**1. Introduction**

*Xiud Yax Lus Qim* (*Yalu wang* 亞魯王, literally "Ode to the King Yalu") is a type of oral performance and ritual practice associated with traditional Miao (Hmong) funerals and festivals in southern China. In approximately 20,000 lines, this story narrates the creation of the world and the history of Miao ancestors, centering on the life trajectory of the eighteenth king, Yalu—his success, defeat, exodus, and finally leading a Miao renaissance.<sup>1</sup> *Yalu wang* is circulated in numerous subdialect groups of the Miao ethnic group, but in most cases it appears as scattered fragments and none are as well preserved as that performed by the Mashan subdialect group. The Mashan area is centered in the city of Anshun, Ziyun county in Guizhou province, and also includes parts of Wangmo, Changshun, Luodian, Huishui, and Pingtang counties (See Figure 1). The better preservation of *Yalu wang* in this area can be attributed to its geographical location in a typical karst topography, which for centuries has left its people in a relatively isolated state (Tang 2010, p. 89). As cultural contacts with the outside world have historically been extremely limited, many traditional customs, including the oral performance of *Yalu wang* and its related ritual practices, are well preserved and are still practiced in a more authentic way.

**Citation:** Guo, Chao, Huijuan Hua, and Xiwen Geng. 2021. Incorporating Folk Belief into National Heritage: The Interaction between Ritual Practice and Theatrical Performance in *Xiud Yax Lus Qim* (*Yalu wang*) of the Miao (Hmong) Ethnic Group. *Religions* 12: 899. https://doi.org/ 10.3390/rel12100899

Academic Editor: Xiaohuan Zhao

Received: 29 September 2021 Accepted: 15 October 2021 Published: 19 October 2021

**Publisher's Note:** MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

**Copyright:** © 2021 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

**Figure 1.** Range of the Mashan Region.

Official discourses on *Yalu wang* first emerged in 2009, soon after it was "discovered" by Yu Weiren 余未人 (b. 1942), the then deputy chair of the Chinese Folk Literature and Art Association (CFLAA), through ethnographic fieldwork in southwestern Guizhou. Following the efforts by Chinese Communist Party (CCP) cadres to collect folkloric literature that was launched in Yan'an in the 1940s, and extensively promoted after the foundation of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, earlier scholars of *Yalu wang* quickly defined the text as a "heroic epic" (*yingxiong shishi* 英雄史詩) dating back to 2033–1562 BCE. They made parallels with other well-known ethnic epics, such as those associated with the Tibetan cultural hero King Gesar, the *Jangar* story of the Mongols, and *Manas* of Kyrgyz ethnic groups (*Yalu wang*, pp. I–188).<sup>2</sup> Later, Chao Gejin 朝戈金 (Chao 2012) redefined *Yalu wang* as a "composite epic" (*fuhe shishi* 複合史詩) since it combines "the characteristics of the three sub-types of epics—heroic epic, creation epic, and migration epic—that circulate in China". Chao's argumen<sup>t</sup> broadens the definitional aspects of *Yalu wang*, but is still confined to the specific field of the epic.

It is salient to argue that the official discourses that define *Yalu wang* as an epic (in any form) obviously sugges<sup>t</sup> a type of bias from a literary perspective. With more scholars in other disciplinary fields showing an interest in *Yalu wang*, its ritual aspects have more recently begun to draw greater scholarly focus. Yang Liu 楊柳 (Yang 2016, p. 147), for example, points out that *Yalu wang* is commonly used for the ritual practice of *jangz ghad* (*kailu* 開路, literally "paving the way") at traditional Miao funerals. In the same vein, Xu Xinjian 徐新建 (Xu 2014, p. 81) argues that *Yalu wang* is not limited to a "heroic epic" but is a "combination of oral and ritual performances". As a type of ritual practice, *Yalu wang* uses oral performance as the vehicle for the Miao sorcery belief in ancestral spirits. Because *Yalu wang* is a ritualized performance at Miao funerals, some scholars take *Yalu wang* to be a cultural phenomenon that conveys the cognitive aspects of the ethnic group, and refer to the entire ritual practice of *Yalu wang* as "Yalu culture" (Tang 2012, p. 49; Zhang and Peng 2013, p. 83).

