*2.2. Equestrian Relief*

Though partly damaged, the equestrian relief illustrates a fully armed warrior on horseback, with a shield and a lance in his hands, while a quiver is suspended on his right side. The horse is armored, and both the rider and the animal are shown in profile, facing the left sidewall (Figure 3). The sculpture is obviously more than an ordinary cavalry depiction: a nimbus is carved around the head (or helmet) of the horseman, and a globe (corymbos) crowns the upper part of his helmet, whereas flying ribbons are suspended from it. These icons all imply the grandeur of the man depicted here: the Sasanian king. The relief should have gained much attention during the Sasanian rule; even centuries after the fall of the Sasanians, it still symbolizes the glory of the royal court.

**Figure 3.** The armored warrior, rock relief, end of the 6th century CE, Taq-e Bustan, The Great Grotto. Photographed by authors, the drawing is taken from: Flandin, E.; Coste, P. *Voyage en Perse,* Gide et J. Baudry, Paris, France 1851.

Early Islamic historians, such as al-Hamawi (620 CE), Ibn-Faqih Hamedani (902 CE), and Ibn-Rosta (903 CE), all wrote descriptions of a grea<sup>t</sup> equestrian relief near Kermanshah that depicts the Sasanian king Khosrow Parviz on his favorite charger "Shabdiz" [35] (pp. 57–58). Modern scholars believe that the horseman in the equestrian scene and the king in the investiture setting display the same person [26] (p. 105); [30] (p. 76). This iconographically connects together the upper and lower illustrations. Indeed, visual presentation of different

stages of a hero's life or the events surrounding him was an old tradition in Persian visual culture; the Stele of Untash-Napirisha (circa1300 BC) is an Elamite example of this old tradition. In this respect, the grea<sup>t</sup> ayvan and its many reliefs were meant to represent a "throne-Iwan" [26] (p. 106), depicting the different aspects of the king's power.

The equestrian relief, with its emphasis on a particular type of armor used by Sasanian cavalry, as well as the archery equipment, depicts the king as a victorious and invincible warrior. This sense of invincibility can be conveyed not only by the depiction of the strong, athletic bodies of Khosrow II and his horse Shabdiz but also in the artist's reference to the power ring, nimbus, globe, and flying ribbons which all symbolize the *farr*. Thus, it can be assumed that the grea<sup>t</sup> ayvan was constructed to depict the increase in *farr* as a result of Khosrow's victorious campaigns in the west and the east [40] (pp. 47–48).

The iconographic details of the relief have attracted much scholarly attention. The flying ribbons are interpreted as a symbol of the king's "divine splendor" to "indicate the covenant of the king" [39] (pp. 44–45). While the depiction of a power ring for identifying the Sasanian king was a long tradition in Sasanian iconography, the illustration of a circular nimbus (not a radiating halo similar to those depicted in other engravings at Taq-e Bustan) around the head of the king was not a common practice in Sasanian rock reliefs before the time of Khosrow. At Taq-e Bustan, Khosrow II is shown twice with a nimbus around his head: once in the equestrian relief and again in the royal hunt scene. This halo around the king's head refers to the *farr* that, according to Sasanian visual culture, can be represented as a light radiating from the king's head or body [41] (p. 184). Examples of this particular type of imagery are also observable in royal hunt scenes carved on Sasanian-inspired plates dating back to the late Sasanian era or the early Islamic period [41] (pp. 183–184).

In contrast to the investiture relief, which was firmly attached to the conventional iconographic language of Persian court culture, some sculpted details in the equestrian scene were not common at the time, making scholars consider the possible inspirations from the local traditions of western and eastern frontiers of the Sasanian territories. Apart from shedding light on the evolution of the Sasanian military industry, the armor and other warfare of the horseman and his charger [42,43] are also regarded as supporting material for identifying the roots of new iconographic details [32]. In this respect, the "lamellar armor" and a new type of warrior that first appeared at Taq-e Bustan have Central Asian origins, which started to penetrate the western frontiers of Iran by means of trade fairs or wars, not before the end of the 6th century [43] (p. 173); [32] (pp. 394–396). On the other hand, the phoenix-like creature depicted as an ornament on the warrior's garmen<sup>t</sup> indicates eastern influences. Arguably, this "first occurrence of the flying creature on a monument which can certainly be considered pre-Islamic Persian" symbolizes the *farr* [30] (p. 78). Historians of the early Islamic period, such as Masudi and Biruni, point out that one of Khosrow's seals that was embellished with a flying creature called "*Khurasan khurra*", literally meaning the glory of Khorasan [30] (p. 78). This motif was also employed as a reoccurring pattern on the garments of the king in royal hunt reliefs [30,33].

