*3.4. The Ngaju Dayak of Central Kalimantan (Indonesia)*

The Ngaju Dayak are one of the numerous indigenous Dayak tribes in Borneo with a total population of over one million. In addition to the Dayak, there are also other ethnic groups living in the Indonesian part of Borneo, such as the Banjarese in the southeastern part of the island or the Malay and Chinese, mainly living in the coastal towns and villages. In addition, there are also migrants from other Indonesian islands such as the Buginese from Sulawesi, or people from Java, Bali, and Madura who have come in the context of the official transmigration program. The Ngaju Dayak occupy a major part of the Indonesian province of Central Kalimantan. One of the sub-tribes is formed by the Katingan Ngaju Dayak named after the Katingan river running from the center of the heart of Borneo to the mouth of the river in the south, The Ngaju Dayak occupy in particular the low-lying peat swamp forests south of the provincial capital of Palangka Raya (see Figure 8).

**Figure 8.** Map of Central Kalimantan, indicating the territory of the Katingan Ngaju Dayak and the boundary of Sebangau National Park.

They live in small villages on the elevated banks along the two main rivers in the area: the Katingan River and the Sebangau River. In between the two rivers, there is an extensive peat swamp forest which is home to a large population of *orang utan*, and numerous other species of animals. The Ngaju Dayak adhere a religion that is called *kaharingan* with a strong belief in spirits in the environment. Ancestor worship is also crucial. The elaborate rituals related to the second burial of family members (called *tiwah*) and the erection of wooden statues around the little house in which the bones are kept, are crucial elements in the culture and identity of the Ngaju Dayak [68,69].

Traditionally the main sources of livelihood for the Ngaju Dayak have been fishing, rice cultivation, and the collection of non-timber forest products of which various species of rattan, *gemor* (bark from a specific tree–Alseodahne sp.-which is used to produce anti-mosquito coils and glue), and *jelutung* (latex from a tree species called Dyera costulata, that is used for making chewing gum, paint, and priming cement) are by far the most important ones [70].

In the dry season, the people prepare their rice fields by cutting trees in the peat swamp forest and burning them once they are sufficiently dry. After burning the withered vegetation, rice seeds are placed in small holes made with a planting stick in between the stems and branches that are left after the fire. They do so by calling in the help of their family and friends. In the past, they have also planted rubber trees but because of falling prices and problems with selling the latex, these rubber gardens have not been well maintained. However, these old rubber trees are extremely useful for the rattan to climb to the canopy. Initially people were also planting rattan seedlings but nowadays the density of rattan plants and the amounts of seeds produced are so abundant that planting seedlings is no longer necessary. Numerous seedlings are to be found on the forest floor. Because of the long and sharp thorns harvesting of rattan is quite a tough job, done by men as well as women.

The Sebangau peat swamp forest is adjacent to an area that was targeted to become a very large area for rice cultivation. The so-called 1 million hectare Mega Rice Project (MRP) of former president Habibi, who became president of Indonesia when Suharto was forced to step down in 1998. The MRP aimed to turn the extensive peat swamp into a giant rice field to feed the ever growing Indonesian population. The project was initiated in 1995 in spite of the warnings sent out by numerous parties that predicted that the MRP would adversely impact the natural and socio-cultural environment [71]. After cutting the forest, large drainage canals were dug to get rid of the surplus water from the swamp. Some timber species also had commercial value and thousands of logs were sold on the international market. The massive forest fires of 1997/98 that occurred in Indonesia however also struck this mega-rice project, before any rice seedling was planted. The drained and dried out deep peat soil started to burn on a large scale. These fires would last for months, as peat fires are extremely difficult to extinguish. But in the middle of this environmental disaster, the heavy equipment was moved into the Sebangau area, and it was used to start digging canals that could be used for pulling out the logs of valuable tree species. A few hundred small saw mills were constructed along the Katingan and Sebangau rivers. Thousands of logs were sawn into beams and planks to be sold in the international timber market.

Though the initial activities were started by former migrant workers from the Mega Rice Project, soon local people, and in particular the young men from the Sebangau area, joined the logging activities in an effort to profit from this new opportunity to earn substantial amounts of money, and to do so within a short time [70,72] (see Figure 9).

**Figure 9.** Pulling logs out of the peat swamp of Sebangau through recently dug canals. The canals are useful for transportation but they also drain the water from the swamp, which makes it susceptible to fire during extensive dry periods (© Persoon, October 2004).

It did not take long however before these activities started to draw the attention from some policy makers, environmental scientists and conservation agencies. In addition to the yearly outbreak of massive peat swamp fires, which also cause serious health problems for the human population, the combination of the draining of the swamps, the logging activities and the fires, also caused large problems to the wildlife in the area. In particular the iconic animal of the area, the *orang utan*, was threatened. Hundreds of *orang utan* were killed in the fires, just like many other animals. In a

surprisingly short period plans were made to turn Sebangau into a protected area with the support of local authorities, the provincial university and WWF. During the Conference of the Parties (COP) of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) of 2004, held in Kuala Lumpur, Indonesia announced the Sebangau area as a national park with an area of more than 600,000 ha. To make this work as a conservation area, one of the first things that needed to be done was to stop all logging activities and to close the canals to avoid the further draining of the peat swamps. In addition, all saw mills had to be closed and dismantled too. In theory this was easier said than done of course, as many people had invested substantial amounts of money and energy in the digging of the canals, the setting up of the saw mills, and in attracting a substantial work force. Also, many local people had found employment in the logging sector. They were not willing to give up their source of income easily.

