**3. Composite Texts: The Saints Trilogy as Multi-Layered Hagiographies**

Deng's "building blocks", so to speak, were drawn from Daoist canonical and apocryphal texts, Buddhist sutras, *biji* anecdotes, liturgies, and literary works, among many other sources. In the *Trilogy*'s ambitious attempt to standardize the multifaceted myth-cycles of Xu Xun, Lü Dongbin, and Sa Shoujian, Deng had to negotiate the different, and sometimes contradictory, aspects of the immortals' reverence, and their relationships with the ritual practices that came to be associated with their persona. One of the major challenges in this endeavour was molding diverse materials into long "vernacular" prose narrative-texts (*xiaoshuo*). Furthermore, beyond the challenges of consolidating texts of different genres into one uniform mode of narration, Deng had to contend with the episodic nature of his source-material in order to create a single, continuous plot. Although echoes of this episodic division loom large in the *Trilogy*, it breaks new ground in the context of the immortals' hagiographic traditions by creating a unified thread of causally connected moments. The tie that binds this sequence of events into a cohesive narrative is an underlying notion of predestination (*yuan* ), rooted in moral causality and steered by a divine concern for the wellbeing of humanity.

The travels of Lü Dongbin in *The Flying Sword* provide a convenient canvas to display numerous legends and personas that came to be associated with his icon, from the immortal bard traveling in disguise to the intoxicated miracle-worker. Lü Dongbin's quest to deliver the people he meets offers a causal framework to these otherwise unrelated episodes, as well as the rationale for his travels. In terms of its multitextuality, *The Flying Sword* presents a rich tapestry of poems, folktales, local lore, and instructions for inner alchemy. Lü Dongbin's famous conversion tale, known as the "Yellow Millet Dream" (*huangliang meng* -), is incorporated into Chapter 2 of *The Flying Sword*, following Lü's encounter with his master Zhongli Quan in a tavern.<sup>16</sup> Although Lü is eager to devote himself to spiritual cultivation, Zhongli Quan is concerned about Lü's worldly attachments, and poses seven tests, which Lü passes successfully. The following chapters depict Zhongli instructing Lü Dongbin in methods of external and internal alchemy (*waidan* - and *neidan* , respectfully). *The Flying Sword* draws on canonical and apocryphal sources, particularly Zhang Boduan's *Wuzhenpian* and texts from the Zhong-Lü school, which exerted immense influence on Quanzhen Daoism. The conversations between Zhongli Quan and Lü Dongbin in Chapter 3, for instance, draw heavily on the *Zhong-Lü chuan dao ji* -- (DZ 263).<sup>17</sup>

Moreover, the narrative of *The Flying Sword* is dotted with poems attributed to Lü Dongbin (supposedly revealed through spirit writing) that have been previously included in anthologies such as *Quan Tang shi* - and *Lüzu zhi* .<sup>18</sup> Beyond the central concern of self-cultivation through inner alchemy, the poems attributed

to Lü Dongbin, in *The Flying Sword* as elsewhere, also celebrate the carefree life of the roaming immortal bard and invoke the trope of "recognizing the immortal". Lü's travels provide numerous opportunities to ruminate about the elusive presence of the immortal in our midst. *The Flying Sword* recounts Lü Dongbin's recurring frustration as none whom he meets recognizes him. Upon visiting the Yueyang Tower (Yueyang lou -) in Chapter 10, Lü composes the following poem:

In the morning I travel to Beihai, in the evening to Cangwu, Courageous and irascible, a green snake in my sleeve.<sup>19</sup> Thrice I was intoxicated in Yueyang [but] no one recognized me, Thus I fly across Dongting Lake.

