**4. Discussion**

In the light of our analysis of the large-scale urban projects in the central area of Madrid, in this section, we pose a number of questions for discussion that we endeavour to answer as concisely as possible.

These questions are closely related to the issues implied in the title of this work: firstly, on the relationships between urban policies and the significance and characteristics of largescale projects in the central areas of cities since the last century; and secondly, whether the analysis of the projects undertaken in the city of Madrid discloses the mentioned relationship, in which case we are obliged to consider the various urban policies enacted by the succession of conservative and progressive local governments over the period studied.

In the first more general section, the following questions may be asked:

1. Do the large-scale urban projects undertaken in the central areas of cities since the end of last century respond to urban policies of a neoliberal nature?

The abundant academic literature highlights that the effects of economic restructuring and the globalisation of space are the most general factors that explain the proliferation of large-scale urban projects aiming to enhance the city's position on the global market. The way to achieve this is to consider the city as an open and competitive market on which economic agents operate with the maximum freedom. This requires the adoption of neoliberal urban policies that subordinate city management to the demands of private operators.

2. Do the large projects undertaken in central areas adhere to the same model or are there key features by which to differentiate them?

Here, the location and purpose of the project play a fundamental and decisive role, displacing project size as an exclusive indicator. Thus, large residential, production, cultural or administrative operations located on the city's periphery, or newly formed central spaces distant from the consolidated urban fabric, are dismissed. Within the central areas, the appropriate location determines the purpose of the projects undertaken and determines the behaviour of urban agents involved throughout the process, and the materialisation and functions they acquire, implying differential characteristics.

3. Can practices be recognised in the large urban projects in the central areas of cities that respond to the specific interests of public or private urban agents?

The neoliberal urban model is designed to satisfy stakeholders in large-scale projects. It satisfies public agents because these urban operations carry a high symbolic value that strengthens their position in political power when advertised as drivers of progress within the city and improving its urban image. Private stakeholders are also satisfied because these projects offer great expectations of financial profit. These agents therefore establish alliances for their mutual benefit. Thus, urban agendas incorporate new priorities including the production of large-scale projects, facilitating the necessary planning and management instruments for private operators and large investors to carry them out.

In the section on the results of analysing the large urban development projects in Madrid, the following questions arise:

1. Have the chosen sources served to reveal the practices derived from the urban policies of the succession of administrations governing the city?

The first point to mention is the constant scarcity and lack of transparency in the documentation required throughout the planning process for the large-scale projects proposed by the neoliberal conservative governments. By contrast, the progressive government adopted democratic forms of participation in the process and in exposure to public opinion. Moreover, the claims filed by urban players directly or indirectly affected and the decisions passed down by the courts of justice consulted in this study have allowed us to determine the strategies implemented by the promoters. Lastly, hemerographic sources have provided access to updated information throughout the process.

2. Did the occupied enclaves and the ownership of the land present characteristics that can be recognised in the performance of the neoliberal urban model driving the projects?

This is certain. These are urban projects located on spaces within the city that, over time, have become central. Originally, these enclaves were occupied by obsolete sports facilities or industrial installations, relegated today to the outskirts: the Real Madrid football club's 'sports city' (Cuatro Torres project), the Atlético de Madrid football stadium and the brewery (Nuevo Mahou Calderón project) and disused railway infrastructures at the Chamartín station and their northern extension (Madrid Nuevo Norte project). With regard to land ownership, the first two locations belonged to highly renowned social institutions and an industry of nationwide prestige. The third enclave is property of the State who established alliances with the financial and real estate sectors.

3. Have the urban projects been planned according to formal and functional standards encompassing them within a single model?

The aim of converting the transformed spaces into modern production and consumption centres, and the obligation to satisfy the economic expectations of private investors, condition the formal characteristics of these projects. This is why the buildability parameter is of such importance, since a higher ratio allows a greater business volume and taller buildings ensure the necessary capacity. In the assigned land uses, lucrative purposes prevail: offices and hotel (Cuatro Torres), quality homes (Nuevo Mahou Calderón) and a combination of both (Madrid Nuevo Norte). In the latter case, the lucrative uses assigned to private investors share space with railway uses. Additionally, the morphology of these projects includes tall buildings whose architecture is designed to stand out for their innovativeness and quality.

4. Do the effects of large-scale projects impinge on their immediate surroundings or the city as a whole?

It is still too early to assess the effects that may become general in the immediate surroundings or throughout the city. It is difficult to confirm these impacts given the different phases each project is presently undergoing (Cuatro Torres, completed; Nuevo Mahou Calderón, in progress; and Madrid Nuevo Norte, not commenced), and also the consequences of the 2008 real estate crisis and the current pandemic in 2021 that have slowed down building activity throughout the capital. Nevertheless, we may mention some observations gained through the fieldwork conducted in the immediate surroundings that are a consequence of the rise in land prices experienced before, during and after the execution of these projects. The rise in land prices is determined by the refurbishment of residential buildings with the goal of increasing the purchase or rental prices of homes, and in the closure of traditional retail businesses as a consequence of rising rental prices. Regarding the effects produced without the central area, the projects undertaken certainly do not contribute to reduce, from an urban planning and social perspective, the centre– periphery divide that characterises the city of Madrid.