After a difficult and pretty rough time, the park management with the support of WWF, succeeded in fighting the logging activities, which had been illegal from the beginning but which were never actually stopped. Most of the larger canals were closed by the construction of dams, thereby reducing the further drainage of the swamp and subsequently also avoiding the drying out of the peat soil. For the local people alternative sources of livelihoods were being developed in the field of the processing of non-timber forest products, agriculture, fisheries, and eco-tourism. However, though these alternatives were well intended, they could never completely replace the income generated by the logging activities [72]. Many of the young and able men started to look for other income generating activities outside the Sebangau area. Most of them found employment in the palm oil plantations or left for the major towns in the province. Only few them returned home to pick up fishing, rice farming, or collecting NTFPs again.

This part of Kalimantan, like the rest of Borneo, has experienced various aspects of climate change. In particular the extended El Niño periods have had their impact. But the impact of the drought periods has very much been aggravated by human activities through the draining of the swamps and the logging activities. Large areas have been deforested, the peat swamp forests have been drained, by which they became susceptible to peat land fires. Biodiversity and wildlife have been reduced and threatened. Populations of some animals, in particular the larger mammals, have been reduced dramatically. The conservation status of Sebangau as a national park has to some extent limited the possibilities of expanding rice fields, or the collection of non-timber forest products from within the park. This is also one of the conditions under which funding for the area has become available under the so-called REDD+ scheme. Among others, the government of Norway has made money available for the protection of the park on condition that the area is well protected and no further degradation takes place. Along the boundaries of the park, the options for local resource use are still available, but for the younger generation these options are no longer attractive and they no longer suffice. The intermediate period with the extensive logging activities and the flow of money and goods has changed their aspirations and just like in so many other areas, they move away from their home areas and the traditions that have long determined the local life style.

#### **4. Discussion**

There is ample evidence from the examples given above that indigenous peoples in Southeast Asia, as those in other regions, have been able to survive in their home environment on the basis of the extensive knowledge about the available resources and the practical skills to turn them into food or other useful products. This extensive knowledge about animals and plants, their characteristics, and the ecosystems in which they live, has grown over generations and it has been transmitted to the next generation by explicit knowledge transfer, by imitation, and by other means of learning such as storytelling. Time and time again, this knowledge has been recognized by researchers from diverse disciplinary backgrounds [10]. The indigenous peoples have also incorporated new experiences for instance after experiencing irregular natural and environmental hazards like heavy storms, excessive flooding, or earthquakes. They have learned to avoid risks related to such events [40]. They have adjusted their modes of food production, their house construction, and in some cases also

the very location of their settlement. They have also been able to make use of the wide range of natural resources to survive during periods of hardship. There were always emergency types of food available or they could rely on extensive exchange relations with neighboring groups. Mobility or being able to move to other places in times of trouble has also been a strategy to avoid or mitigate serious problems. Over time, they have benefitted from interaction with outsiders and they have incorporated new knowledge and practical skills, including useful tools obtained through this interaction, in their enriched indigenous knowledge systems [73,74].

Most of the indigenous peoples have been faced with interventions of outsiders in their search for timber or valuable minerals. Governmental policies were usually aimed at bringing the nomadic or scattered population together into larger resettlement villages, where development programs could be implemented. Sedentarization and permanent agriculture were to replace the mobile lifestyle based on hunting and gathering, often in combination with particular forms of shifting agriculture. Such programs of 'imposed development' have only had limited success, particularly in the initial phases of their implementation. Explicit resistance to such programs has been rather minimal. Most of the groups simply do not avail of sufficient numbers of people or levels of social organization to openly oppose such programs, even though they may profoundly disagree with their aims. They may also be intimidated by the government officials and implementing agencies to speak out against these plans. They have to fight with what J. Scott [75] labeled as the 'weapons of the weak', that is civil disobedience, retreat, and other less obvious forms of non-compliance.

But over the years, the combination of the environmental changes brought about by the encroachment of the logging and mining companies, the increased interaction with various groups of outsiders, and the implementation of the programs of imposed development, has changed and limited indigenous peoples' options. Silent retreat is no longer a solution and in many cases adjustment to the new circumstances is unavoidable. In particular, the younger generation is gradually losing its interest in the traditional way of life of their parents and grandparents. Usually the young men are the first to have increased interaction with the outside world and they become familiar with the attractions of the modern and urban world. Acquiring new knowledge and skills is necessary to have success. They lose their interest in traditional knowledge and skills, which they no longer consider necessary for their future. Slowly they become estranged from their home community and some of them may leave their village in search of paid jobs elsewhere. Depending on the wider social context, some may keep a selective interest in their ethnic identity and some traditions.

One of the aspects of the increased interaction with the outside world is related to the transmission of information. In countries like the Philippines and Indonesia, climate change has become a dominant theme in the discourse about causes of natural hazards, environmental changes, and phenomena like flooding and coastal erosion. Very often 'climate change' is put forward as an explanation for particular events or conditions [12,13]. But what aspect of climate change in particular is held responsible for such events and to what degree is less obvious. The scale and duration of forest fires in the peat lands for instance cannot be attributed only to the extended dry periods. Without large scale logging and draining of the peat swamp forests, the fires could not have occurred at the same scale and intensity as they have done in recent years. In an interesting report about impact of climate change, issued by the US National Intelligence Council, the overall conclusion for the region was very clear: 'Southeast Asia faces a greater threat from existing manmade environmental challenges than from climate change to 2030.' [20].
