**4. The Augustale**

This coin is made with gold at 20.5 carats, weighs between 5.24 and 5.29 g (between 2.63 and 2.65 g in the mezzo augustale version), and has a diameter of 20 mm. It was directly commissioned by Frederick II and was minted in Messina and Brindisi from 1231 to 1250. On the reverse side, FRIDERICVS is inscribed and the image of an eagle, the symbol of the empire, is found. On the obverse side, IMP(ERATOR) ROM(ANORUM) CESAR AVG(VSTVS) is inscribed and the royal image is found. The king is in half bust, in profile position, and he has short hair and is clean shaven. Moreover, he wears a paludament and a laurel wreath as well as an ancient Roman emperor (Figure 3). Iconographic affinities have been highlighted with the coins of the Carolingian Emperors Charlemagne and Louis the Pious but also of the Roman Emperors Constantine and, above all, Augustus. Certainly, symbols of power, attires, and physical features perfectly imitate that of an ancient Roman emperor (about the augustale, see: [22] (Volume 18, p. 196), [24], [1] (pp. 209–210 and pp. 705–711), [25], [23] (p. 195), [14] (pp. 73–74), [26] (pp. 70–74), [5] (p. 272), [27], [9] (pp. 634–636), [28], [17] (Volume 2, pp. 54–56, cards III.A.2–6)).

**Figure 3.** Augustale of Frederick II of Hohenstaufen, obverse and reverse sides of a gold coin, 1231–1250. Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Collezione Fiorelli, no. 1127. Image published in [12] (Figure 23).

From a stylistic point of view, this coin is one of the best in all of the Middle Ages, it pays special attention to the figurative details, and the royal image is clear and legible. It particularly impressed the contemporaries (who quoted and described it in their chronicles), and its iconographic accuracy has, in the past, led modern historians to consider the royal image to be a portrait of Frederick II (although, now this interpretation cannot be followed). Moreover, this coin was conceived as a commercial currency with high value and international circulation, but it also had a very practical use (facilitated by the minting of the mezzo augustale). The augustale was part of a specific monetary policy that, in

comparison with previous periods, tried to impose a royal monopoly in matters of coinage and intensify the circulation of moneys in the Kingdom of Sicily. These coins were minted in substantial quantity (we still preserve 334 augustali and 88 mezzi augustali), and they circulated far beyond the lands of Southern Italy: specimens have been found in France (in particular, in Poitiers), in England, in Northern Italy, in southwestern Germany, and in Syria. Moreover, they were used even after Frederick II's death. In short, although augustali circulated together with coins without the royal figure, they could play a significant role in spreading Frederick II's official image in contemporary society (about that, see: [12] (pp. 91–93) with more details and bibliographic references. About Frederick II's monetary policy, see: [21] (pp. 103–108), [29–34]).

As said, images on coins mainly had a legal function, but, in the case of the augustale, we can also attribute a specific political function to the royal figure. Indeed, it probably played a role in strengthening the social bond between the ruler and his subjects. Moreover, its written text and iconography displayed and celebrated a fundamental aspect of Frederick II's political ideology: the renovatio imperii, namely the connection between the German Holy Roman Empire and the Ancient Roman Empire. However, the conception and realization of the augustale was placed in the peaceful and politically quiet period that followed the treaty of San Germano (23 July 1230). In this historical context, the royal image on this coin also having a propagandistic function does not seem plausible (about that, see: [12] (pp. 93–94) with more details and bibliographic references. For more information about Frederick II's renovatio imperii, see: [35]).

