*5.3. Breeding Social Resilience through Cultural Tourism*

In order to highlight their culture and promote tourism, the tribespeople of Zhulu are participating more actively in tribal public affairs and learning together (field notes P08 and P09). This phenomenon can promote growth in resilience. It not only allows for post-disaster recovery but also allows the tribe to be more resilient to disasters than before, due to its increased social resilience. The innovative transformation of culture into a tourism industry is the key to reorganization, emphasized by the "adaptive renewal cycle of development." During reorganization after the collapse of a system, any innovation, learning, and transformation will prompt renewal in the system. "We need to slowly develop our own Tsou culture, an alternative kind" (Interviewee G01, 2019). In the Zhulu tribe, culture, as a post-disaster source of livelihood, needs to go through innovation and transformation in tourism development to bring about the new regime. After the germination of the tourism industry in the off-site reconstruction, there needs to be a gradual input of external resources, including subsidies from local government agencies or professional assistance from non-governmental organizations. For example, the "Sharing Festival" not only works to strengthen the network between the Zhulu residents and the Ali Mountain tribal tribespeople, but also allows local government agencies, local representatives, and legislators to pay more attention to the Zhulu (field note P05, P06, P07) (Table 3). "Indigenous people like sharing. Such a feeling of sharing invited our family who still live in the mountain to come and eat with us. This is cohesion" (Interviewee R08, 2018). This also allows the Zhulu tribe to connect to local and central governmental units, and even makes the tribe become the target of visits by foreign post-disaster reconstruction experts and academics. This increases the capacity of the Zhulu tribe to obtain resources, echoing the importance of the political factor, as mentioned in Fan [8].

Although the Zhulu tribe is an off-site reconstruction "out of nothing" after a disaster, the relocated tribespeople have continued to build and expand the tribe's social network for recovery and living. For example, the Zhulu tribe cultural-health station, a government-supported program to help take care of those in need, extends indigenous culture and tradition through caring for the elderly (field note P09, P10). Another example is the Zhulu community development association, which increased the tribespeople's opportunities for participation in public affairs, and also established the ZCC, seeking external funding and opportunities to promote the internal development of the tribe. In addition, the

"culture co-learning classroom" passes on the Tsou culture to the next generation, preventing children from having their cultural roots destroyed as a result of reduced contact with traditional culture due to being away from the tribal environment (field note P11). The co-learning courses can help parents pass on the Tsao spirit to the next generation and have them attach greater importance to culture (Table 3). "The kids will come to the co-learning classroom, and correspondingly it shows that these parents care about our culture" (Interviewee R08, 2018). The establishment of this social capital has strengthened the tribe's social resilience, and, in the future, will continue to assist in the stability of the Zhulu tribal art village to attain BBB.

The tribe's external social network is an important element in building the tribe's internal social resilience. In the process of developing cultural tourism in the Zhulu tribe, the tribe's cooperation with the ANSA management office is an important source. In recent years, the sika deer restoration and traditional archery activities developed by the Zhulu tribe were results of a joint effort with the ANSA management office to develop cultural tourism (field note P12, 2018). These activities provide tourists with first-hand experience, so as to gain the pleasure of sightseeing on the one hand, and to experience Tsou culture and enhance each other's gains from tourist activities on the other (Table 3). "The ANSA management office hopes that we live here, and for the industry to also be here. So it funds for building our tourism capacity like the archery field and the sika deer restoration field" (Interviewee R03, 2018). Therefore, the indigenous cultural tourism developed in the Zhulu tribe can be segmented from the market of the neighboring "Yuyupas Tsou cultural tribe park," which has been developed over a long period (Interviewee E02, 2019). While increasing the source of the tribespeople's livelihoods, it has also strengthened the tribe's resilience and improved their development prospects.

#### **6. Discussion and Conclusions**

This research aims to explore culture's role as the source of social resilience through community-based tourism, and to understand how cultural tourism could innovatively increase the community's resilience via sustainable livelihood. Based on the existing literature on building back better as a common goal for post-disaster recovery, this study found that culture could reduce disaster risk through its transformation into a livelihood source and would be internalized as community resilience. Using indigenous culture to create a sustainable livelihood is a win–win situation for communities. Cultural tourism not only increases cohesion among subgroups of people in the community and empowers the community, but also establishes livelihood sources and further forms sustainability [47,48]. These are the elements of social resilience that reduce disaster risk. In Zhulu, residents' high participation rate and the well-functioning community organization show most residents' high acceptance of using community-based tourism to retain culture.

