*1.1. Information Seeking and Emotional Distress*

Information seeking is the process by which individuals "purposefully make an effort to change their state of knowledge" ([25], p. 549; [26]). Both individuals' motivation to seek information and media coverage on the specific topic tend to increase during crises [11,27]. Due to the novel nature of COVID-19 especially, information about COVID-19 has been placed at the forefront of much of the media [28]. The pandemic dominated news content during the first half of 2020 [27,28]. Given its prevalence and potential impact, theories and studies suggest a positive relationship between information seeking and emotional distress during a major pandemic like the one caused by COVID-19.

First, information seeking about certain events using media might be related to negative emotions [14–16,18]. This is particularly evident in studies on information seeking about traumatic events, such as disasters [14,15], terrorism [16,17], and pandemics [18]. When a traumatic event occurs, individuals often attempt to reduce uncertainty about the event by engaging in information seeking. However, efforts to learn more about the

traumatic event may be linked with negative emotional reactions to said event [16]. In the case of September 11, people sought to alleviate uncertainty by seeking information about the event, and this behavior was related to a variety of negative emotions [16], due partially to underlying uncertainty about the event [16] and the ways in which media covered it. This same logic can be applied to the global COVID-19 pandemic, as the uncertainty and unpredictability of COVID-19 poses risks to individuals' mental health (e.g., [1,2,6,7]).

Second, the reliance on heuristics under uncertainty [19,20] also helps explain why individuals are stressed with COVID-19 information seeking. Uncertain people tend to refer to heuristics, or mental shortcuts. According to the availability heuristic [19,20], there are situations in which people assess the likelihood of an event by how readily examples come to mind [20]. People may perceive higher levels of threat when the events are salient and memorable, with vivid evidence [20]. Media coverage is one way to make the event available in people's minds, ensuring that people are easily able to retrieve information concerning that event. In the case of COVID-19, there has been a remarkable amount of media coverage, making it available to most people who seek information about the pandemic. This higher availability of information about the global pandemic may cause higher levels of stress.

Finally, under certain circumstances, individuals might choose to avoid information seeking when they perceive that more knowledge might lead to distress [29–31]. However, avoiding information seeking might not always be an option. In the case of the COVID-19 pandemic, an already unprecedented amount of uncertainty has been increased by the spread of conspiracy theories and misinformation [12]. Even if people know consuming information leads to stress, they might not have a choice to avoid it, due to the need to find basic answers like safe ways to get groceries or symptoms of COVID-19 infection. The evolving nature of the pandemic meant critical information frequently changed, requiring active information seeking to keep up with changing facts and guidelines, despite the potential distress.

Since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been a growing body of the literature dealing with information seeking and emotional distress (e.g., [32–34]). The previous findings, however, are somewhat inconsistent. While some studies showed that information seeking is significantly related to anxiety [33] or information overload [34], other studies indicated that high levels of information seeking are associated with higher levels of well-being and risk perception [32]. To address the inconsistency in the literature, we examine the relationship between COVID-19 information seeking and emotional distress using a large U.S. national sample. Despite the mixed findings, based on the aforementioned discussion, we propose our first hypothesis as follows:

**Hypothesis 1.** *A higher level of COVID-19 information seeking is positively related to emotional distress during the COVID-19 pandemic.*

### *1.2. Information Seeking, General News Media Use, and Emotional Distress*

The association between news media use and individuals' emotional distress concerning COVID-19 may depend on the modality of the news medium from which individuals get information. This idea is associated with Marshall McLuhan's [35] early work, which emphasizes the differences in media modalities. Studies in the McLuhan tradition focus on "the differences in the physical modalities of video versus print and offer evidence to show that video is the most effective medium for communicating information" ([36], p. 79). Indeed, audiovisual media such as television have been found to have a greater impact on information recall and counterarguing compared to print media [37,38]. Audiovisual media attract attention and stimulate involvement [39]. By contrast, the presentation of information in print modalities seems to reduce the ability to foster emotional arousal [17]. In line with this research, we consider how consuming news via television, newspapers, and social media may be related to emotional distress beyond information seeking concerning COVID-19. Furthermore, the link between COVID-19 information seeking and

emotional distress may not be the same for all news consumers. Instead, the type of media through which individuals find general news may interact with information seeking about COVID-19 to explain emotional distress.

#### *1.3. Television News*

Because television news, as an audiovisual medium, may require fewer cognitive skills than print media, it is more likely to capture the attention of people who possess fewer cognitive skills [36]. Its combination of audio and visual tracks, repeated usage of strong imagery, and news anchors' visible displays of emotion may elicit emotional responses in news viewers [40,41]. Indeed, television news is more emotionally arousing than newspaper stories [17]. Previous studies show the strong association between television news consumption and viewers' negative emotional outcomes (e.g., [22,42–46]). However, this association may be due to the kind of thinking television viewers have to do to make sense of a cultural experience [47]. An experimental study showed that exposure to a random newscast triggered increased negative emotions, and manifested in heightened anxiety, total mood disturbance, and decreased positive affect [45]. The emotional distress may be more intense after exposure to televised reports of exceptionally negative events [46]. In addition, a systematic review of literature on disaster news viewing and psychological outcomes linked consumption of televised news with a range of negative emotions [22]. Specifically, television viewing in the context of terrorism was associated with posttraumatic stress (PTS; [43]), stress reactions [44], and negative emotional responses [17]. Given that the technical features of television are particularly appropriate for evoking emotional responses, we propose the following hypothesis:

**Hypothesis 2.** *Accounting for information seeking about COVID-19, consuming news via television will be related to increased emotional distress*.

**Hypothesis 3.** *The association between COVID-19 information seeking and emotional distress will be moderated by television news use, with the association between information seeking and emotional distress stronger for individuals with higher television news use.*

#### *1.4. Newspapers*

In contrast to television news, newspapers and other print media's lack of visual, motion, and audio cues reduce a reader's sense of presence. Moreover, newspapers and newsmagazines provide in-depth, thematic, and analytic coverage on issues and matters of public interest, with less emotion-laden language compared to television news, which tends to combine an emphasis on emotional content with episodic coverage [17]. These characteristics position newspapers as a less emotionally arousing medium.

Research shows that newspapers evoke weaker emotions in readers when compared with the effect of television news on viewers (e.g., [36]). For example, while people who watched television news experienced stronger emotions related to terrorist attacks, newspaper usage was not a significant factor in explaining individuals' emotional responses [17]. Similarly, according to a systematic review of literature on various forms of disaster media and psychological outcomes [22], none of the reviewed studies showed significant associations between newspaper use and psychological outcomes such as depression, stress, and anxiety. Given that newspaper stories feature fewer emotion-laden visuals, we propose the following hypothesis:

**Hypothesis 4.** *Accounting for information seeking about COVID-19, consuming news via newspapers will be related to decreased emotional distress.*

**Hypothesis 5.** *The association between COVID-19 information seeking and emotional distress will be moderated by newspaper use, with the association between information seeking and emotional distress weaker for individuals with higher newspaper use.*
