2.3.3. Traditional and diversified crop production and economic returns

We estimated potential crop production (local food production) and economic returns (total revenues, total costs, and total profits) over the future agricultural restoration scenario under varying assumptions of banana (*musa* sp.), breadfruit (*Artocarpusaltilis altilis)*, and taro (*Colocasia esculenta*) productivity [45–53], with the percent area of each crop defined by Kako'o ' ¯ Oiwi staff. ¯ (Table 3; SI Methods). While kalo (taro) is the dominant crop, we included additional crops as Kako'o ¯ 'Oiwi's production model includes diversified cropping systems (Table ¯ 2).


**Table 3.** Assumptions underlying estimation of economic returns from food production.

#### 2.3.4. Energy Savings

In order to understand how utilizing solar power could increase Kako'o ' ¯ Oiwi's financial returns ¯ while contributing to the State's goal to be 100% renewable by 2045, we evaluated the use of renewable energy for food production as well as avoided energy use for food imports in the restored agriculture scenario (SI Methods).

#### On-farm Solar Energy for Food Processing

Kako'o ' ¯ O'iwi is hoping to realize cost savings over the long run by operating the proposed taro ¯ processing facility using solar power. Commercial poi production is similar to wet milling of other starches. Assuming that energy requirements for wet milling corn are comparable to those for poi production, we calculated the required daily energy and corresponding photovoltaic (PV) system power capacity to produce poi for taro production scenarios 1 and 2 [54,55]. PV installation costs were then estimated assuming a cost of \$3.01 per watt [56]. Utility bill savings and revenue from solar energy sales back to the grid were estimated using Hawaiian Electric Company's (HECO) Schedule 'G' General Service rate of \$0.27/kWh and the HECO Customer Grid-Supply rate of \$0.15/kWh (SI Methods).

#### Avoided Energy Inputs

One of the main reasons for higher energy efficiency in the case of organic farming is the lack of input of synthetic nitrogen (N) fertilizers, which require high energy consumption for production and transport. Kako'o ' ¯ O'iwi currently applies 151 kg ha ¯ -1 of organic fishmeal N-fertilizer for taro production and would continue this practice under both future scenarios. Indirect energy savings—i.e., fossil fuel energy inputs that would have been required to synthetically produce the required amount of N-fertilizer—were calculated for the 20-year management period [57].

We also estimated the fuel needed to ship taro to Hawai'i as a conservative estimate of the energy offset from locally produced taro (SI Methods).

#### Sediment and Nutrient Retention

Sediment and nitrogen retention (accumulation) within the wetland and export from He'eia stream were estimated for the current, restored agriculture, and urban scenarios. These are important metrics of success for Kako'o ' ¯ Oiwi as changes in water quality through sediment and nutrients directly ¯ links wetland management to the fish pond and coral reef which have high socio-economic, cultural, and ecological significance for the broader He'eia system. For both parameters, we estimated the input and export based on existing data or model estimates to determine the amount retained by the restoration area.

The calculation for sediment retention in the current scenario employed a simple box model (retention equals sediment input minus export) based on data from the United States Geological Survey (USGS) for import into the wetland [58] and Hawai'i Department of Health (HDOH) [59] and USGS [60] for export out of the wetland (see SI Methods for further details). Sediment retention in the restored agriculture scenario was estimated through literature values of annual retention rates of rice paddies (a similar system to lo'i) [61]. Total sediment retained in the restored scenario was estimated by multiplying annual retention rate (kg m<sup>−</sup>2) by the retention area. Sediment export from the restored agriculture scenario was estimated as the net current input [58] from above the wetland less the total retained. To estimate sediment export from He'eia wetland in the urban scenario, we used the InVEST Sediment Delivery Ratio model [34,62] (See SI Methods).

We used a box model approach to estimate the amount of nitrogen input to and export from the wetland. We modeled nutrient input into the wetland from the broader He'eia watershed with the InVEST Nutrient Delivery Model (InVEST NDR) [34] (see SI Methods). For the current scenario, we calculated nitrogen retention in the wetland using USGS discharge data [60] and HDOH average nutrient concentrations at the He'eia stream mouth [59] (SI Methods). For the restored agriculture scenario, we conservatively estimated fertilizer rates within the restored lo'i areas as approximately 15 g m−<sup>2</sup> based on manager input and plant (taro) uptake at 23% of fertilizer N applied [63]. For the urban scenario we assumed there was no retention capacity within the wetland. Given that there are no centralized wastewater treatment options, we estimated a similar input of N (as from the surrounding neighborhoods) in wastewater from on-site sewage disposal systems [64] (SI Methods).

#### **3. Results**

#### *3.1. Community and Cultural Benefits*

The families participating in the 'ohana program spoke of motivations for participation that went far beyond the direct benefit of producing kalo, spanning all inter-related categories of Pascua et al. [17]'s framework ('Ike—knowledge; Mana—spiritual landscapes; Pilina Kanaka—social connections; ¯ and Ola Mau—mental and physical well-being) and beyond (see Table 4 for examples and quotes). Families consistently mentioned that they most value the intangible benefits gained from the opportunity to maintain their own lo'i such as developing a reciprocal relationship between and among kanaka (Indigenous Hawaiians) and ' ¯ aina (land): ¯

*"My family gets to eat, mentally, physically, spiritually. The place that we're working at becomes more abundant and healthier and restored. The thriving factor increases as we work not only for my own family but for the place."*

Families talked of an ability to connect with landscape or experience a sense of "feeling the living, breathing, 'aina" while working in the place (Mana; Table ¯ 4). Many spoke of the opportunity to malama ¯

Haloa, referencing the kin relationship between k ¯ anaka and kalo (taro) with roots in creation described ¯ in the Hawaiian creation chant, the Kumulipo (Table 4). In many cases, the program was their first opportunity to have access to land and water that allowed them to fulfill this kuleana (responsibility) to their ancestors by following in their footsteps and perpetuating the traditional practice (Table 4).