This poem, one of the oldest and most famous verses attributed to Lü Dongbin, appeared with slight variations in numerous sources since the Northern Song Dynasty, including the *Mengzhai bitan* - and the *Yang wengong tanyuan* - , according to which this poem was inscribed on the Yueyang Tower itself. During the Ming, this poem also appeared in several poetry anthologies, gazetteers, the Daoist canon, and other *xiaoshuo* narrative-texts.<sup>20</sup> The Yueyang Tower features prominently in Lü's hagiographical tradition; the earliest extant full-length hagiography of Lü Dongbin, included in the *Yueyang fengtu ji* (1104) by Fan Zhiming - , not only describes his ancestral origins, his career, and his trademark swords, but also offers a detailed description of a portrait of Lü which—according to this account—was commissioned by the Prefect of Yueyang (supposedly during a visit by Lü Dongbin) and which hanged in the Yueyang Tower for public viewing (Ang 1997, p. 482; Baldrian-Hussein 1986, pp. 141–43, 155, 160; Fan 1104, p. 3; Katz 1999, p. 60). In addition, the earliest extant "autobiography" of Lü, recorded in the *Nenggai zhai manlu* - - by Wu Zeng (fl. 1127–1160), was inscribed on stone in Yueyang.

Notwithstanding Deng's reliance on pre-existing sources in composing *The Flying Sword*, the cinematic dramatization of Lü Dongbin's practicing in reclusion provides a descriptive resonance to Lü's cultivation efforts. In other words, Deng's descriptive language parallels the inner alchemical methods that have been associated with Lü's iconic figure. Engaged in meditation in a picturesque mountainside, as the coils of incense smoke engulf him, the natural landscape and the passage of time mirror Lü's meditation. The scene reaches its zenith with an abridged version of one of the most renown and frequently quoted inner alchemical poems attributed to Lü Dongbin, *Yüfu ci* - - .<sup>21</sup> Remarkably, inner alchemy is not only described directly as a method for attaining immortality and alluded to in the description of the setting, but it is also corporealized in the narrative of *The Flying Sword*. The balancing of yin and yang, often referred to in inner alchemical discourse as the harnessing of the dragon and tiger, is embodied in Chapter 4 of *The Flying Sword* through Lü Dongbin's subjugation of an actual dragon and tiger with a pair of precious swords entrusted to him by a mysterious monk.<sup>22</sup>

Alas, Lü Dongbin loses one of these magical swords (significantly, the male sword) already in the following chapter, Chapter 5, which combines two popular story-cycles in the Lü Dongbin lore: his erotic relationship with Bai Mudan and his dispute with a Chan monk known as Yellow Dragon (Eskildsen 2008, pp. 33–35; Wu 2007, pp. 585–604; Zhang 2006, pp. 193–229). The first half of the chapter describes Lü Dongbin's seduction of Bai Mudan, an elite young woman. In this iteration of the story, Lü Dongbin uses sexual intercourse to extract the yin force from Bai Mudan in order to use it for attainment of immortality, a method known in Daoism as "cooperative cultivation" (*shuangxiu* ), which gradually drains Bai Mudan of vitality. A Chan monk, Yellow Dragon, realizes the reason for her physical decline and confronts Lü Dongbin. In pre-existing sources, the dispute between Lü and the monk received different interpretations by Buddhists (wherein Lü Dongbin is converted to Buddhism) and Daoists

(wherein Lü wins the argumen<sup>t</sup> against the Yellow Dragon). *The Flying Sword* shows the Chan monk gaining the upper hand and confiscating one of Lü Dongbin's previous swords. Yet, the narrative frames this scene not as a victory for Buddhism, but rather as another step in Lü Dongbin's path toward (Daoist) attainment, wherein the Buddhist monk joins a line of teachers and divinities that guide Lü toward his predestined re-ascension, in keeping with the notion of Three Teachings that permeates the *Saints Trilogy*.