To illustrate the authority and power of the ruling king, ancient officials portrayed the king in juxtaposition with the dead body of his enemies. Various examples of this artistic tradition are observable in archaeological remains in Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Iranian Plateau from the Bronze Age onward. Nevertheless, there is no evidence of the use of this iconographic sign under the Khosrow II rule. In view of some scholars, the invincibility of Khosrow II made the depiction of dead enemies in his royal rock reliefs purposeless [24]. This separation from older traditions dating back to antiquity is noticeable. Indeed, instead of copying only after his predecessors or using age-old Persian traditions, Khosrow II, the conqueror of the east and west, also drew upon a new iconographic language (i.e., the equestrian relief) to emphasize his increased *farr* [44] (p. 3), as well as his invincibility. This was a wise decision as Khosrow Parviz's use of a universal language eventually displayed him as the king of the kings of four geographical dimensions in the eyes of audiences from Iran and beyond (for more information on Khosrow II's military strategies and achievements, see [45] (pp. 228–244).

## *2.3. Boar Hunt Reliefs*

The technical style of this relief (Figure 4) is different from the investiture and equestrian reliefs, in contrast to the deep carving of figures on the central wall, which provides the illusion of rounded sculptures, the boar hunt relief was carved very shallow. In the view of the authors, both the position and technical style of this relief signifies its subordination to the main theme carved on the central wall.

**Figure 4.** The boar hunt relief, rock relief, end of the 6th century CE, Taq-e Bustan, The Great Grotto. Source: Flandin, E.; Coste, P. *Voyage en Perse,* Gide et J. Baudry, Paris, France 1851, modified by authors.

The relief is an elaborate and illustrious display of wild boar hunting on boats. The main scene is framed in such a way that it recalls a fenced hunting ground. The narrative nature of the carving is noteworthy: reading from left to right (facing the relief), the main scene depicts the king two times. The first time with a stretched bow targeting a boar, and the second time, at a smaller size with a bow in his hand and nimbate. In both scenes, the king's garments resemble one another and are decorated with patterns of the flying creature mentioned above [46] (pp. 106–108). The musicians and servants accompanying the king on the boat are clearly depicted to be smaller than their majesty. The relief is meticulous and rich in detail: elephant riders direct a herd of boars in a particular direction where the king targets them between the bushes. The presence of female musicians playing on boats, together with the illustration of fish and birds swimming freely in the water, is in sharp contrast with the turmoil of the king's battle with animals. On the right part of the relief out of the enclosed main scene, elephant riders and ordinary people are depicted with the dead body of boars on the ground or on elephants, creating the final episode of a royal story.

Hunting was a royal sport in ancient Persia. Thus, the depiction of the king while hunting, combating, or slaying mythical animals was of iconographic importance. Remarkable examples of this pictorial tradition are observable in the remains of the Achaemenid dynasty at Persepolis. Provided the fact that the Sasanians were familiar with this ancient site, their reference to a similar pictorial tradition can be regarded as a means to connect themselves with the glorious past of Persia. It is believed that Persian kings, especially in the Sasanian era, used enclosed parks (called paradise) [30] (p. 75) for hunting animals. The most celebrated among them was the hunting ground of Khosrow II at Taq-e Bustan [47] (p. 39). In this regard, it is logical to read the relief as the representation of the majestic paradise of Khosrow II, an example of the prosperity of his kingdom. The first impression of the boar hunt relief, in comparison with the investiture and equestrian reliefs,