#### **5. The Statue of the Capua Gate**

In 1234, Frederick II ordered the edification of a monumental gate on the bridge of the Volturno River that gave access to the city of Capua (the building was finished in 1239/1240 but, perhaps, the decoration lasted until 1247). Currently, this building has been dismantled (Figure 4), but, thanks to previous written and graphic evidence, figuring out the original structure and decoration of the gate is possible. It consisted of two towers connected with an arch decorated with numerous statues in marble (probably in part recovered in ancient monuments), sculptures that celebrated the imperial triumphs, and inscriptions that clarified the meaning of the iconographic apparatus. In particular, the external façade had, in the upper part, a loggia and, below this, the imperial statue. It was located within a niche, flanked by two other effigies (possibly, Diana and Apollo) and, probably, combined with the inscription: "Quam miseros facio quos variare scio!" (How miserable I make those whom I know that they err!). At the top and sides of the fornix of the arch, three other niches with as many busts were found. They have been identified with the allegorical representation of justice (combined with the inscription: "Cesaris imperio regni concordia fio" (By order of the Cesar, I am built to keep the Kingdom)) and two judges (individually combined with the inscriptions: "Intrent securi qui querunt vivere puri" (Enter safely those who wish to live honestly) and "Infidus excludi timeat vel carcere trudi" (Fear to stay out or to be thrown into prison who is hostile)). However, more recently, a new proposition suggests that, probably, at the top of the fornix was not a statue but only the inscription, as if the door itself spoke (about the Capua Gate and its decoration, see at least: [36] (with previous bibliography), [37], [38] (pp. 225–302), [8] (pp. 366–368, cards V.5-7), [9] (pp. 752–755), [17] (Volume 2, pp. 149–160, cards IV.C.1-15 by L. Speciale), [39] (Chapter 7, *Potere e immagine: la Porta di Capua*, pp. 171–210 and Chapter 8, Vivit et non vivit. *Il mito e lo specchio. Francesco Daniele e la vera storia del Gesso Solari*, pp. 211–240), [12] (pp. 94–98) with more details and a new interpretation).

The decoration of the Capua Gate staged one of the most important aspects of Frederick II's political ideology: the Iustitia Caesaris. Namely, the gate represented the king while he carried out his duties as a judge for the good of his subjects and the whole kingdom. This role was inextricably intertwined with that of being king as lex animata in terris, namely the king authorized to legislate in order to achieve justice within his domain. In this sense, this building represented a real gateway to a realm that was based on justice, and it materialized

the theoretical conception of power presented in the Prooemium of the *Liber Constitutionum*, a collection of laws enacted by Frederick II in Melfi in September 1231 (about that, see: [12] (p. 99) with more details and bibliographic references. About the aspects of Frederick II's political ideology in particular, see: [40] (passim), [1] (pp. 211–239), [2] (pp. 171–179), [41] (pp. 82–96), [9] (pp. 564–579), [42]. About the *Liber Constitutionum*, see in summary [43]).

**Figure 4.** Capua, bridge of the Volturno River, Capua Gate, current state. Photo taken by the author.

The imperial statue, now decapitated and severely mutilated (Figure 5), was 115 cm high, 64 cm wide, and 49 cm deep. The emperor was sitting on a throne, and he wore a draped cloak laced with a buckle on the right shoulder. The lack of symbols of power and the head makes understanding the iconographic features of the statue difficult. However,historians have connected the whole gate with the ancient imperial triumphal arch, and the statue itself, although stylistically Gothic, imitates the language of the classical sculpture.Hence, we can argue that the cloak possibly represented the paludament of the ancient Roman emperors, as we already saw in the augustali. However, here, the laurel wreath would have been replaced with a sort of spiked crown (perhaps, a sort of radiated diadem of the Roman imperial tradition). Instead, as in the augustali, the face would have been clean shaven and the hair would have been short (about that, see again [12] (p. 98) with more information and bibliographic references).

The statue, although destined to remain stationary in a specific place and positioned in one of the upper registers of the gate (hence, far from the ground), was part of an iconographic scenography of extraordinary and monumental impact. Moreover, the placement in a public space, as a civic gate, provided very wide visibility. Certainly, everyone who passed the bridge noted it, and, indeed, the statue attracted the interest of contemporary chroniclers, who quoted and described it with particular attention in their texts. Capua was the political, religious, economic, and cultural center of a wide territory, and, there, in those years, one of the most important annual fairs of the kingdom had been established. Moreover, Capua was the main city that travelers who, entering the kingdom from the north, came upon, and, most likely, not only Capuan citizens but also merchants, pilgrims, ambassadors, and travelers coming from the other lands of Italy and Europe used the bridge and its gate. In summary, the statue was internationally visible (about Capua in those years, see [44]. About the visibility of the statue, see again [12] (p. 98)).

Regarding the function of Frederick II's statue in the Capua Gate, first, we point out that it played a memorial and celebrative function of the ruler and his role as judge. Moreover, it also had a political role: it admonished and exhorted those who passed through this sort of gate to the kingdom to respect the laws of this country in order to maintain internal harmony. In other words, this sculpture had to arouse and stimulate a sense of justice in its beholders. However, it does not seem possible to also attribute a propagandistic intent towards the imperial adversaries (in particular, the papacy) to the

iconographic program of the gate. The promulgation of the *Liber Constitutionum* was a cause of friction between Frederick II and Pope Gregory IX due to the fact that the latter opposed the royal ius condende legis (about that, see [45]). Nevertheless, it is only in the period between 1239 and 1250 that the relationships between the pope and the emperor degenerated into a bitter conflict and, moreover, the message of the Capua Gate seems to be addressed more to the Sicilian subjects and foreign visitors of the lands of Southern Italy than the papacy (about that, see again [12] (pp. 99–100) with more information and bibliographic references).