Drawing on the theoretical framework of E.E. Evans-Pritchard, Clyde Kluckhohn, and John Middleton, Zhao Xiaohuan 趙曉寰 (Zhao 2013, pp. 134–35) sheds light on three complementary patterns in the study of *wugu* sorcery (or *wu*-shamanism)—loosely rendered as "black magic"—in China: (1) The explanatory, which uses witchcraft to account for misfortunes; (2) The functionalist, which resorts to witchcraft as a means to release unbearable emotions and as a form of social control; (3) The structural, which is concerned with how witchcraft reflects tensions between different social groups and how it is related to the overall social structure. Confirming that *Yalu wang* is central to the ritual acts embedded in the sorcery beliefs of the Miao, the discussion here examines it within the context of funerals. It takes as a starting point Jack Goody's denial of Durkheim's well-known claim of the "dichotomy of the universe into the sacred and the profane" (Goody 2010, p. 16), where Goody goes on to define ritual as "a category of standardized behaviour (custom)" (ibid., p. 36). Understood as a manifestation of Goody's category of custom, *Yalu wang* can be said to be "the sum-total of certain rules and cultural achievements, [it] embraces ... both Profane and Sacred" (Malinowski 1948a, p. 41). Based on the embrace of the sacred *and* the profane, we observe in *Yalu wang* at least two layers of Miao philosophy. First, the ritual acts of *Yalu wang* are built on the Miao belief in *wugu* sorcery, which, as Goody (2010, p. 36) suggests in a different context, is a type of irrational or nonrational behavior used to handle the affairs after death. Second, it echoes what Richard Schechner (1993, p. 4) refers to as "the efficacy of ritual acts", which, in our case, is achieved by the oral performance of *Yalu wang.* In terms of ritual, then, the performance of *Yalu wang* fulfils its functions on the unity and identity of the ethnic group (ibid., p. 20).

Within the terms of Zhao's threefold framework, the analysis in Section 2 elaborates on the content of *Yalu wang* and the role of *dongb langf* (*donglang* 東郎, chanters of *Yalu wang*), disclosing their function as the agents bridging the mourners and Miao ancestors at funerals. Section 3 deepens the examination of the cultural connotations behind *Yalu wang*, discussing how the Miao belief in sorcery functions to frame a common history and collective memory that help unite the community and maintain Miao identity in Mashan. Section 4 looks at how this form has dealt with a more intrusive state presence over the past decade, as *Yalu wang* is increasingly and inevitably involved in tensions that have emerged between the local ethnic community, the cultural elite, and state authorities. Bereft of localized features as a manifestation of ethnic knowledge, *Yalu wang* has become a statesanctioned form of "cultural heritage" and a touristic spectacle. The state's endorsement certainly secures resources for its protection and promotion, and ye<sup>t</sup> the engagemen<sup>t</sup> with state power and local governmen<sup>t</sup> also means a certain kind of disfranchising of *Yalu wang*, a situation that leads to a new and pressing need to retain its traditional forms and cultural connotations in the face of dynamic processes of modernization that carry within them both secularization and urbanization.

The data used in this article come from a research trip to Ziyun, Guizhou, in 2021 and fieldwork reports by other scholars, including observations on Miao funerals and interviews with *dongb langf* (Yu 2011; Cao et al. 2012). For convenience, the texts of *Yalu wang* cited here are taken from an edition titled *Xiud Yax Lus Qim*, collected by the CFLAA and published by the Zhonghua Book Company (CFLAA 2011).<sup>3</sup> Using this version for reference does not imply that it can be considered a standardized or definitive form of the text. In fact, there is no single authoritative text; since *Yalu wang* is transmitted orally, the chanting of which is relatively flexible as long as it follows a "main narrative". Within this framework, not only do different individuals have the freedom to alter details, the same *dongb langf* can also include ad lib or improvised elements to vary his performances.