Even as the three protagonists of the *Trilogy* are presented as Daoist adepts, and the books repeatedly argue for the supremacy of Daoism, Deng Zhimo often draws on other traditions, particularly Buddhism. For instance, in *The Enchanted Date*, Sa Shoujian's spiritual path is frequently viewed through Buddhist lenses. In Chapter 3, as Sa decides to withdraw from society to devote himself to ascetic cultivation, he chants the apocryphal "Leather Bag Song" (*Tan pinang di yu* -) and the *Heart Sutra*, both quoted in full.<sup>23</sup> The incorporation of the *Heart Sutra* here brings to mind Chapter 19 of *Journey to the West* (Bantly 1989; Hui 2015). Whether or not Deng Zhimo attempted to tap the success of this masterpiece, unlike the allegorical significance of the *Heart Sutra* in *Journey to the West*, the sutra seems to be used in *The Enchanted Date* simply to stress Sa's complete withdrawal from human society. The narrative expounds on Sa Shoujian's devotion to the path (*jingxin xiuxing* -) but it does not delve into a philosophical discussion on emptiness. Instead, the narrative swiftly turns to focus on Sa's encounter with the three Daoist masters from whom he receives the tools he uses throughout the narrative to help others: a fan to cure illnesses, a date to resolve hunger, and Thunder Rites (*leifa* ) to vanquish demons. The cinematic depictions of Sa Shoujian's successful uses of Thunder Rites to exorcize malevolent demons, particularly in Chapters 4, 7, and 10, not only allude to the ritual context that informed the narrative but are also noteworthy here for their potentially instructional functions. Sa's final steps toward attainment are likewise colored by a combination of Daoist and Buddhist motifs. In Chapter 14, after Sa Shoujian completes a revelatory tour of the netherworld, he returns to the human realm to perform a rite to feed hungry souls. Although the ten-day sacrificial ceremony Sa organizes is conducted by Daoist priests, it echoes Yulanpen - ritual practices (Teiser 1986, pp. 47–67) and features the bodhisattva Guanyin, who appears disguised as a demon king in order to draw General Ma's *samadhi ¯* fire away from the offerings for the deceased so that the souls of the dead would be able to feast on them (Durand-Dastès 2016, pp. 53–56). The late-Ming discourse on the Three Teachings, permeating contemporaneous narrative texts, looms large in this melange of Daoist and Buddhist elements and its underlying reification of the kinship system.

Among the three books of the *Trilogy*, *The Iron Tree* relies most heavily on Daoist doctrinal texts. Deng seems to draw particularly heavily on the abovementioned Xu Xun hagiography by Bai Yuchan that describes his reverence from both doctrinal and popular perspectives.<sup>24</sup> In his influencial hagiography of Xu Xun, Bai Yuchan not only surveys the history of the Xu Xun cult but also describes its rituals and processions. Furthermore, in essays recounting his personal experiences in Xishan, Bai describes popular reverence and temple murals that presented visitors with pictorial hagiographies of Xu Xun. An expert in the pursuit of Daoist immortality, particularly through inner alchemy, and an enthusiastic follower of the Xu Xun cult who made a pilgrimage to his cult center in Jiangxi, Bai Yuchan offers invaluable accounts of Xu Xun reverence during his time.<sup>25</sup>

Another crucial source for the composition of *The Iron Tree* is the canonical *Xishan Xu zhenjun bashiwu hua lu* ("The Eighty-Five Transformations of the Perfected Xu of Xishan"; hereafter *Eighty-Five Transformations*), which parses the life of Xu Xun into eighty-five brief episodes (*hua* -)**,** each accompanied by a heptasyllabic poem.<sup>26</sup> *The Iron Tree* draws heavily on the content of this text and sometimes quotes it verbatim, but it radically transforms its mode of presentation. A clear example of this multi-

textuality is the episodes introducing Xu Xun's spiritual progenitors, Langong and Chenmu, in Chapters 2 and 3. Langong and Chenmu were featured in the Xu Xun cycle since the Tang Dynasty at the latest and appear to have been also revered independently (Liu 1985).<sup>27</sup> In *The Iron Tree*, the biographies of Langong and Chenmu are incorporated into Xu Xun's "prehistory", setting the stage for his appearance in Chapter 4. Langong and Chenmu are portrayed as virtuous adepts who are tasked with transmitting to Xu Xun the sacred teachings that will eventually enable him to subjugate the Dragon of Poyang Lake, a mission he is destined to accomplish later in the narrative, and which earns him divine canonization. Establishing this line of transmission is a key component in most Xu Xun hagiographies, including *The Iron Tree*. The biographical information of Langong and Chenmu and their roles in the chain of transmission in Chapters 2 and 3 is identical to that of the *Eighty-Five Transformations*, but in *The Iron Tree* they are described in vivid detail and some aspects of their lore receive more treatment than others.

