*1.1. Women Crossing Borders*

According to different studies on the feminization of migration in the late 21st century, women have become advance subjects in contemporary migration networks. This trend has been observed in different Latin American countries [30–32]. Thus, they pave the way for other groups in their countries of origin, becoming the central nucleus of social networks that are progressively "transnationalized" [31,33,34]. The group of migrant women is articulated and organized into different national territories, thus reinventing the ways of being a family and the processes involved in socializing and caring for children [35,36]. Among their strategies for addressing problems when crossing international borders, migrant women expand their networks of contacts, express the emotional capacity to overcome adversity, and quickly incorporate knowledge of different cultures, which facilitates their displacement. Hence, we can consider them transnational subjects in the terms of Schiller et al. [37].

Regarding the motivations for displacement, economic needs are relevant. Migrant women have expectations, such as improving the quality of life of their children and saving and/or reunifying their family group; additionally, the need to be autonomous and independent is also observed. Many are divorced, are single mothers, or have unstable partners, (Figure 1 illustrates the trends found in this and other studies).

**Figure 1.** Motivations for the migration of Afro‐Colombian women. Source: Own elaboration. **Figure 1.** Motivations for the migration of Afro-Colombian women. Source: Own elaboration.

#### *1.2. Motivations for the Migration 1.2. Motivations for the Migration*

The following figure presents the motivations and objectives for the south‐south mi‐ gration of women, with two central focuses: family and personal goals. The following figure presents the motivations and objectives for the south-south migration of women, with two central focuses: family and personal goals.

#### **2. Materials and Methods 2. Materials and Methods**

This article reviews the selected results regarding the migration‐labor axis from a broad qualitative study on the displacement of Afro‐Colombian women to the Antofa‐ gasta region of Chile, and the psychosocial and emotional implications of their integration This article reviews the selected results regarding the migration-labor axis from a broad qualitative study on the displacement of Afro-Colombian women to the Antofagasta region of Chile, and the psychosocial and emotional implications of their integration into the workplace.

into the workplace. In this article, we review the selected results regarding the migration‐labor axis from a broad qualitative study on the displacement of Afro‐Colombian women to the Antofa‐ gasta region of Chile, and the psychosocial and emotional implications of their integration into the workplace. The expanded research collects the experiences of men and women aged 18 to 60 years old (see Table 1.), especially based on the motivations of migration and how they have been received in both work and study spaces, in the case of the youngest. In this article, we review the selected results regarding the migration-labor axis from a broad qualitative study on the displacement of Afro-Colombian women to the Antofagasta region of Chile, and the psychosocial and emotional implications of their integration into the workplace. The expanded research collects the experiences of men and women aged 18 to 60 years old (see Table 1), especially based on the motivations of migration and how they have been received in both work and study spaces, in the case of the youngest.


We have decided to focus this article on the women, migration, and work axis, since **Table 1.** Afro-Colombian women participating in the research.

We have decided to focus this article on the women, migration, and work axis, since the Afro-Colombian women group in particular has suffered discrimination. We observe that the studied region, Antofagasta, has been culturally characterized by preserving a **Code Age**

**partici‐ pants**

hierarchical and androcentric base in terms of work and gender, possibly due to its roots in mining work, in which men largely predominate. **tic Service** 1 Betty 40 √ Antioquia

**Unskilled Occasional, and Informal Work**

**City of Origin (in Colombia) Minor, Unskilled,**

*Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health* **2021**, *18*, x 5 of 16

**Table 1.** Afro‐Colombian women participating in the research.

**Day Laborer, Domes‐**

**Occupation**

This research was framed in a qualitative methodology, and the interpretative analyses were based on the experiences obtained from four conversation groups of six people each, and six in-depth interviews. The participants were Colombian women over 18 years of age who were included using the snowball technique. They were contacted in cultural centers and while waiting in lines at the Aliens and Immigration Affairs offices in Antofagasta, Chile. All of the participants signed an informed consent form permitting the use of their information and ensuring their anonymity, and the tool used in the study was evaluated and approved by the Ethics Committee of CONICYT (Comisión Nacional de Investigación Científica y Tecnológica.). Regarding educational level, the majority of the participants reported having completed high school. Regarding marital status, the participants were single, married, or partnered, and had one or more children. Additional interviews were also conducted with key informants who were workers at the regulatory institutions— Aliens and Immigration Affairs—and whose stories served as analytical counterpoints. 2 Tolúa 26 √ Bogotá 3 Aurelia 60 √ Cali 4 Ovia 33 √ Cerritos 5 Cris 30 √ Buenaventura 6 Tina 43 √ Buenaventura 7 Yiam 55 Bolívar 8 Darlis 41 √ Nariño 9 Estrellita 35 √ Bogotá 10 Salomé 43 √ Risaralda 11 Daysi 22 √ Valle del Cauca 12 Mary 27 √ Valle del Cauca

> From the beginning, a good environment to conduct the interviews was challenging to obtain, as the women did not have much free time. These interviews were taken at the end of their work hours, in their free time, in long waiting lines (on the street) at immigration offices, and in places of recreation, such as parks or restaurants on holidays. We were willing to meet where they decided. We managed to meet for an hour and a half per session. From the beginning, a good environment to conduct the interviews was challenging to obtain, as the women did not have much free time. These interviews were taken at the end of their work hours, in their free time, in long waiting lines (on the street) at immigra‐ tion offices, and in places of recreation, such as parks or restaurants on holidays. We were willing to meet where they decided. We managed to meet for an hour and a half per ses‐ sion.

