*3.1. Willingness to Work Outside of Existing Expertise*

A significant theme referred to by several participants was the exceptional work ethic and capacity for professional excellence among African migrants. Despite the challenges in securing matching (skills, education, ability, and expectations) job opportunities, this was partially mitigated by their willingness and readiness to work hard and take any available

opportunities. One participant, Jimmy, stated, '*Africans will do anything, they will figure out anything that they can do–and do it, and they will work as hard as possible, they will pick fruit from the trees if they have to'*. Mukisa also noted that despite being based in a specialist urban medical centre, '*I still go back and cover doctors who are on leave in the rural clinics and I work hard'.* African migrants were keen to show how hard they were willing to work to obtain a better life for themselves and their families. Strong work ethics, hard work, determination and perseverance were described as important in obtaining and sustaining job opportunities. For example, Amani noted how she was the only candidate from her workplace who received an ongoing role after a round of interviews. The feedback she received from the hiring managers was that she demonstrated an excellent work ethic through her extensive preparation for the interview, and this was the reason she got the permanent role. She also noted that her 'persistence' in taking the steps toward promotion led to more senior roles, even though many of her 'Caucasian' colleagues 'gave up along the way', because they felt the process was 'too strenuous'. She added, '*I had talked to* [African] *friends* . . . *who have been in even more senior positions* [in Australia] *than they had been, in their own countries, and going into skills or jobs that they have never done before*".

Participants emphasised that Africans in Australia 'just wanted a chance', and if given the opportunities they deserved, they could make even more significant and positive contributions to Australia society. Wanjiru exemplifies this by stating:

*You know, we have hard working people. We just want what everyone else wants, what most people want. Just give us a chance. We want what everyone else want, best for our kids, to better our lives* . . . *I want when someone sees me, they [see a] hard working woman who has travelled far away to come and work hard for her family and make a better life for herself and for her family members*. (Wanjiru)

A theme that was less explicitly emphasised was the observation that because nonmigrant Australians already had existing social capital and networks, and African migrants often did not have this benefit, they could not rely on what Awinja described as waiting for '*someone else to come and* . . . *fish you out'* for opportunities. Instead, she emphasised that for African skilled migrants, *'it is really for us to position ourselves really well and advocate and become our own self advocates*'.

#### *3.2. Social Capital Through Community and Family Support Networks*

Family and community support networks were strongly highlighted by participants as one of the factors in building resilience and perseverance while managing the challenges of migration and resettlement in Australia. The earlier arrived African families who were not related or previously known to each other, acted as extended families to form a supportive network for newer arrivals. John and Julia valued how the community facilitated their resettlement and noted, '*right the day we came in'*, when the African families who had already settled in Australia welcomed them at dinner and social events. This network of African families, not previously known to the participants, provided extensive support for this family over the first critical three months of arriving in Australia. They reflected:

*That support saw us through and I think that is a very important point to put across. The family literally took us by [our] hands and they were in our house literally every day for the next three months. If there was an activity in Adelaide, they came and picked us. If we were going shopping, they came and picked us. If there was visiting anyone, they came and picked us. So in three months, we had met so many people [Africans] and that kind of things made it very easy and comfortable for us*. (John and Julia)

Kissa also reflected on a similar experience:

*There was a small African community in [town in South Australia], they came around, they supported. I would say so far I had an amazing journey, basically because I met amazing people, people that have extended warmth, love, and support and understanding*. (Kissa)

Some participants provided examples of how family members from their country of origin travelled to Australia to provide essential support at critical times. Wanjiru, for example, discussed how necessary such support was when she was a new mother and studying full time:

*Our family gave us much support during that time when we were going to nursing school. My sister came from* [country name] *and she lived with us for a whole year while we were going through school. Our babies were so young then, so she helped with babysitting, and without that kind of help, oh my goodness, I don't know how we would have pulled through the nursing school! So we cannot forget the family support*. (Wanjiru)

Within family units that had migrated together, new levels of cooperation and support were also required to achieve a successful migration experience. Banji, for example, noted that '*I have a very supportive spouse and so we tend, you know, to help one another'*. Wanjiru and Paul similarly emphasised the value of support within their family unit. They described how as '*a family we really, really, really had to learn how to work together. We form*[ed] *our own identity–so to speak–as a family, to help us cope with the challenges that we thought of or felt'*.

In addition to family support, formal organisations were also identified as a significant source of support, as most participants were members of one or more community organisations. Some participants particularly singled out the role of such associations in building resilience and experiencing belonging in the new country. This included regional or country-specific associations, faith-based organisations and church congregations and to a lesser extent, government-initiated settlement programs. For some, work colleagues, especially those who were introduced immediately upon arrival or who eventually became friends, provided a supportive structure for their resettlement and enabled the building of resilience and a sense of community. Kissa, for example, mentioned that at her first workplace immediately after arriving in Australia, '*there were some amazing people there that made me welcome, I went to their home to eat, they would invite me, others will invite me over with my little son, almost every weekend to come and spend time with them*'.