and as a complementary part of the whole grea<sup>t</sup> ayvan project, is the wealth of Khosrow's court and the welfare of common people under his rule, which characterizes a righteous government. In fact, all the details of the relief, including the depiction of numerous big mammals, water, and plants, convey the fertility of the soil and the richness of Persia under Khosrow II rule. The depiction of common people in the last episode, where they are using the results of a royal hunt, is also noteworthy. As shown in the rock relief, ordinary people were not allowed to enter the hunting ground [30] (p. 75), ye<sup>t</sup> they could benefit from the result of the hunt. This scene, therefore, displays the Sasanian king as the representative and protector of the third class of the society (i.e., agriculturists and herdsmen) [46] (p. 107). Moreover, provided the phoenix pattern depicted on the garmen<sup>t</sup> of the king, the whole scene may represent the festival of *Farvardingan* (i.e., a religious ritual at the beginning of spring to celebrate the fertility of the earth) [46] (p. 110). Phoenix was a symbol of the *farr* and was associated with the coming of rain clouds and the fertility of the soil (for a summary of ancient Persian literature on the phoenix, see [46] (pp. 106–110)). In ancient Persian beliefs, the fecundity of the earth and mankind was associated with the increased *farr*, while drought and famine were known to be the result of the decrease or loss of the *farr* (for an example of this belief, see [47]). When having these remarks in mind, the boar hunt relief displays the welfare state of the Sasanian kingdom under Khosrow II, thereby representing his legitimacy due to the prosperity he brought to Iran.

"The sole purpose of Sasanian kingly reliefs is to project the king's *farr* in the most eloquent way possible", Soudavar argues [40] (p. 31). In this respect, Soudavar proposes ye<sup>t</sup> another interesting reading of the hunt reliefs in accordance with his theory of the "doubled *farr*" of Khosrow II. He regards the depiction of elephants as an allusion to India, while the roaming boars in extensive marshy lands imply the conquest of Egypt [40] (pp. 48–49). This pictorial expression of the vastness of Khosrow's territories points out the increase in his *farr* that is also observable in the nimbus around the king's head in the second episode of the relief [40] (pp. 48–49). The depiction of the nimbus may also be a sign of a successful hunt, as this type of imagery was employed in late Sasanian metal plates [41] (p. 183). Last but not least, the depiction of elephants, a non-native species in the heartland of the Sasanian Empire, is considerable. The elephant was a valuable animal for the Sasanian court: troops of elephants proved to be a real threat to the Roman army [48] (p. 92). The illustration of a grea<sup>t</sup> number of these large mammals in the service of Khosrow II could ye<sup>t</sup> be another emphasis on his invincibility.

## *2.4. Deer Hunt Relief*

Considering the unfinished state of this relief, it was probably the last carving for the grea<sup>t</sup> ayvan project. The narrative style and artistic composition of this relief (Figure 5) are similar to the bore hunt one. The central hunt scene depicts the enclosed Khosrow's paradise, and the two marginal frames on the right and left demonstrate the before and after of the deer hunt. The animated story starts from the right marginal section (facing the relief), in which people, deer, and elephants are depicted in three enclosed areas. Scholars believe that the king is depicted three times in the central scene that should be read vertically downward. Hence, the first episode displays the king entering the scene with a man holding a parasol on his head while a crowd of people accompanies him. The second scene illustrates the king in the practice of archery (or hunting), and the last one shows the end of the hunt [30] (p. 73); [40] (p. 48). Moreover, on the left side, the relief depicts outside of the hunting ground, where folks carry the hunted deer on camels.

A historical survey of the Iranians' visual culture (both pre-Islamic and Islamic eras) demonstrates the shortcomings inherent in the downward reading of the central scene: the most important figures have always been shown above others. Such an order is not observable completely in this scene. On the other hand, as a result of a successful hunt, the increased *farr* should have been demonstrated by means of symbolizing the attachments to the king's body or garments or engraving him in an adorable position in the scene. Nevertheless, such details are not observable here. Thus, it is reasonable to propose another

interpretation of the relief that sheds light on the identity of the man depicted in the center of the relief.

**Figure 5.** Deer hunt relief, rock relief, end of the 6th century CE, Taq-e Bustan, The Great Grotto. Source: Flandin, E.; Coste, P. Voyage en Perse, Gide et J. Baudry, Paris, France 1851.