The question of livelihoods is key to the feasibility of households affected by disasters returning to their daily lives. The Zhulu, who had previously engaged in agriculture, now lack land in their relocation site. Those who had worked in their mountainous homeland also had their livelihood affected due to the great distance from their place of work. Under economic pressure as well as the government's promotion of capitalism, the tribe has turned to the community-based tourism as a driving force in post-disaster recovery—making use of cultural tourism in particular to pass on their culture while economically sustaining their livelihoods. Promotion of the tourism industry has indeed benefited the tribe, motivating the injection of government funding, accelerating the recovery of the tribe, and improving its social and cultural resilience. Resilience developed from cultural tourism has not only deepened the Zhulu people's identity in the new community and the new land, but also rooted the people to the place via livelihoods that connect them to their prior memories. This has formed the basis for BBB for the Zhulu people.

This study found that shared culture positively influences cohesion within an ethnic group, allowing communities affected by disasters to jointly strengthen, preserve, and sustain their identity. Through searching for their history, the tribe's connection to their culture was recovered, and they were able to further extend this connection to their new land, thereby minimizing the factors impacting

off-site reconstruction [34]. However, the impacts of off-site reconstruction on social systems are still unavoidable. This study found that the utilization of run-of-the-mill living quarters and the accommodating representations of indigenous culture that tourism demands have rapidly modernized relocated communities. However, traditional living habits have also changed with their inhabitants; it could be concluded that culture is dynamic, evolving with time, space, and, most importantly, people. This may represent the possibility for off-site reconstructed indigenous settlements to strengthen their social resilience as they change as a people.

This study has found that culture is as important as economic rehabilitation in disaster-resistant recovery. It serves as a force to gather tribe members, to stabilize social networks, and to enhance resistance to external disturbances [34]. Indigenous culture can also be transformed into a post-disaster economy through community-based tourism, obtaining social resources, and opportunities to participate in public affairs. This transition could be depicted by a multi-level perspective on transitions [49] explaining the dynamic path of intertwined culture, tourism, and livelihood (Figure 5).

**Figure 5.** Multi-scale transitions of community-based cultural tourism for post-disaster resilience. Source: Modified from Geels and Schot [49].

From this study, we can see that culture can generate social resilience, and serve as a supporting point for various aspects of post-disaster recovery. In addition to "merely" reducing the risk of encountering future disasters by moving away from the original disaster risk area, the effect of off-site reconstruction on the worldviews of the indigenous people should be understood, ways to build social resilience in new areas through culture should be explored, and livelihoods should be stabilized through the development of local industries. Government strategy on post-disaster recovery, therefore, should merge scientific suggestions on replacement with relocated communities' concerns regarding their harmonic development to avoid potential failures in relocation projects. Recovery is a challenging issue because it requires not only new buildings and infrastructure but also new social networks and livelihoods. This will transform the off-site reconstructed community into a tribal community with a cultural identity so that it will be resilient in facing future disturbances.

Future research could delve into the minorities among the relocated indigenous people, as they would be vulnerable subgroups of the underprivileged in society. Although culture could be the 'stake' for them to convert to a better regime during post-disaster recovery, it would only be valid when people are capable of becoming the 'stakeholder'. Therefore, the relationship between social capital, resource access, and community-based cultural tourism is an area for more study. For practical recommendations, we suggest that governmental-driven relocation should more comprehensively consider local industry and livelihood, as these are the foundation of the relocated community's long-term resilience. Providing a well-planned spatial area as well as supporting resources both benefit the empowerment of the people. Finally, we suggest building awareness of disaster risk to reduce exposure to hazards, strengthening social networks to enhance external mutual aid, and increasing cultural identity to cohere internal resilience. Doing so will reduce disaster risk in all aspects of people's lives.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, P.-S.S.L. and W.-C.L.; Data curation, W.-C.L.; Formal analysis, P.-S.S.L. and W.-C.L.; Funding acquisition, P.-S.S.L.; Investigation, W.-C.L.; Methodology, W.-C.L.; Project administration, W.-C.L.; Resources, P.-S.S.L.; Supervision, P.-S.S.L.; Validation, P.-S.S.L.; Visualization, W.-C.L.; Writing—original draft, P.-S.S.L. and W.-C.L.; Writing—review and editing, P.-S.S.L. and W.-C.L. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research was funded by Ministry of Science and Technology, Taiwan (grant number 106-2625-M-015-007-, 107-2625-M-015-001-, and 108-2625-M-015-001-).

**Acknowledgments:** We appreciate Jing-Chen Lu and Chin-Cheng Ni for their comments on the original draft. We sincerely thank Che-Wei Chang's kind and professional assistance to revise Figure 1. We are particularly grateful to the interviewees who participated in the study.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.