Some participants described how at the time of migrating, the South Australian Government's settlement program for skilled migrants was highly supportive. Initial, formal government support was critical in building participants' resilience and providing a springboard for their new life in Australia to take off:

*The South Australian Government program back then really looked after new skilled migrants and helped them settle. They organised a house at subsidised rent for us for the first three months. We had a two-bedroom house, which was good for us. The house was next to the school where our kids were going, so we did not have to walk far. It was next to a tramline, so we did not have to bother about having a car initially, so the entire program was a really good one* . . . *I think our great experience is one that is highly supported by the program. Without the program, I think we will be talking about totally different things altogether*. (John and Julia)

Although they did not go into further detail, the emphasis on helpful government support for skilled migrants being provided 'back then', suggests an assumption that this type of assistance was not necessarily available to contemporary migrants. This could then lead to more resettlement challenges.

#### *3.3. Religion and Faith as Protective Factors*

Spirituality and faith were important determinants that provided mechanisms to cope with challenges for many of the participants. Religion is a well recognised factor that functions both as an intrinsic and extrinsic marker of individual and population resilience [28–31]. One participant concurred with these assertions stating that, '*my family gets support–and a lot of it–from our church*'. Other participants reported that going to church was an important ritual for them as it enabled them to set one day off work each week to attend community service, providing them with an opportunity to connect and build friendships with others with similar values. For Banji, religious faith acted as a cushion for his family during their resettlement years:

*Having good support at church are a crucial factor that have helped in terms of settling down. So we were very strong in terms of being involved in an active church* . . . *This really helped in the way we have settled down in Australia* . . . *I guess you know those three factors–work network, church network and also network of friends–have really helped in settling down*. (Banji)

Jimmy also supported religion as protective element in these communities when he stated, '*most Africans have a Christian or another form of faith–and that's where they find support',* implying, like Amani and Banji, that religion plays a significant role as a coping tool, and is utilised as a strong resilience mechanism in overcoming adversities.

#### *3.4. Pride in Contributions to Australia as Africans*

Participants emphasised pride in their contributions to Australian society. This pride was linked to their contributions in professional excellence, expertise and economic contributions through dutiful payment of taxes. Other participants nominated specific aspects of their area of work expertise as advancing Australian society, which they were justifiably proud of. Sally, for example, nominated her studies and the specific scientific research she had conducted in Australia as having made a significant scientific contribution. Mukisa, a GP with a special interest in skin cancer and family medicine, noted that '*I worked hard* . . . *providing my skill to Australians and making sure that whatever I do, I do it at a high-level of skill and I think that has been the biggest contribution'*.

Other participants spoke with pride of their success in advocating for more diverse and culturally aware perspectives and policies:

*I can claim that I have done [a lot] to advocate for cultural issues being prioritised. I have managed to move the government away from sideling some communities, who have dealt with issues that needed certain support to be able to move up. Groups which have less resources, less networks, more disadvantage compared to the main stream, can now have more support and the government is ready to accept that, and we have seen so many resources coming and I am grateful for that*. (Maurice)

Paul similarly highlighted that African migrants add significant cultural value in Australia;

*when we come here, we bring cultural diversity* . . . *we educate the people of this country on who we are, we expose them to other cultures because I think it is unfair when all their knowledge about us comes from National Geographic'.* (Paul)

Most participants singled out how their financial and career success also benefitted Australians, especially through the payment of taxes and bolstering of the Australian economy. For example, Jimmy noted, '*I have been working for the last 15 years and earning good money and paying taxes* [and] *investing* [in] *property*'. Kissa, Maurice and Awinja all discussed their various economic contributions to Australia as illustrated below:

*Me and my husband* [both senior medical consultants] *generate a lot income, but we also support the government by paying taxes, which helps to actually do a lot of the other projects* . . . [so] *many Australians would benefit from our tax*. (Kissa)

*We have contributed financially and economically, being in real estate. We have investments in not 1, 2, 3, or 4 places. Our properties are scattered around, and we employ the real estate managers to manage the properties. In that way, they get money for managing our properties. We pay high taxes and we have helped the South Australian economy–we can say yes, we have done that*. (Maurice)

Jenny and Patrick also explicitly linked the payment of taxes to the value they added to Australia, in terms of what that sum would mean in their country of origin: '*Let me tell you the tax we pay between us, is enough to feed my whole village for a year. We have a right to be here*'.

