**3. Materials and Methods**

As already mentioned, official data and statistics concerning dispossession in Spain are limited mainly on the regional scale of the judicial districts and do not differentiate between residential and commercial properties. The database ATLANTE (CGPJ), however, is an exception, listing all court-ordered mortgage foreclosures and tenant evictions on the Canary Islands on an intra-urban scale for the period 2001–2015. In addition, it entails nuanced remarks on the assets concerned, allowing for a sophisticated treatment of both residential and commercial properties. However, the judicial data I am dealing with still has some limits that should not be neglected. As Parreño-Castellano et al. [22] point out, a judicial registry naturally lists merely judicial acts or records. While those can be linked in many cases to a property, it is not often possible to associate the records with a person. In other words, I can only assess the number of properties, as the database does not entail information on the number of people affected. In addition, when interpreting the data on mortgage foreclosures and tenant evictions, it is important to bear in mind that loss of housing is not simply the consequence of individual households not being able to pay for rent or for a mortgage loan. In contrast, and as I elaborated in the preceding chapter, it is the material expression of a profound housing crisis and the outcome of a decade-long politically orchestrated enclosure, financialization, and touristification of public and urban spheres in Spain. With all its deficiencies and omittances, the following sections should make clear that judicial data, nonetheless, is a very valuable resource to portray urban inequalities related to real estate dispossession on a geographic microscale.

The methodological framework and methodical procedure draw on these data. As a first step, I aim to identify the temporalities and spatialities of dispossession on an intraurban scale—divided into mortgage foreclosures and tenant evictions, as well as residential and commercial real estate dispossession. For the preparation of the material, I initially selected all 1695 entries in the database relating to the municipality of Arona in the south of Tenerife. After a thorough data cleansing and examination, 1414 entries remained, of which I georeferenced the 393 entries relating to the research area of LC-LA. Los Cristianos and Playa de Las Américas represent different administrative units, but given their urban morphology, they can be regarded as a single and connected agglomeration. The cartographic handling of the material follows a critical GIS-based (*Geographic information system*) concern to uncover socio-spatial inequalities. In the context of critical GIS, critical cartographers, inter alia, consider the technical possibilities of GIS as a means to enrich critical research [90–92]. As a second step, departing from the temporal-spatial analysis, I will address more recent real estate developments and delve deeper into local experiences of dispossession [93]. According to the principles of qualitative GIS, several scholars highlight the enriching potential of mixed-method approaches for geographical research. In this sense, a combination of quantitative GIS-data with qualitative methods such as non-representative, explorative surveys allows me to further nuance the general tendencies displayed by the database against the context of quotidian life [94,95]. For this purpose, during August 2018, I conducted 50 standardized questionnaires in the research area. In order to reach a greater portion of interviewees with potential experiences of dispossession, I carried out a non-random sample around the spatial hotspots of dispossession that I identified during the database-driven analysis before. On the one hand, the questionnaire aims to acquire knowledge about involuntary displacement of residential and commercial properties and, thus, looks behind the "tip of the iceberg" of court-ordered foreclosures and evictions. On the other hand, it inquires about living and working conditions as well as rent and mortgage burdens in order to evaluate the local experiences of dispossession against the backdrop of contemporary real estate markets. The latter also stems from a long-standing incitement of social polarization in the formation of Tenerife's tourist accumulation regime. As the next section explains, this arises from a specific historic and socio-economic constellation for the organization of capital flows.