In Iranian visual culture, the king is always depicted in the center of an image. The presence of a heroic figure in a scene alters this artistic attitude: in such a case, the hero may appear at the center, whereas the king (depicted as usual at a larger size) observes the whole landscape from above [49] (pp. 168–169). The missing details of the unfinished deer hunt reliefs (such as the ornaments on garments and headgear) make it hard to precisely identify the three depicted figures. Yet, some noticeable visual evidence and historical accounts fortify the idea that the man at the focal point of the scene is a Sasanian hero. There is a scholarly consensus that the two hunt reliefs of the grea<sup>t</sup> ayvan depict different geographical climates: plants, water, and fish in the boar hunt relief are replaced by an empty background, and camels that resemble a desert in the deer hunt relief. Such contrasting scenery reminds us of the theory of "From India to Nile". In the view of Soudavar, the deer hunt relief implies the "victory of Khosrow II's general Smbat Bagratuni over the Central Asian Turks, circa 616" [40] (pp. 48–49). Historical accounts also support the idea that the artistic treatment of the deer hunt relief, which resembles an inhospitable region, may refer to the conquest of the northeastern borders of the Sasanian Empire. According to Sebeos history, Khosrow II was so satisfied with the military achievements of his general in Central Asia that he "summoned him to court with grea<sup>t</sup> honor and pomp" with an elephant that carried the general's son [40] (p. 49). Provided the fact that Khosrow did not personally participate in those campaigns, it can be assumed that the horseman in the center of the scene is the Sasanian general, whereas the king himself is depicted on top with attendants and musicians and supervising the heroic acts of his general.

In short, the deer hunt relief should be read in accordance with the boar hunt relief on the opposite wall and two other reliefs on the central wall. In this respect, both hunt scenes illustrate the prosperity of Khosrow's court, as well as representing him as the protector of the common people [46]. Moreover, both hunt reliefs imply the extension of the Sasanian territory under Khosrow II; the left relief (boar hunt) refers to the victories on the western frontier, and the right one (deer relief) refers to the achievements in the eastern regions (For analyses relating to the sculpted reliefs and iconography, also see [50]. In order to acquire a fuller understanding of Sasanian art, it is advisable to study the Sasanian production of silver plates, which demonstrate iconographic similarities to the rock reliefs. On this topic, see [51]).

#### **3. The Image of Khosrow II on Coins**

In the Sasanian era, coinage was not just meant to facilitate commerce but was also a means to achieve propagandist aims. Coins, along with rock reliefs are of special value in the iconographic study of Sasanian royal image [18] (p. 108); [24,44] (p. 41); [52] (p. 41). The centralized Sasanian state had adopted a "well defined" convention of iconographic language for coinage that was comprehensible for the mostly illiterate population [22] (pp. 417–418). Generally speaking, Sasanian coins contain a portrait of the king along with his name and title on the obverse and a fire altar with or without two attendants on the reverse side. By the end of the 5th century, mint marks, including the name of the mint and the regnal year of the king, also appeared on the reverse [20] (p. 1093). Scholars have recognized three conventions in depicting the king on Sasanian coins: 1. in contrast with the "full face or left looking" image of the Parthian kings (i.e., the dynasty ruling Persia (247 BC to 224 AD) before the Sasanians), Sasanian kings were portrayed looking rightward; 2. in order to facilitate the identification of the portrayed king, each ruler was shown with a special crown or headgear; 3. the designation of predetermined criteria for illustrating every detail, particularly the position of the king's image on the obverse and reverse sides, that eased the understanding of the king's message [22] (pp. 418–421). While these artistic and political traditions displayed the desire of each king to be recognized as a legitimate ruler similar to his predecessors, the individualistic features of each coin served to build a more comprehensible image of the ruling king.

At least 31 different kings or rulers issued coins during the Sasanian era [53] (p. 816); (For an in-depth study and iconographic comparison of the coins under study, see [54]). Amongst them, Khosrow II was the most prolific one: he centralized the production of coins, and the forged metals transmitted the propagandist aims of his sovereignty all over the Sasanian Empire [55] (p. 132). A vast amount of precious metals were minted during the reign of Khosrow II to finance his ambitious military adventures, such as the long wars with the Roman Empire [2] (p. 145); [20] (p. 1093); [56] (p. 167). According to Göbl's classification, nine coin types belonging to the reign of Khosrow II can be distinguished [33] (p. 585). Apart from the ceremonial coins, as well as the minor changes that appeared in detail (such as the pellets appearing in the reverse margin of coins), three main groups of coins can be categorized from his time [52] (p. 42); [57] (p. 465).

