between some Orang Rimba and the Malay people [57,61].

Other Orang Rimba have decided to pick up agriculture and they have started to plant rubber trees in small gardens in already logged-over forest. By producing latex, they avail of a cash crop that can yield money to buy rice, cigarettes, sugar, coffee, canned fish, and a range of other products. Some of them have done relatively well in recent years and they have succeeded in buying motor bikes and hand phones. But they continue to live in relatively simple huts or even lean-to's at a safe social

distance from the settlements of the Malay people. They may visit shops or weekly markets in the villages but their social contacts with the villagers remains limited [62].

But there are also less fortunate Orang Rimba, or people who have for one reason or the other have not been able to make the transition to become farmers themselves or who have not been able to enter into a kind of symbiotic relationship with Malay farmers. Some groups survive in the oil palm plantations by hunting wild pigs, which do surprisingly well in these plantations by foraging on the fallen fruits of the oil palm. Some Orang Rimba may also get small amounts of money or hand-outs in kind by the companies as a form of compensation for the loss of forest and all its resources.

In looking back at the old predictions about the Orang Rimba as being on their way to either extinction or complete assimilation, it is surprising to realize that they have been able to develop new strategies for survival. They have neither gone extinct nor have they completely assimilated into the Malay village communities or into the Javanese transmigration settlements. They have gradually developed a range of adaptation strategies based on their knowledge, skills, and preferences. In doing so they have continued to resist to enter into mainstream Indonesian village life with all its facilities in terms of education, health care, religion, and administration. Their preferred lifestyle has remained the same in the sense of staying at a safe distance from the Malay or Javanese communities in order to avoid social conflicts and discrimination on the basis of their ascribed characteristics. At the same time, they have been creative and innovative enough to make the best possible use of whatever opportunities became available with the arrival of logging companies, and the waves of migrants. They also realized in time that a transition from a hunting and gathering way of life to a more sedentary life based on the cultivation of cash crops like rubber was unavoidable. The range of modes of survival developed by the Orang Rimba is a clear example of the enormous amount of resilience that they have and that they have used in order to avoid the long predicted types of futures for them in terms of them going extinct or becoming the 'victims of development'. There can be no doubt about the fact that the combined impact of all types of human interventions in the territory of the Orang Rimba is far greater than the impact of the change in annual rainfall or the small increase in temperature [58].

#### *3.3. The Mentawaians of Siberut, West Sumatra (Indonesia)*

The Mentawai Archipelago is a chain of islands off the west coast of Sumatra. The four largest islands are inhabited by an indigenous group called the Mentawaians, and a small number of migrants. The archipelago has a total population of about 65,000 of which 35,000 live on the largest island Siberut. The people live in what used to be a dense tropical rainforest. Traditionally the autonomous patrilineal clans were living in small settlements along the banks of the main rivers that were flowing through the forest. Their houses, including the long house where all communal activities were taken place, were solid constructions made of locally available material. In addition to agricultural activities, they also hunted wild animals (in particular wild pigs, monkeys, and deer) and they domesticated pigs and chickens around their houses and field huts. Fishing took place along the coast and in the rivers and small lakes. Sago starch extracted from the sago palm (Metroxilon sagu) was the staple food. As a result of the abundant natural resources and the knowledge and skills of the local people developed over generations to make wise use of the resources, occasional visitors to the islands were always impressed by the material wealth, the elaborate rituals, and the physical fitness of the people, based on a large variety of types of food (see Figure 6).

Their complex religious system, known as *sabulungan*, including extensive taboo periods, was based on a belief in spirits in all living plants, animals, and the natural forces. The division of labor was limited to that between men and women. Every man and woman was supposed to acquire, avail and apply all skills and knowledge necessary throughout their life. The medicine man was the only exception. He was the one to restore harmony between humans and the spirit of the environment in case disturbances had occurred. He also availed of extensive knowledge of medicinal plants. To a large extent the people were economically self-sufficient. Limited exchange with Minangkabau traders

of copra and rattan for tobacco, iron wear, and a number of other products had taken place for a long period [63].

**Figure 6.** Map of Siberut Island.

According to the Indonesian government, and earlier already to the Dutch colonial administration, the Mentawaians were thought to be rather primitive pagan people. In waves of governmental interventions, the local people were ordered to settle in larger villages, give up their traditional religion, and change their food habits. Instead of eating sago, considered a 'lazy man's food', rice cultivation was strongly promoted. Also, the domestication of pigs around the settlement was condemned as a 'bad tradition' to be replaced by modern animal husbandry focused on goats, cows, and water buffalos. The traditional religion, considered 'an excuse for extreme laziness', was to be replaced by one of the officially recognized monotheistic religions in Indonesia. In short, and just like many other indigenous groups in Indonesia, the Mentawaians had to become socially, culturally, and economically like all mainstream Indonesians [57,64].

