*3.3. We Are Weaving the Different Stories: The Reconstruction and Contestation of Weaving Memories for Pan-Facil Tatto Groups*

With the development of weaving craft by the Pan-Facil Tattoo groups (Pan-Tayal), following the activation of the ethnic revival and cultural economy movements, weaving workshops were conducted, one after another, in many indigenous communities. However, these weaving workshops now barely survive due to inadequate marketing strategies. Is the renewal of cultural heritage necessary to connect to the capital market? What is the best mechanism for the conservation of weaving culture? There are two cases, Shanli (also known as Tawsay) and Shueiyuan (also known as Sakura) villages, where weaving culture continues within the household. The motivation to weave is to recall the memories of mothers' or grandmothers' weaving experiences, and to prepare dowry for daughters or granddaughters. In Shanli the "*ramie* festival" is held every few years in order to strengthen ethnic identity. In the festival, the action of making thread by *ramie*(a traditional fiber crop) and weaving is demonstrated. Narratives and songs concerning migration experiences are presented. Many villagers who have left their home villages to work in cities come back to participate in the festival, and memories of the weaving and migration history strengthen their ethnic identity.

In Shanli, weaving enables a continuous learning network from generation to generation in the community. Life memories such as *waya* beliefs (religious belief), marriage customs, the norm of gift exchange, and the sharing stories of textile patterns, sustain the motivation and vital energy to continue weaving. In Shueiyuan, some middle-aged women form companionships in learning groups in which they weave together daily and share the memories of their mothers and grandmothers. These learning groups even attract women from other villages, transforming weaving from household labor into a community-wide activity of cultural expression and market trade. With the development of tourism, they also share their weaving experiences and memories with tourists.

People in Shanli and Shueiyuan move between tradition and future by revitalizing and re-practicing weaving culture, thus making transformative survival of heritage possible. Weaving memories are reconstructed and become the source of cultural capital needed for tourism. Through the cases of Shanli and Shueiyuan, it is shown that the social memory of weaving is important in the conservation of the weaving culture, and it further enhances the cultural capital of the local economy. Formation of cultural capital is empowering, as it indicates "micro-resistance" to mainstream society, and shifts the position of women from the margin to the center.

This study has investigated the different mechanisms that conserve the weaving culture in these two cases. It has examined how the social memory of weaving is reconstructed; how the memory of weaving experience is related to the social relations and practice of everyday life; how political intervention affects the contestation of memories; and regarding memory contestation, how social memory turns into cultural capital deployed in stimulating the tourism economy. The project has studied how the community competes, cooperates, and negotiates with mainstream travel agents in terms of cultural interpretation and economic benefits.

#### *3.4. Solidarity Economy in the Tribes: The Da-an River Tribal Kitchen as a Starting Point to Explore*

Social work in indigenous tribal communities is only a small part of the service that the State provides, but it also often functions as a tool of social control by the State apparatus. How could the implementation of social work avoid the imposition of mainstream values on indigenous peoples, or become an accessory to the State's assimilation and control powers, given that it is privileged with an abundance of resources? These have long been crucial questions for indigenous social workers. If social work is a matter of social reform, then economic autonomy, free from the constraints of corporations and government, is of crucial importance. The possibilities of social reform in Taiwan have been significantly restrained due to dual repression by professionalism and neoliberalism. When the commodification of public service becomes the norm, the implementation of social work turns more and more bureaucratic and becomes rigidly standardized. In light of that, it becomes critical how indigenous peoples, who are often economically marginalized due to neoliberalism and globalization, can develop means of progressive resistance.

The term "solidarity economy" refers to a grassroots form of cooperative economics to connect thousands of local alternatives together to create large-scale, viable, and creative networks of resistance to the profit-over-all-else economy. Solidarity economy is an economic form which seeks to improve the quality of life of a region or community on the basis of solidarity, often through local business and not-for-profit endeavors. It also refers to a set of strategies aimed at the abolition of capitalism and the oppressive social relations that it supports and encourages. Instead of prioritizing competition and profits, these economies place human needs and relationships at the center [16,17]. Solidarity economy is a way to resist the colonizing power of the individualistic, competitive, and exploitative economies. Indigenous solidarity economy may be one promising route for indigenous peoples and a way to think about indigenous social work.

Da-an River Tribal Community Work Station began as a social work station that developed tribal industries [18]. Upon realizing the exploitative nature of capitalist markets, it adjusted its goal to work towards a solidarity economy. When indigenous peoples enter the global capitalist system, economic development of tribal communities becomes fragile as external forces take control. The issue is not only to let the tribal community flourish economically but also to resolve the fundamental problem of feelings of economic inferiority. This project has attempted to extend the field of research on the Tribal Kitchen at the Da-an River tribal community to the Ina Kitchen of Tafalong tribe in Hualien, and to continue examining the reality of social work in indigenous communities. It focuses on the process and challenges in developing tribal industries as people gain experience in a solidarity economy. It then compares the Da-an River experience with several communities in Hualien that are currently developing or have the potential to move towards a solidarity economy, in an attempt to discuss and analyze the solidarity economy as an alternative to existing models of tribal community development.