### **2.** *Yalu Wang* **and** *Dongb Langf* **at Funeral Scenes**

Chronologically narrated, the oral performance of *Yalu wang* consists of three major topics—*Xiud yangb luf chef* (*genyuan* 根源, ancestral origins), *Xiud yangb luf qif* (*shengping* 生平, life stories), and *Langb bangb suob* (*puxi* 譜系, the offspring) of Yalu, and finally the chanting comes to the family lineage of the deceased. It can be further subdivided into 11 major parts (CFLAA 2011; Cai 2019, p. 40):<sup>4</sup>

Part 1. Lines 1–1176: Creation of the world by ancestral immortals;

Part 2. Lines 1177–1344: Childhood stories of Yalu;

Part 3. Lines 1345–2870: Battle of Naf Njinb and Pel Jinb. Yalu defeats King Lus Wox, former subordinate of Yalu's father Haed Xix Wus, seizing his land Naf Njinb and Pel Jinb; Part 4. Lines 2871–4020: Battle of the Dragon's Heart. Yalu kills a dragon and obtains its heart. His elder brothers, Saem Yangd and Saem Nblam, are jealous and launch a war. At first, they are defeated by Yalu, but later they use Yalu's consorts, Bob Nim Sangd and Bob Nim Luf, to seize the dragon's heart. Without the dragon's heart, Yalu is defeated and driven away from his territory;

Part 5. Lines 4021–5174: Battle of Salt Wells. Yalu flees and leads his followers to Blak Jongt Yind and finds salt wells there. Saem Yangd and Saem Nblam feel jealous and launch another war. Yalu has to lead his followers across the river to find new places to settle;

Part 6. Lines 5175–8086: Exodus. Yalu leads his followers to flee across 30 places, and finally takes refuge at Heid Buf Dok's kingdom;

Part 7. Lines 8087–9254: Taking Heid Buf Dok's kingdom by strategy. Yalu and Heid Buf Dok have a duel of wits for dominance over the kingdom. Yalu defeats Heid Buf Dok, drives him off, and takes over his land;

Part 8. Lines 9255–10,819: Reconstructing the new kingdom. Yalu leads his followers to construct his new territory, creates the sun and the moon, and orders his 12 sons to conquer 12 lost places so that these places would inherit the Yalu family lineage;

Part 9. Children of Yalu;

Part 10. Grandchildren of Yalu;

Part 11. Family lineage of the deceased.

Due to successive defeats and the forced exodus of Yalu and his clansmen, the oral performance of *Yalu wang* is full of melancholic and grief-stricken motifs, intended deliberately to agitate the collective and affective memory of its audiences. For instance, after the defeat at the Battle of the Dragon's Heart, the text is replete with images of suffering and resilience (CFLAA 2011, lines 3977–3984):

*Yax Lus jex meinl hah doud* (Yalu rides on horseback)

*Yax Lus zod kom hah hlongb* (Yalu wears black iron footwear)

*Yax Lus deib buf dongb nyid lid luok nid lid luok* (Yalu's children cry, boo-hoo boo-hoo)

*Yax Lus deib buf waf nyid lid luf nid lid luf* (Yalu's babies cry, waah-waah waah-waah)

*Yax Lus njengs soab angt fub lwf* (Yalu burns down his homeland, taking field rations along the way)

*Yax Lus njengs rongl angt xongm lwf* (Yalu breaks apart his kingdom, taking glutinous rice on a long journey)

*Yax Lus jongx buf lwf hud heih* (Taking his sorrowful clansmen, Yalu sets out on a long road) *Yax Lus jongx buf lwf heid hul* (Taking his heartbroken followers, Yalu sets out on a long journey)

His two consorts, Box Nim Sangd and Box Nim Luf, who are cheated by Saem Yangd and Saem Nblam, and whose actions lead to Yalu's defeat, voluntarily bring up the rear in order to pay witness to their transgressions (CFLAA 2011, lines 4003–4006):

*Box Nim Sangd deib ntox lah meik rum lah qengl* (Box Nim Sangd's blade becomes blunt and she is tired)

