**2. 'Oiwi Worldview: Mo'ok** ¯ **u'auhau & Aloha (Genealogy & Reciprocity) ¯**

First we had to understand how and where we as humans sit in relation to the rest of our Hawaiian universe, including the natural and cultural resources we steward, through an 'O¯ iwi worldview. From this perspective, ka¯naka (people) have a shared ancestry with 'a¯ina (land and sea), inclusive of the earth, sky, the celestial bodies, all living things in the sea, on land and in the atmosphere, as well as the dynamic processes that sustain these systems [47–51]. In the Kumulipo cosmology, which details the creation of the Hawaiian universe, in the first wa¯ (time) there is only darkness [48]. The chant states that all life originates from the primordial slime. First is born Kumulipo, a male, and Po'ele a female, then the 'ukuko'ako'a (coral polyp), the many creatures and algae of the ocean and their counterpart plants on land. The two thousand line chant recognizes the birth of all our fish and invertebrates and their plant counterparts, the insects, forest and seabirds, turtles, lobsters, those that cling, the pig, the rat, and the dog. In the eighth wa¯, the female La'ila'i and the male Ki'i were born and the gods Ka¯ne and Kanaloa were born. It is from La'ila'i and Ki'i that generations of ali'i and then commoners were born. The Kumulipo also recognizes the genealogy of Ha¯loa—the first kalo and elder brother of the Hawaiian people, who came from Wa¯kea (expansive sky), Papa (earth foundation), and Ho'ohok¯ ukalani (star establisher). In this single chant, one can see the intimate kinship that the ¯ people of Hawai'i share with the Hawaiian universe, from the tiny coral polyp to every fish or plant or animal, each is foundational to our genealogy as kanaka. ¯

#### **"I ola 'oe, i ola makou nei."** ¯

*When you live, so do we*.

—Hi'iakaikapoliopele to an 'Ohi'a (Metrosideros polymorpha) forest [ ¯ 52]

In genealogies such as the Kumulipo, we recognize that 'a¯ina—inclusive of all the native lifeforms and ecological processes, came before us as ka¯naka, and have created the foundations upon which we live and thrive. Thus, we all have inherited the responsibility through our genealogy as Ka¯naka 'O¯ iwi to ensure the continuation of such foundations. The health of 'a¯ina is inherently and reciprocally related to the health and well-being of its people [18,53]. For example, our existence depends on the health and existence of the forest, all lifeforms and ecological processes therein, which provides us with fresh water, climate regulation, materials for construction, and medicine, as well as our ancestral plants like the endemic and bioculturally foundational 'ohi'a ( ¯ *Metrosideros polymorpha*), which also provides cultural inspiration, reminding us how to adapt and flourish in harsh conditions, while also nourishing those around us. The opposite is true as well—that the forest's health depends on our health. We must ensure that our human activities do not adversely affect the forest, not overharvest any of its elements, protect it from weeds and invasive animals, and continue to chant, sing, and dance to honor its existence. Within this worldview, we participate in a reciprocal relationship with the natural world—to take and give in kind, as a sound and necessary means to ensure our collective well-being inclusive of 'aina. ¯

#### **3. The Ali'i Institution**

In order to understand where we sit in Kamehameha Schools' continuity as an ali'i institution stewarding lands, we must first understand the basic traditional systems of how ali'i related to and were responsible for 'a¯ina. It is outside of the scope of this paper to give a comprehensive summary of the ali'i institution. Here, we provide our understanding of the ali'i particularly in regards to stewardship of 'aina in the past, so that we can think about application of these concepts today. ¯

#### *3.1. Reciprocal Relationships between 'aina, ali'i, and maka'* ¯ *ainana* ¯

#### **"'Ili'ili o Haloa."** ¯

*Pebbles of Haloa* ¯ .

Descendants of chiefs of Ha¯loa, grandson of Wa¯kea and Papa, or any chiefs descended from the gods. [54] #1227.

In this section we discuss the social institution of the ali'i class in traditional Hawai'i, describing the reciprocal relationships between (1) the 'a¯ina, (2) the ali'i, and (3) the maka'a¯inana (commoners) (Figure 2). In the 'O¯ iwi worldview, the ali'i were recognized as close descendants of the akua (elemental deities or natural phenomena often translated as gods) because they came before maka'a¯inana genealogically [48,55]. The high ali'i were considered to be direct descendants of akua [56], with some accounts calling highest ni'aupi'o chiefs "gods among men" [48]. Akua are natural forces and elements that sustain life. For example the major akua Ka¯ne and his many forms include fresh water, the sun, air currents, as well as the associated forces such as the gathering of clouds, the red-hued setting sun, or the dark density within a storm [47] (p. 104–105). Akua are also the lifeforms on earth, including the animals, rocks, and plants, such as the 'ie'ie (*Freycinetia arborea*), the climbing monocot in the forest also associated with Ka¯ne due to the ways in which it intercepts and distributes rain into the forest understory [57]. One can see that akua *are* 'a¯ina, as they make up the land and seas and all of the processes therein [33,44]. 'a¯ina, the term we use for land and seascapes, is translated as "that which feeds" physically, spiritually, mentally. Akua, and 'O¯ iwi spirituality more generally, cannot be separated from 'aina. ¯

**Figure 2.** Hierarchical and reciprocal relationships between akua, ali'i, and maka'ainana.

Akua were described by Pukui, Haertig, and Lee as "the impersonal gods of Hawaii, powerful, distant deities whose origins were lost in dim corridors of time" [56] (p. 23). However, because of their close genealogical relationship, the ali'i could maintain an intimate connection with higher level akua, that maka'a¯inana could not. Although, there were other less significant personal gods that maka'ainana had access to [ ¯ 56].

#### **"Hanau ka '** ¯ **aina, h** ¯ **anau ke ali'i, h** ¯ **anau ke kanaka."** ¯

*Born was the land, born were the chiefs, born were the commoners*. The land, the chiefs, and the commoners belong together [54] #466.

Unlike Western feudal relationships between chiefs and commoners, in traditional Hawai'i, ali'i had a close kinship with the maka'ainana. The maka' ¯ ainana considered the ali'i, an elder sibling [ ¯ 53]. They needed one another, while the maka'a¯inana cultivated abundance on both land and sea with expert skills spanning realms of engineering, botany, medicine, navigation, psychology, sport, fishing, farming, architecture, etc. [58], and the ali'i provided access to akua, protection from war, enforcement

of social norms, as well as the maintenance of land and seascape integrity. Because of the genealogical relationship to akua (who came before) and maka'ainana (who came after), the ali'i had a duty to care for both akua/'a¯ina and their people. There were many types of ali'i situated within a hierarchical structure, correlating to various scales of resource management. The highest ali'i (e.g., Ali'i Nui) was entrusted with the coordination of the largest scale of resource management at the scale of the island. While the ali'i below him were in charge of the stewardship according to various smaller socio-ecological divisions [50] (Figure 3).

**Figure 3.** The various scales of socio-ecological management by ali'i in traditional Hawai'i [50].