> The interviews were organized based on a set of guide categories, such as (a) life story and reason for migration; (b) experience of the journey and arrival at destination; (c) relationship with residents of the contact countries; and (d) work experiences. The interviews were organized based on a set of guide categories, such as (a) life story and reason for migration; (b) experience of the journey and arrival at destination; (c) relationship with residents of the contact countries; and (d) work experiences.

> All were recorded, after being authorized by the participants, and transcribed by the team. During all the meetings, field notes were taken, which were used as an informative basis for the first analysis. In the analyses, we used the grounded theory proposal, without the application of software, described in the Figure 2. All were recorded, after being authorized by the participants, and transcribed by the team. During all the meetings, field notes were taken, which were used as an informative basis for the first analysis. In the analyses, we used the grounded theory proposal, without the application of software, described in the Figure 2.

**Figure 2.** Global synthesis. The theoretical framework that supports the study. Source: Own elabo‐ **Figure 2.** Global synthesis. The theoretical framework that supports the study. Source: Own elaboration.

ration. The experiences of the women interviewed from these groups gave us information that allowed us to saturate experiences, mainly in the aspects of xenophobia, discrimination, and gender violence. Among the products generated by this research, such as their stories and interviews, the research is synthesized in a documentary, elaborated based on script

workshops carried out with the group of men and women. The final product was delivered to each of the participants as part of the return. script workshops carried out with the group of men and women. The final product was delivered to each of the participants as part of the return. For the analysis of the corpus, we worked according to the grounded theory (GT)

tion, and gender violence. Among the products generated by this research, such as their stories and interviews, the research is synthesized in a documentary, elaborated based on

The experiences of the women interviewed from these groups gave us information

*Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health* **2021**, *18*, x 6 of 16

For the analysis of the corpus, we worked according to the grounded theory (GT) (see Figure 3) of Strauss and Corbin [38], applying a critical and gender perspective [39,40]. (see Figure 3) of Strauss and Corbin [38], applying a critical and gender perspective [39,40].

**Figure 3.** Diagram of the GT analysis process. Source: Own elaboration. **Figure 3.** Diagram of the GT analysis process. Source: Own elaboration.

#### **3. Synthesis of the Interpretative Analysis of the Findings 3. Synthesis of the Interpretative Analysis of the Findings**

The following section presents the main categories of analysis that emerged in this study. These are organized under the Labor Situation of Afro‐Colombian migrant women in northern Chile: Antofagasta axis*,* in which the following categories are identified: (a) work experiences and interpersonal relationships; (b) labor exploitation; and (c) self‐em‐ The following section presents the main categories of analysis that emerged in this study. These are organized under the Labor Situation of Afro-Colombian migrant women in northern Chile: Antofagasta axis, in which the following categories are identified: (a) work experiences and interpersonal relationships; (b) labor exploitation; and (c) self-employment.

#### ployment. *3.1. Work Experiences and Interpersonal Relationships*

*3.1. Work Experiences and Interpersonal Relationships* According to United Nations [41], in the last four decades, there has been a gradual increase in the employment of women, which has modified women's life options, situa‐ tion, and gender position. The demand for women workers in the market is, in turn, linked to the association between domestic work and gender, which has stimulated the migration of women in different parts of the Western world. This movement is more strongly em‐ According to United Nations [41], in the last four decades, there has been a gradual increase in the employment of women, which has modified women's life options, situation, and gender position. The demand for women workers in the market is, in turn, linked to the association between domestic work and gender, which has stimulated the migration of women in different parts of the Western world. This movement is more strongly emphasized in the receiving countries, where the labor supply is permeated by functions associated with the female gender.

