*6.1. Creating the Image, Not Contents*

Firstly, with regard to image, Santa Cruz Verde 2030 reflects certain elements detected in other case studies and the academic discourse. As we depicted in Section 2, there is a new generation of megaprojects and Santa Cruz Verde 2030 fulfils several of the described characteristics [1,3]. The redevelopment of a brownfield site, a mixed-use concept and the (mis)use of sustainability concepts in marketing campaigns are some of these aspects. Our study could not prove one of the main points found in theory, namely, that the project's design was intended to avoid protest [3] (p. 760), as no interviews with the project initiators could be conducted.

However, it is the strong marketing campaign surrounding the megaproject that has initiated a critical discussion among the stakeholders. Interestingly, the mere fact that a new urban quarter is supposed to replace the local oil refinery is generally perceived as positive by the stakeholders. This is also because the industry provoked serious problems such as

contamination and urbanistic barriers in the city [5]. The described positive basic attitude helps to increase the general interest in the megaproject and also decreases protests against the idea itself. This is a difference compared to other megaprojects, where the concept is criticized, as it has been the case before the 2016 Olympics and the 2014 World Cup in Rio de Janeiro [84], the N2 Gateway project in Cape Town [85] or the reconfiguration of Valencia's waterfront to prepare it for The America's Cup and Formula 1 races [86]. It is surprising that the local stakeholders in Santa Cruz show such a critical opinion on the megaproject, and this is due to the strong emphasis on marketing- and image-related topics promoted by primary stakeholders. We explain this focus on the image with the underlying neoliberal logics, where megaprojects are typically "state-led and state-financed" [20] (p. 556).

The non-transparent practices in megaprojects have become symptomatic of this socalled "post-politic city", which describes how open discussions and decision processes are substituted by not legitimized and camouflaged undemocratic structures [87]. The list of non-transparent megaprojects is long, with examples such as Barangaroo (Sydney) [88], Belgrade's waterfront [89] or the Olympic Games in Vancouver in 2010 [90] at the forefront. Further, the Hafencity in Hamburg is an example of where a broad civic participation has not taken place. However, public interests in participating in the planning process have also not been extensive, as neighbors did not feel directly affected [91] (p. 49). The Hafencity is definitely not a showcase of sustainability, but it has addressed several urgent questions in urban development (such as density, diversity, energy and sustainable building) [91] (p. 49). Consequently, the question remains if this project has been sustainable or not [92], considering the fact that less participation apparently makes it easier for local governments to enforce their plan top-down. This is what has been observed by local stakeholders in Santa Cruz, and what is described as "new forms of urban governance" in cities worldwide [13] (p. 8).

Our case represents a significant number of megaprojects with a strong public "control over land use" [93] (p. 168), in order to protect the interests of some classes. Within the context of an entrepreneurial city, we identify two reasons for that. To begin with, in the logic of the so-called CABERNET A-B-C model, Santa Cruz Verde 2030 can be classified as a "potential development site", where high land values are expected, but there are also high reclamation costs due to decontamination and deindustrialization. These projects "are on the borderline of profitability" [60] and hence require a public–private partnership to reduce risks. This significant involvement of public money has to be defended by public stakeholders. A positive image of such projects helps to communicate the benefits of public involvement. Apart from that, by gaining an international audience, multiple direct and indirect effects for the project and the city are expected [15] (p. 144). In theory, Tenerife can reach out easily to this international audience. Based on the island's function as an important tourism destination, there are connections to the rest of Europe but also Africa's west coast. It is not surprising at all that international authors started to report on Santa Cruz Verde 2030 in German or English ([94,95], for example, and transport the project's idea to other countries and target groups. We consider this as a first step to increase the project's visibility in the global competition [21] (p. 54) and attract further capital in the future. This is a goal described in the public–private partnership between Santa Cruz and CEPSA [4] (p. 2). Our case study also shows that neoliberalism does not mean that the state is "less interventionist [ ... ]; rather, it organizes and rationalizes its interventions in different ways" [96] (p. 447). This is the case for many large-scale urban development projects [97] (p. 79). It is also reflected by the fact that it is the local government in Santa Cruz that promotes the megaproject, while the landowner CEPSA remains in the background.