Nkandu made similar emphasis in this direct connection stating, *'the majority of Africans or migrants are working hard, they are paying their taxes and not being a burden to society',* yet this was at odds with the dominant Australian public discourse constructing migrants primarily as welfare recipients:

*I hear Australians say all these things about migrants and think, 'who do you think pays for all these stuff (Medicare, Centerlink)?' It is the working people, and the big chunk of that working people are migrants. So, I think if there is a story to be told [it] is the contribution that migrants [make] to this country. It is just everyday people, waking up every day in the morning, go to work, obey the laws, they are peaceful with everybody, I think that is the greatest story to be told*. (Nkandu)

He further believed that '*Australians would be shocked that there are a lot of white Australians on welfare benefiting from* [African] *migrants going to work*. Participants also described how they managed to put aside the disadvantages that they faced so as to focus on their main intention for migrating–that is, '*to work hard, and find effective opportunities for themselves, their children, and communities'.* They were also able to demonstrate considerable flexibility, that supported the development of resilience and aided successful resettlement:

*I think it is important for us to be open to be willing to integrate and embrace the new culture that we find ourselves while not losing our own. We can learn what to take and what to reject from this culture and we can still embrace it and bring the positives from our own culture and the positives from this culture and make it better*. (Kissa)

Despite the challenges encountered in re-settling in Australia, participants reflected on their commitment to *remember* where they came from and *who* they were as Africans. Although they exemplified a deep commitment to integrate and abide by Australia's culture, they also agreed on the importance of upholding their own culture and retaining their Africanness. The commitment to retain their Africanness in a society that covertly promotes ideologies of assimilation, aligns with the broader messaging of *Sancofa.* Sally narrates:

*I will not change being an African or anything. It comes with its challenges, but you know what, I love it. I love being an African and I hold no apologies for being an African. So, if I am here as an African, I can equally contribute to the society as anyone, so I believe in myself. I am very aware and I set my identity fully. That is the starting point. You need to believe yourself and accept your identity fully, with the accent, with the colour, with whatever, fully. It should not matter and you need to believe that you are in this for the long haul*. (Sally)

### *3.5. Reframing the Narrative of Africans in Australia*

Pursuing excellence and acknowledging the challenges of migration and adapting were identified as subthemes and are further described below.

#### 3.5.1. Pursuing Excellence

Many participants indicated a desire to contribute to changing negative narratives of what it means to be an African in Australia. Further suggestions included a need for advocacy and more accurate and positive representation of African migrants and communities that challenged dominant mainstream narratives about 'Africanness' in Australia. As Jimmy stated:

*I would like to see the image of Africa change a bit more, I would like to see people* [not see] *Africa as a place where there is needy people, I would like the people see Africa as a potential partner, as a power house, as a place of great ideas have come from*. (Jimmy)

Much as participants called for more inclusion and a broader narrative shift in the Australian public discourse on Africans, many emphasised that African diaspora communities were required to 'step up' and actively work to change that narrative by 'pursuing excellence'. Kissa reflected:

*Australia is a beautiful country. We are absolutely proud to be a part of it, but as people of colour, we should look for opportunities to add value. We should be people of excellence. We should stand for excellence and also in particular we need to start thinking aggressively about the next generation. As the first generation of African immigrants, we need to make sacrifices for the next generation and we must not miss that point, it would not be all about us. We got to think about 10, 20, and 30 years from now, where would we like to be in the Australian society*. (Kissa)

This emphasis on acting as advocates and positive role models for African communities echoes the responses from participants above who observed that African migrants come to Australia lacking networks and pre-existing social capital. As such there is a greater need for migrants to create their own opportunities, rather than waiting for their excellence to be recognised and rewarded by others.

Other participants presented similar ideas about how Africans in Australia can help change and reframe negative narratives predominantly through bolstering their own selfconfidence and by not internalising any negative assumptions about Africans. Jimmy advised Africans in Australia to '*come here with something to offer'*. He adds, 'if you are here as a skilled professional who is going to make a contribution to this country, see yourself as of that, do not see yourself as a poor African when you go to meetings'. Others cautioned Africans not to adopt a victim mentality, as this reduces the capacity for resilience and excellence. Amani advised:

*Let's not pity ourselves, let's not feel sorry for ourselves* . . . *what helps is for us to go out and explore, so it is up to us really to position ourselves. It's not up to anybody else to do that for us* . . . *I am a senior social worker, and it doesn't come easy* . . . *I would encourage everyone to work hard, but not pathologise ourselves and don't, don't join people in pathologising us*. (Amani)

Whilst supporting this position broadly, Sally observed that this does not always come easily. Although she proudly described herself, as an African migrants more generally, as being part of 'a group of people with great tenacity, great intelligence', she also reflected that '*we need to start believing in ourselves more and come together in a unified way to say that we are here to stay and we are not going anywhere, and we are a force to be reckoned with'*. She added:

*If all of us are working together* . . . *celebrating one another and helping and lending a hand to one another and just be ourselves and be proud of who we are and also just give the best of ourselves to this country because really, this is home even if it doesn't feel like so for a long time, but in this moment, right here, right now, this is home*. (Sally)

Sally's reflection can be understood as both a recognition of how challenging resettlement is, as well as a subtle questioning of whether individuals can foster this change on their own without an *Ubuntu* mentality. Her emphasis instead is on the need for *collective* action to achieve these goals, an observation that underscores the value of community and collectivist values.