phasized in the receiving countries, where the labor supply is permeated by functions associated with the female gender. *A friend told me one day that, in Chile, they paid very well. "So, what do you work on there?" She told me doing cleaning in restaurants. "How much do they pay monthly?" Monthly, they pay her three million pesos! And I, oh, well, I'm going for six months! I'll make money, and I'll return to pay my debts. So, I went ahead, mortgaged my house for A friend told me one day that, in Chile, they paid very well. "So, what do you work on there?" She told me doing cleaning in restaurants. "How much do they pay monthly?" Monthly, they pay her three million pesos! And I, oh, well, I'm going for six months! I'll make money, and I'll return to pay my debts. So, I went ahead, mortgaged my house for six million Chilean pesos, and I came here. When I arrived, how did my friend earn a little money? I am not good at that! I am old and I am embarrassed. In addition, in Chile, what I had to earn was 150,000 pesos. I'm telling you; I regret having come here! I had to work hard, to send the remittance, to pay the mortgage because otherwise, the bank would take my house. I paid it; now I am still working to send the remittance to my children, and for my own savings.* (Aurelia, 60 years old)

In this sense, the massive hiring of immigrant women to perform domestic tasks and sex work accounts for the gender norms and stereotypes in the receiving countries. Likewise, the expectations that they bring with them from their country of origin—namely, that they will send remittances—can correspond to an increasing expansion of their role as main providers, breaking with the traditional position assigned to women-mothershousewives, and with the collective imagination about the opportunities they might have in the receiving country.

*I thought I was going to earn like 100 million pesos (laughs), and when I arrived here, I did not earn anything. In addition, when I arrived here, yikes! This is a desert, it seemed to me, because there in Colombia, everything is green. I cried. I said to myself, "Why did I come here?", but I have to stay! Because if I leave, I lose my house. (Addressing another person in the group) Did you think anything like that? Surely you did not think anything, that the change would be hard. No, you don't think anything. Now you just have to deal with it.* (Tolúa, 26 years old)

In the case of the mobilization of Colombian women, it is observed that, in their sociocultural context, family responsibilities have been reversed, as the women have assumed paid work outside the home, becoming heads of household to improve their family's situation and their own survival. With these cultural modifications, the father has been displaced, and his figure as an absolute provider has become blurred. In contrast, when the participants arrived in Chile, they were forced into a place of subordinate domesticity that was subcontracted but paid. The whole process is linked to intercultural tensions, such as failures in migration laws, delays or high costs associated with processing or obtaining professional titles, documents or contracts that give them labor dignity and security.

*My mother is a very intelligent woman. She told me, "Daughter, why don't you reconsider and leave, instead of staying here, waiting. You will not earn the same as you earned in Spain, but you will earn better than here with all the work you do". So, it was those verbatim words from my mother that prompted me to make the decision. My fear was to leave my children because I have a 15-year-old girl, a 14-year-old boy, and a 7-year-old baby. I thought about protection: who is going to take care of them, you understand? That was my fear; also, fear for the older ones, that they would lose their way alone with my mother. She told me, "Trust, my daughter, that God, me and your sister are not going to let your children lose their way". It was very painful to leave my family* . . . *I know that my mother is very important, my siblings, but to leave my children is to leave my life. Leaving them was the most difficult step I have ever taken.* (Betty, 40 years old)

In this research, we analyzed testimonies of Colombian women, who describe the changes in the meaning of family well-being that are associated with gender advances: they consider themselves to be taking more risks than the Colombian men with whom they are involved, since they go out in search of ways to improve their lives. They also recognize gender differences in the meaning of family well-being. They point out that many men believe that stability, security, and taking few risks is the way out of their situations, while some women seek the stability of a better future for their children through risky actions, for example, by migrating. In doing so, they risk not only gender discrimination, but also ethnic discrimination in a country that retains strongly xenophobic cultural traits.

*People come here with their university studies, and they have not been able to get a job. If you are a university graduate, you will not go to a kitchen to wash dishes for 10,000 a day, because that is why you burned yourself out studying. I, who have not studied, nor the lady there who has not studied, nor the one here who has not studied, we can start washing dishes. It does not hurt us, because we do not have that gift of greatness; we could not go study, and so we start washing dishes.* (Ovia, 33 years old)

According to Tijoux (2007), the presence of the Afro-Latin population in the public sphere questions the normative order based on the belief that, in Chile, there are no people of African descent, and the fiction that this country is a mostly "whitened" society, which makes people of other skin tones, native peoples, and those of mixed Andean races invisible. By ignoring this characterization of the Chilean population, the dark-skinned foreigner shakes up what the population is trying to deny: ethnic/racial origin.

*Here, there are many girls in the nightclubs; they have to make a living. It is because of the way they are treated at work; they are paid very little, they are humiliated a lot, because of their brown skin. So, what they do, they do not have much to think about; they have to earn to survive, to send home. And so, the first way out they saw was that: the nightclub.* (Cris, 30 years old)

In addition, the fear that the "other" will have relationships with Chilean men or women, have children, and "contaminate the blood" is exacerbated. There is a need to whiten bodies to make them more akin to European bodies, those of a "dominant civilization". Thus, according to cultural studies, a hidden racism is inscribed as a prominent feature of Chilean identity [42] (p. 231), a product of the historical reconfiguration of society.