Social connections (Pilina kanaka; Table ¯ 4) were also an important motivation and perceived benefit of the program. Goods produced through the traditional agricultural practice were primarily discussed in the context of having kalo to take home or share. They valued building an 'ohana through common experience with like-minded individuals, sharing of the work, and establishing trusting relationships and aloha for each other over all else (Table 4). There was also strong interest in passing down knowledge, passions, and environmental knowledge to new generations, keiki (children), and other families that may enter the program (Table 4).

While participants emphasized that kalo, per se, was not their primary motivation for participation, they pointed to the importance of beliefs and cultural practices around food cultivation and preparation:

*"I think most of us in our hui have experience with food and we know that if you're working around food and you're working around something you're going to eat later on, you've got to have good thoughts and say good words and put good intentions into something you're going to put into your own body later."*

They emphasized that the program helps to build a sense of pride and accomplishment, creating a sense of belonging (safe space), and providing the opportunity to progress as kanaka (Hawaiians). ¯ They gain a sense of pride, accomplishment, and mental healing from coming to the lo'i, putting in the work, and watching their kalo progress. In the words of a participant:

*"Just creating this safe space where people can feel like they're okay and they don't have to be judged. They can just come here and feel aloha. Creating a sense of belonging and that they belong to something bigger, and something healthy and something that's aloha."*

However, there was also concern about how to deal with potential changes to the current positive atmosphere as the program grows; the trusting relationships, the heart of the 'ohana, may dissipate with a larger number of families and lo'i:

*"The one thing that I think about as we see all these families here is that we really have to continue to create this space of positivity, so that we don't have to deal with the things like stealing or...you know what I mean? As you get hundreds and hundreds, as organizations get big, they tend to make these operational rules and that's when people start to get...when attitudes change. And so on..."*

**Table 4.** Cultural outcomes discussed by community participants in the 'Ohana program categorized by Pascua et al. [17]'s cultural ecosystem service framework developed through participatory methods with several indigenous and local communities in Hawai'i.


#### **Table 4.** *Cont.*

**Nan¯ a i ke Kumu ¯** (observe familiar natural processes and seasonal occurrences)


**Halau 'Ike ¯** (diverse formal and informal learning)


*"It's definitely personal growth out here because you're learning science and you've got to learn the moons. You've got to know when it's going to rain too hard. We live in Kane'ohe, so when we have heavy rain it's like 'Uh ¯ oh'...we're thinking about the lo'i. We've had it when the water was up to here, on my hips, but I think we're kind of getting smart about adjusting the water and water flow. With these (lo'i), the makawai go this way so we have to be careful. We're at the top so it feeds into the next one and the next one."*

*"They appreciate it a lot more* ... *They understand the kuleana. And I like that about* ... *this opportunity, the fact that we have our own place and we have the ability to come and take the kids and do this with them. Eventually, I'm going to lose that, my kids are going to go to sports on Saturdays; it's just good to have this time with them. You know, and it's not a chore to try to get them to do this. I have two daughters so my youngest daughter is like, 'I don't want to get muddy dad...' but once she gets in, she has fun."*

### *Mana (Spiritual landscapes)*

**Ho'omana/Mauli Ola** (spiritual beliefs and practices allowing people to interact with mana of a landscape)


*"So there's that saying I always go back to, 'you don't grow the kalo, the kalo grows you.' And what I've gained is just a different perspective in the different aspects of life really. From the relationship side of how man fits into the larger picture of the environment and the 'aina and seeing the ¯ 'aina as an actual living breathing thing, because when you ¯ come out here on Sundays and it's just you and it's quiet like this, you can actually hear and feel and see how it's moving. You can see all the life in the water, you can almost feel and hear the 'aina speaking to you, too." ¯*

**Wahi Pana** (appropriate access to, and understanding of place-specific practices associated with storied landscapes)


*"That's another thing that's changed for me too, is we notice that we're so excited to talk about the different stories* ... *. And the kids are starting to talk about it too and for us it's like 'oh, this is great, I'm hearing the children talk about Keahiakahoe' and there's so much. This is like an open classroom because there's always something to learn*



*"It's a prioritization of our relationships with that 'aina ¯ and with each other. If that's the driving force, then, people aren't caring about who got how much and when and what and all that stuff. Among our hui, and I'm sure others as well are similar this way, there is a genuine wanting to take care of each other and take care of that place. If that stays the priority, I don't think there would be any problems."*


**Table 4.** *Cont.*


*"It's a sense of pride, just enjoying and getting enjoyment. The luana of this place is maika'i. Just creating this safe space where people can feel like they're okay and they don't have to be judged. They can just come here and feel aloha. Creating a sense of belonging and that they belong to something bigger, and something healthy and something that's aloha. And strengthening their sense of identity as a Hawaiian, living in Hawai'i. Those two things, I think, create confidence* ... *like I said, you make decisions for the greater good."*
