*2.3. The Changes of Post-Crisis Urban Planning: The Exploitation of More Centrally Located Capital Gains (2008 Onwards)*

After the excesses came the National Land Law 8/2007 of 28 May 2007, which consolidated the Land Use and Urban Planning Act. Even so, this arrived late and was insufficient for what it was meant to correct. Amongst other questions, this law established that it was only possible to classify as *Suelo Urbanizable* that which was specifically required to meet the needs that justified its urbanization, it protected land owners from promoters undertaking transformation projects, and it increased—to a minimum of 30%—the amount of total residential building destined for social housing. With the arrival of the property crisis in 2007, there was a change in the property cycle and in the focus of urban planning towards the inner areas of the city. Faced with the impossibility of continuing with the previous logic of land development, post-crisis urban planning brought a change in the expansive urban model. It was in this context that the first period of discourse of "*urbanismo urbano*" also reappeared. Some of the first consequences of these new visions were revisions of previous excessive provisions for *Suelo Urbanizable* that were contained in inherited Master Plans.

Attention now returned to urban land and to more centrally located areas in an attempt to exploit potential capital gains through small-scale interventions. This change was reflected in the generation of new Master Plans, which now contained interventions in urban centres that included a level of detail that was almost on a par with that of an intervention project.

These central interventions were also promoted by Law 8/2013 on Urban Rehabilitation, Regeneration, and Renewal, which was popularly known as the "3Rs Law". After the crisis, the new property development strategies abandoned the previous grandiose operations on the urban periphery and sought, instead, to undertake development projects based on rehabilitation and renewal in the inner parts of cities [31]. This implied a number of functional changes as well as changes in the socioeconomic profile of the population [32]. At the same time, some large-scale projects were recovered, especially following the slight recovery of the property market that occurred in 2016. This helped to consolidate cities that had been fragmented, deprived, and colonised by financial capital [30,33].

Meanwhile, and from 2008 onwards, a set of spatial planning tools were also approved in Catalonia. The aim was to manage urban growth based on a physical planning approach and to preserve natural values and the landscape. In fact, most of the Partial Territorial Plans, as well as the land-use planning applied at the subregional scale, were approved in this period. Moreover, after the Catalan Landscape Act of 2005, seven landscape catalogues that identified the most important natural and cultural values and proposed a set of basic guidelines for their preservation were approved.

Unfortunately, the planning apparatus of this period arrived late, and this could be interpreted as a means of validating autonomous urbanization processes once they had been consummated.