However, Deng's contribution here is not limited to stylization stemming from the shift in the mode of writing, but it is also a grea<sup>t</sup> feat of intertextuality that aims to consolidate disparate aspects of the Xu Xun cult. In *The Iron Tree*, Deng makes some important modifications to the episode from *Eighty-Five Transformations* that tie it closely to other texts in the Xu Xun lore. For instance, the teaching that the divine envoy Xiaotiwang transmits to Langong is mentioned laconically in the *Eighty-Five Transformations* as the "precious scripture of golden cinnabar, copper talisman, and iron scrolls" (*Jindan baojing tongfu tiejuan* --), without divulging anything about its contents or origins. Although previous hagiographies of Xu Xun have already mentioned this scripture by name, *The Iron Tree* is the first to directly link this mysterious teaching to the content of a doctrinal text bearing the title *Tongfu tiejuan* (included in the *Daozang tiyao* - and the *Zangwai daoshu* -). Roughly four quarters of the teaching which is recorded in Chapters 2 and 3 of *The Iron Tree* as the *Tongfu tiejuan* is nearly identical to the doctrinal text bearing this title.

*The Iron Tree* makes a few additional modifications to the episode. Here, Langong also receives from Xiaotiwang "formulas of the immortals" (*xianjia miaojue* ), "upper clarity spirit manuscript" (*shangqing lingcao* -), and the method of "flying steps for vanquishing demons" (*feibu zhanxie zhi fa* ). While the first two are rather generic terms, the latter relates to a specific method that has become closely associated with Xu Xun and Jingming Daoism, recorded in the anonymous Song dynasty *Jingming dongshen shangpin jing* - (DZ 1103). Additionally, Deng drops the prophetic heptasyllabic regulated poem that concludes the episode in the *Eighty-Five Transformations*, which focused on Langong's role as transmitter of divine teachings, and instead adds an original heptasyllabic *ci* poem, intoned by Xiaotiwang as he floats away on auspicious clouds, extoling self-cultivation through inner alchemy. *The Iron Tree* goes on to describe Langong studying the scriptures and successfully using the exorcistic methods he had received to subjugate a dangerous dragon, thus demonstrating the efficacy of the teachings. This scene foreshadows Xu Xun's most iconic feat of exorcism at the end of the book—the subjugation of the Dragon of Poyang Lake in the penultimate chapter of *The Iron Tree*.

This iconic scene, a cornerstone of Xu Xun reverence, harks back to his role as a water deity in the early stages of his myth-making. In terms of its textual composition, it is a particularly layered episode. Xu Xun's pursuit of the dragon serves as an effective narrative device, occupying six chapters, or nearly half of *The Iron Tree*. After a series of adventurous, shapeshifting chases, Xu Xun and his acolytes manage to overpower the dragon and tie it to an iron pillar, which they position in a well in Xu's hometown of Yuzhang, along with an exorcistic incantation (*zhu* ), which is also recorded verbatim in several other Xu Xun hagiographies:28

If the iron tree blooms, and this demon will revive, I shall return.

If the iron tree follows the right path, this demon will be subdued forever. Water demons are now expelled from this site, towns and villages need not worry.

The scene goes on to quote a poem by Wu Quanjie of the Yuan and a record (*ji* ) which reads:

The iron tree controls the streams, in ten thousand years it will never rest.

(If) the world is in chaos, this place will have nothing to worry about.

(If) a drought pervades the land, this place will receive ample (rain).

The chapter furthermore describes Xu Xun leaving behind a host of other charms and demon-suppressing talismans: he casts an iron talisman (*fu* -) into Poyang Lake, places an iron cap on Luling yuan Pond , and erects a "pacifying office" on the top of Mount Tiaoyao , all of which echo local legends about Xu and his "traces" in Jiangxi. Due to the importance of this episode in the Xu Xun lore, it is not surprising that it takes center stage in Deng Zhimo's *The Iron Tree*, where it serves as a rite of passage. Xu Xun's subjugation of the dragon proves his efficacy as an exorcist on the one hand, and allegorically alludes to his mastering of inner alchemical self-cultivation on the other hand, thus demonstrating his worthiness of divine canonization (in the following chapter), in keeping with the *Trilogy*'s hagiographic vision of the immortal-saint. Deng's intertextual practices in *The Iron Tree* not only provided unprecedented access to specialized materials that have hitherto been the purview of a limited circle of readers, but also resituated them within the history of Xu Xun and his cultic lineage, and offered his own interpretation of these teachings for a general, non-specialist readership.