**Figure 5.** Headless statue of Frederick II, sculpture, from the façade of the Capua Gate, 1234–1247. Capua, Museo Provinciale Campano. Image published in [12] (Figure 24).

#### **6. The Lost Image of the Imperial Palace in Naples**

Francesco Pipino, a Dominican friar from Bologna, in his *Chronicon* written around 1320 describes this image of Frederick II currently lost (about this image, see: [1] (pp. 336–337 and pp. 534–535), [46] (p. 41), [47] (pp. 333–335), [48] (pp. 24–27), [49], [50] (p. 751), [51] (p. 101), [39] (pp. 196–203)). He states that the image was in the imperial palace of Naples and represented the king seated on the throne together with his chancellor and logothete Pier della Vigna (or, more likely, a generic figure of imperial judge). In front of them were Sicilian subjects asking the ruler to administrate justice while he delegated this task to the judge ("Cujus [namely, Pier della Vigna] quidem singularis familiaritatis apud Imperatorem fuit illud signum insigne, quod in Neapolitano Palatio, Imperatoris et Petri effigies habebantur. Imperator in throno, Petrus in cathedra resiedebat. Populus ad pedes impertoris procumbens, justitiam sibi in causis fieri his versibus innuebat: Caesar amor Legum, Friderice piissime Regum, / Causarum telas nostras resolve querelas. Imperator autem his aliis versibus ad haec videbatur tale dare responsum. Pro vestra lite Censorem juris adite: / Hic est; jura dabit, vel per me danda rogabit. / Vinee cognomen Petrus Judex est sibi nomen. Imperatoris enim figura respiciens ad Populum, digito ad Petrum sermonem dirigere indicabat" [52] (col. 660). About this author and his work, see: [53,54]). Unfortunately, we do not know if the image was a mosaic, a sculpture, or a painting, and we do not have specific information about Frederick II's aspects (in particular, Francesco Pipino does not provide details about the ruler's garments and symbols of power apart from the fact that he sat on a throne). Considering the subject of the image, its location was probably in a courtroom where the compalatius (the royal representative in the city of Naples) administrated justice. For this reason, the image was most likely located in Castel Capuano (about this interpretation, see: [55,56]. About the compalatius, see [57]. About

Castel Capuano in general, see: [58] (pp. 71–78)). The date of the work is also uncertain, but we can assume that Frederick II commissioned this image in the same period when he ordered the construction of the Capua Gate, namely, between 1234 and 1239. Moreover, even if we do not have explicit information about it, it seems plausible that the image had monumental dimensions (perhaps it took up a wall of the courtroom) and quite good visibility. Its beholders, presumably, were participants at the various judicial sessions held within the city (in particular, the compalatius with his assistants and the respective parties involved in the processes) (about that, see: [12] (pp. 100–101) with more details and bibliographic references).

This representation, as the statue of the Capua Gate, referred to some of the most important concepts of the Frederick II's political ideology, as they had been expressed in documents issued by the royal chancellery: the Iustitia Caesaris and, in particular, the notion of a ruler as lex animata in terris (namely, the king as the source of law and the one who transmitted the laws, inspired by God, to humankind). Hence, we can assume that its function was to celebrate Frederick II as a judge and legislator. However, it probably also ensured and legitimized the legal activity of the Neapolitan compalatius. In this sense, the image could have a purely political task: stimulate respect for the local royal official and his legal work. That said, it seems unlikely that the image also played a propagandistic role. Indeed, in these years, no particular political tensions in the city of Naples occurred, and if, as already noted, the papacy opposed the royal ius condende legis, we should point out that the image (and its message) was not specifically addressed towards the pope (about that, see again: [12] (pp. 101–102) with more details and bibliographic references. About the aspects of Frederick II's political ideology in particular, see again: [40] (passim), [1] (pp. 211–239), [2] (pp. 171–179), [41] (pp. 82–96), [9] (pp. 564–579), [42]).