In the 1970s and 1980s, large logging concessions were granted to companies. Since the late 1970s various initiatives were undertaken to protect the natural environment as well as the traditional lifestyle of the local population. In 1981, Siberut was declared a Man-and-Biosphere Reserve by UNESCO, and WWF and Survival International were working together to promote the traditional and sustainable lifestyle, claimed to be in harmony with nature [65]. In the early 1990s about half of the island of Siberut was declared a national park (192,000 ha) and all logging concessions were cancelled. Since the late 1980s, Siberut started to attract numerous western tourists attracted by the image of a colorful 'Stone Age Culture, living in harmony with nature'. Quite a few coffee table books, documentary films, and an entertainment television program based on living among the 'jungle people' promoting this image made the island a popular destination for these kinds of tourists [66].

So in fact there were two contradictory tendencies. On the one hand, the Indonesian government wanted to 'civilize and develop' the local people and turn them into modern Indonesians, while at the same time, tourists came to enjoy and have a firsthand experience of community living according to old traditions with extensive rituals. Because some areas were frequently visited by tourists while others were not, the difference between the two types of orientation also became stronger over the years. Welcoming visitors in one's impressive longhouse in the forest, looking 'traditional', and performing colorful rituals paid off in terms of groups of tourists who were willing to pay well for such an experience, while Mentawaians in a dull resettlement village doing their daily agricultural and social activities, but without the elaborate and colorful rituals, did not attract such visitors. But the attitude towards 'tradition' or 'modernity' is not only determined by the attention of outsiders. A relatively large group of Mentawaians have, after years of being confronted with development and cultural policies, decided that the best way forward is to get involved in new economic opportunities, to allow children to enjoy higher education, and to forget about the traditional pig keeping and living in the traditional longhouse (see Figure 7). In order to do so they need new knowledge and skills to cope with the new challenges of generating a steady cash income.

**Figure 7.** Once a day, the free roaming pigs are fed. This traditional form of keeping animals allows the animals to flee to safe places in times of floods while even in dry periods, water can always be found in the lowland forest environment (© Persoon, August 2009).

Since 1999, shortly after the fall of President Suharto, the Mentawai Archipelago became an autonomous district as one of the first areas to enjoy regional autonomy which would spread all over the country. Ethnic Mentawaians can now be elected as districts officials and the Minangkabau no longer dominate local politics. Though the main orientation of the present district officials is without doubt towards modernization and economic development, at the same time there is also a tendency to hang on to certain symbols of the traditional culture as a kind of identity marker. So a huge part of the budget is being spent on the construction of roads, bridges, and harbor infrastructure to improve trade and transport possibilities. The head of the district has also agreed to a major investment plan for an international resort with an airport, luxury hotels, and all kinds of other facilities in the southern part of Siberut. But at the same time, he is also supporting a yearly festival for Mentawaian music and art forms, which may move into a kind of 'folklorization' of traditional culture [64].

Just like in other areas in Indonesia, the Mentawaian Islands are also experiencing climate change in terms of extended periods of drought and more excessive rainfall, even though specific information on this is not available. In general, these changes do not generate major problems for the local people. The structure of the island's vegetation and hydrology, the characteristics of the soil in combination with the variety of livelihood practices (hunting, fishing, agricultural, and animal husbandry) have always prevented problems in terms of food or water scarcity. The lowland rainforest with extensive swamps did not completely dry out. People did not experience failures of crops simply because of the fact that they do not depend on rice cultivation or other annual crops. Sago palms and fruit trees survive even if rainfall is limited during certain periods. Floods do occur but with elevated houses on poles on the river banks and with agricultural crops that can easily withstand excessive water for shorter periods of time, this has never caused major problems. The same also counts for their domestic animals. As they are freely roaming around, the semi-domesticated pigs and chickens will find a safe place during floods and even in the dry periods, they are always able to drink in the rivers that never run dry. In that context, there was traditionally already a strong resilience to cope with the variability of the climatic and weather conditions on the islands.

More than climatic change however, the islands are facing serious hazards from another source, that is earthquakes and tsunamis. Because of its geographical location, the area is prone to frequent earthquakes and dangerous tidal waves. After the massive earthquake of 26 December 2004 near Aceh (North Sumatra), followed by the destructive tsunami that killed about 240,000 people in Indonesia alone, the Mentawaian Islands have experienced many more earthquakes in recent years. Several big earthquakes with or without tsunamis occurred along the Sunda megathrust and the great Sumatran fault in 2006, 2007, 2009, and 2010. As a result, some people have given up their dwellings along the coast and moved inland towards the hills. Others have built emergency houses in case such events will happen again [11,67]. Various initiatives have been taken to install early warning systems on the islands and evacuation plans in case the islands are being hit again by such hazards. Geologists predict that, sometimes in the future (but nobody can tell when this is going to happen), the islands may sink because the tectonic Indo-Australian Plate on which they are located, is slowly subsiding underneath the Sunda plate. On a small scale, the phenomenon is already visible: the small islands on the east side of Siberut are slowly subsiding while coastal erosion forces people to move their houses further inland. Though people have collective memories about these dramatic events and in the oral tradition interpretations are being mentioned, they do not offer sufficient options to cope with them, let alone face 'the great earthquake' as predicted by geologists. Compared to the knowledge and skills needed to face present-day impact of climate change, these events are of a radically different scale and potential impact [11].