Lastly, it is important to reiterate that while most of the materials that Deng incorporated into the *Saints Trilogy* were reworked into *xiaoshuo* prose, the *Trilogy* is also dotted with excerpts quoted verbatim, such as admonitions (*xun* ), charms and talismans (*fu* -, *zhen* ), spells (*zhou* ), curses (*zhu* ), poems by famous men-ofletters, Buddhist sutras, and instructions for inner alchemy. One notable example of this textual conglomeration is the final chapter of *The Iron Tree* depicting Xu Xun's ascendance, which includes divine memorials (*zou* ), proclamations (*xuanzhao* ), and the "Longsha Prophecy" (*longsha chen* ), predicting Xu Xun's re-emergence in the seventeenth century. This textual tapestry would not have been possible without the access to a wide range of texts that Deng Zhimo possessed in his role as an editor and a de facto "house writer" of the Cuiqing tang publishing house (Bai 2005; Chia 2002; Lowry 2003, 2005). In this sense, the multitextuality of the *Trilogy* should also be understood in light of late Ming book culture that ushered a new era of experimentation with the *xiaoshuo* writing mode.

### **4. The** *Trilogy* **in the World of Late Ming Publishing**

In the course of his career, Deng produced over thirty works for mass publication, the vast majority of which consisted of anthologies and guidebooks at a time when such compilations were in grea<sup>t</sup> demand and extremely profitable (Miao 2000, pp. 223–24; Ko 1994, pp. 34–44). Among the works Deng produced are literary anthologies, encyclopedic guides, collections of letters, and narrative texts. Chia notes that Deng's compilations demonstrate "his marketable skill as a quick producer of entertaining middle-brow pieces that sold well in the book markets, especially if they were packaged with some care" (Chia 2002, pp. 160–61). Despite Deng's attentiveness to the demands of the book market, like many of his peers, he considered his work as producer of knowledge as a moral obligation to society. As a "journeyman-editor", as Lowry refers to him, he was keenly aware of the possibilities associated with his position as a propagator of information on a large scale (Lowry 2005, pp. 40–41). The didactic tone that permeates the *Saints Trilogy* is in keeping with that of Deng's other projects, as well as that of contemporaneous works.

Deng's position as writer-editor expanded his personal and professional social network across Jiangxi, Fujian, and the Jiangnan region, and provided him with access to a swath of materials. The anthologies he compiled, or collaborated on with colleagues at the Cuiqing tang, demonstrate Deng's extensive learning and the range of texts within his reach. Among the *leishu* that Deng produced, particularly noteworthy here is *Pangxun siliu gushi yuan* , on which he collaborated with Yu Yingqiu - (Chia 2002, pp. 235–36). This compilation, which was published in 1617 by the Side tang - publishing house, covers an extensive array of subjects, from astronomy and geography to fashion and plants, mirroring the scope of contemporaneous encyclopedias (Shang 2003, 2005). Volume 8 of this work includes hagiographic sketches of buddhas and immortals (*xianfo* ), deities (*shenxian* ), Buddhists (*fanshi* ), and spirits (*guishen* - ) that allude to and quote from the classics, Buddhist sutras, and anthologies such as *Shenxian zhuan, Liexian zhuan,* and *Soushen ji*.

The *Saints Trilogy* reflects Deng's skills as compiler-cum-writer while betraying his personal engagemen<sup>t</sup> with the source material. Deng stresses the veracity of the *Trilogy* by describing the three books as the fruit of meticulous research. In his closing remark at the end of *The Iron Tree*, Deng writes that because he was interested in the way (Dao) of Xu Xun, he "researched the [immortal's] traces, sought and gathered the remnants [of his life], and fused them together to create this book". As he states, the three books should not be regarded merely as historical or hagiographical records of the protagonists' traditions, but rather, as forming living bridges between the readers and the immortals, whose enduring presence in this world is stressed throughout the *Trilogy*. In his preface to *The Flying Sword*, Deng writes:

"How to see Patriarch Lü? It is by collating the traces of his life (*yishi* ) and his poetry, wherein the patriarch's own voice is preserved. I believe Patriarch Lü is present in his poetry. In the past, Sima Ziwei - [Sima Chengzheng, 647–735] studied the *Master Concealed in Heaven* [*Tianyin zi* -, DZ 1026] for three years, and received the teachings by which to test those who seek the Dao. Every chapter can be verified. How would it be possible that Patriarch Lü won't reveal himself to those who seek the Dao like Master Sima? To those who admire Lü, he will appear in a dream. If one admires Lü through the real traces of his life and by reciting his poetry, this would be like encountering Patriarch Lü himself. Therefore, it is impossible not to read this compilation (*ji* ). I named this compilation *The Flying Sword*".