*Box Nim Luf deib mud lah lod rum lah qengl* (Box Nim Luf's spear is broken and she is exhausted) *Box Nim Sand lah hol zad pwl nyod* (Box Nim Sangd falls in a pool of blood)

*Box Nim Luf lah hol zad pwl songx* (Box Nim Luf falls on a pile of bones)

The circular, repetitive structure of these lyrics generates a sense of deep sorrow, which is further enhanced by the mournful melody of the chanting. Generally, the melody of *Yalu wang* simply consists of the notes *mi*, *la*, and *mi2*, and each phrase ends with *la*, either as half notes or crotchets. This conforms to the *yu* mode (*yu diaoshi* 羽調式) in the *gongche* notation (*gongche pu* 工尺譜) method of traditional Chinese music that uses characters to represent notes. The tonic of the *yu* mode melody, *la*, creates a minor mode or scale which is often used to convey sentimental and sorrowful emotions in Chinese music—for instance, in *The Butterfly Lovers* (*Liang Zhu* 梁祝), *The Moon over a Fountain* (*Erquan yingyue* 二泉映 月), and *Autumn Moon over Han Palace* (*Hangong qiuyue* 漢宮秋月). The solemn timbre of the drum and *lusheng* 蘆笙 (a bamboo wind instrument with multiple pipes fitted with free reeds), two typical instruments used for Miao ceremonies and festivals to mediate between the ritual professionals and ancestral spirits, also adds to the mournful emotions of the chanting.

When a Miao dies, their family members fire rifles into the air as a way of signaling their mourning, and then deliver messages to relatives of the same clan. One day before the scheduled date of the funeral, at least 20 to 30, over 100 at most, relatives come to pay

respects to the deceased and offer financial support to the bereaved, before listening to the chanting of *Yalu wang* at the wake (Tang 2010, pp. 92–94; Tang 2012, p. 49). These funerary rituals are not only confined to China. In the Hmong community in the United States, for example, what is referred to as a "traditional full-service funeral" is still partly preserved (Xiong et al. 2020, pp. 2–3, 7–8).<sup>5</sup> While the details of a Miao funeral may vary according to the cause of death and economic status of the deceased, *Yalu wang* is the constant core that is chanted in turn by a group of four to eight *dongb langf* at the *jangz ghad* ritual, which often lasts from the sunset of the funeral ceremony to the following dawn when relatives carry the coffin onto the mountain for burial. The funeral scene suggests *dongb langf*'s identity as a type of ritual professional, whose *mana*, or communicable supernatural power, is not an endowment, but comes from "reference to ancestors and culture heroes" (Malinowski 1948a, p. 55)—in our case, the ability to chant the story of Yalu. Among their number are "big *dongb langf* " and "little *dongb langf* ", categorized as such by the amount of *Yalu wang* they have learned. An extremely experienced big *dongb langf*, who is able to chant the full *Yalu wang*, is a necessity for funerals, and is for this reason often considered to be the elder in local society (Yu 2014, p. 304).

Another type of shaman-like ritual professional, other than *dongb langf*, is *bot muf* (*baomu* 寶目). Only able to chant fragments of *Yalu wang* (Yu 2014, p. 303), they primarily use the words as curses in exorcising or divining witchcraft (Yang 2015, p. 77; Tang 2012, p. 48). The identities of *dongb langf* and *bot muf* sometimes overlap: *dongb langf* can perform *bot muf*'s exorcising and divining roles, but *bot muf* cannot preside over funeral rituals in place of *dongb langf*. Further, *dongb langf* commonly receive no paymen<sup>t</sup> for their performance at funerals, and are only given "half or one kilo of meat, a few kilos of rice, and some glutinous rice" (Xu 2011b, p. 270) as a present; meanwhile, *bot muf* often receive paymen<sup>t</sup> for exorcising or divining witchcraft. Currently, however, the host family also reimburses *dongb langf*'s work in the form of a cash renumeration. Around 2010, the rate of each *dongb langf* in Zongdi was 120 CNY (Tang 2012, p. 55).<sup>6</sup>