Deng's prefaces also tie the enduring presence of the immortals in our world with the relevance and usefulness of his books. In his preface to *The Iron Tree*, he argues that:

"Although the Jin [i.e., the era of Xu Xun] is far removed from our current generation in the Ming, the immortal [Xu Xun] repeatedly emerges to protect the country, thus in this era the iron tree is still glorious and illuminous. This narrative (*ji* ) that I composed is not superficial [i.e., not false]!"

If Deng Zhimo's prefaces and concluding remarks are to be taken at face value, as I believe they should be, they sugges<sup>t</sup> that he conceived of the *Saints Trilogy* as informative vehicles for broadcasting his own understanding of the immortals' figures and cults. One might logically argue that Deng's truth claims could be dismissed as either advertisements or authorial practices in late Ming literature that toy with notions of truth and fictionality. However, in presenting the *Saints Trilogy* as contributing to, and consciously engaging with, the hagiographical traditions of Xu Xun, Lü Dongbin, and Sa Shoujian, Deng Zhimo's prefaces strongly echo those of canonical hagiographies. A strikingly similar tone can be found, for instance, in the preface of the Yuan-era Quanzhen master Miao Shanshi to his hagiographical composition devoted to Lü Dongbin, titled *Chunyang dijun shenhua miaotong ji* - - (DZ 305).

In this respect, I argue that we should read Deng's truth claims in light of the conventions of hagiographical writing that informed his work on the *Trilogy*. The *Trilogy* should also be understood in light of the historiographical and biographical tendencies of seventeenth-century *xiaoshuo* writing practices that render them almost akin to anthologies (Hegel 1977, p. 130). Considering that the late Ming "vernacular" *xiaoshuo* mode is firmly rooted in historical discourse (Berg 2003, pp. 176–78), Deng's choice of this form of writing is not out of the ordinary, and in many ways represents the norm rather than the exception.

Yet it is important to note that the *Trilogy*, which positions itself squarely within the realms of hagiography and reverence, took part in a broader wave of commercially published narratives celebrating the lives of gods and immortals that were in vogue around the turn of the seventeenth century, particularly in south-east China. Notable examples of works in this group include *Han Xiangzi Quanzhuan* -- by the writer-publisher Yang Erzeng -, as well as several narratives published (and likely co-authored) by the prolific publisher Yu Xiangdou , among other examples from the period (Bai 2005; Ganany 2018; Shahar 1998; Yang 2007). These books share a similar format and narration style, a preoccupation with spiritual realization, and a trove of common motifs. Much like Deng Zhimo's *Saints Trilogy*, Wanli-era hagiographic narratives are focused on the life and cult of a single figure. Although these books vary significantly in quality of writing and were clearly put together with profit in mind, they represent a shared attempt to standardize and propagate the reverence of popular cultural icons. Furthermore, contemporaneous hagiographic narrative texts display a range of intertextual practices, some showing resemblance to Deng's *Trilogy*. The *Han Xiangzi Quanzhuan*, which Clart describes as "a didactic novel that teaches the superiority of Daoism over Confucianism and provides quite practical lessons in Daoist cultivation" (Yang 2007, pp. xxii–xxiv), is likewise a multilayered narrative that functions simultaneously as a hagiography and an introduction to inner alchemy. Its composition is evidently informed by Yang Erzeng's other editorial and anthologizing projects, which also included two other Daoist works (the hagiographical anthology *Xianyuan jishi* - and the doctrinal *Xu zhenjun jingming zongjiao lu* -). Contemporaneous hagiographic narratives, such as the abovementioned *Tale of the Eight Immortals* produced by Yu Xiangdou, not only offered entertaining retellings of the protagonists' lives, but also supplemented them with appendices that included canonical texts, news about local temples, dedications to donors, messages from the immortals (revealed through spirit writing), and detailed instructions for ritual practices (Ganany 2018, pp. 57–64).