Generally speaking, changes in the Sasanian coinage reflect important events such as political or military achievements in a symbolic manner [2] (p. 161, note 166); [53] (p. 829). The complicated historical context in which Khosrow's coins appeared helps researchers to understand their iconographic language more completely. The initial years of Khosrow's reign were occupied with rebels and conspiracies, which led to his loss and subsequent recapture of power. In the last decades of the 6th century, Bahram Chubin (a general in the service of Khosrow's father) and Bastam (his maternal uncle) struck coins in their names, [56] (p. 167); [53] (p. 816); [57] (p. 461). This was obvious damage to Khosrow's prestige: from the beginning of the Sasanian Empire until then, only a Sasanian king was allowed to mint coins under his own name [2] (p. 33); [58] (p. 811). Khosrow II seems to have felt the necessity of compensating for this loss, as he sought a particular propagandist symbolism in his official media [44] (p. 18). It is important to note that Khosrow II's coinage established a particular iconographic model also employed by his successors, in particular by early Islamic rulers. This shows the spread of the Sasanian iconography after the fall of the dynasty [5] (p. 7); [44] (p. 24); [53] (p. 837).

At an early stage, Khosrow's coinage followed the principles established by his ancestors; in the first coin type for the first regnal year (Figure 6), Khosrow II is depicted on the obverse with a crown resembling that of his father with a crescent on its top. The word *abzun* (increase) can be seen to the left of the crown, and the king's name is forged on the

right side. On the outer margin, there is a crescent with a star at 3, 6, and 9h[57] (p. 461). One may consider this particular arrangemen<sup>t</sup> observable on Khosrow's coins as an implication of four geographical directions, showing the king as the "king of four corners of the world", which refers to an "old Mesopotamian idea" [2] (p. 41). On the reverse, a fire altar is depicted in the center with one attendant on either side and a crescent and a star above the altar. On the outer margin, crescents are shown in four directions. In early Sasanian coinage (i.e., coins from the first decades of the Sasanian rule), some circles are observable around the central part of the coin (on both obverse and reverse sides). This particular treatment was out of fashion by the time Khosrow II came into power. In other words, Khosrow's predecessors favored a coinage style in which a single rim on each side of the coin was forged [53] (p. 830). Khosrow revived the age-old tradition of Sasanian coinage. In particular, two circles appear on the obverse and three on the reverse side of the coins forged by Khosrow II. Khosrow's reuse of multiple circles is of importance as both Bahram and Bastam (i.e., his rivals) only used a single rim on their coins. Generally speaking, rings, solar discs, sun bursts, and pearl roundels all symbolize the *farr,* and their appearance on coins refers to an increase in the *farr*. Thus, the emergence of multiple rings on Khosrow's coins is the "equivalent of the legend *farreh-afzun*" [44] (p. 18), meant to display the increase in the king's legitimate power or divine glory to his populace in the most recognizable way.

**Figure 6.** Khosrow II's coin-type I, impression on silver, 590, Tehran, National Museum of Iran.

Khosrow's regaining of power was marked by a change in his crown depicted on the coins belonging to the second regnal year (Figure 7). Two wings were added to the crown while a crescent and a star were added between them. This imagery continued to symbolize Khosrow's crown until the end of his rule. The legend on the left side of the crown gave place to the *farreh afzun* (i.e., may regal splendor increase, or he has increased the regal splendor [56] (p. 461)). Furthermore, stars were added to the crescent of the outer margin on the reverse. Touraj Daryaee, the renowned Iranologist and historian of the Sasanian dynasty, suggests that the wings on Khosrow's crown, which appeared from the second year of his sovereignty onwards, symbolize *Wahram* (i.e., a deity related to victory in ancient Persian beliefs), "whose avatars is the falcon". Since Wahram's *farr* was more than anyone else's, by using his symbol, Khosrow declares his victory over the rebellious general Bahram and displays himself as the most eligible person deserving the throne [52] (pp. 50–53).

The third group of coins dating back to the eleventh and twelfth years onwards reflects minor changes. Here, the headgear of the attendants on the reverse was changed from a bonnet to a crown; this particular type of iconography became the prevalent model from year 12 to year 39 (i.e., the last year of Khosrow's rule). Although the iconography of Sasanian coins on the obverse symbolized the victories of the ruling king and his increased glory [59] (p. 68), depictions on the reverse convey religious meanings (also, see [21], in particular chapters 6, 7, and 8). The fire altar, which is the main part of the reverse side of Sasanian coins, eloquently refers to Zoroastrianism [44] (p. 45). Soudavar reads the two crowned figures on either side of the fire altar as the king on the left and a deity on the

right [22] (p. 420). The whole scene, thus, depicts the king following the Zoroastrian rituals while the deity accepts his deeds. Therefore, the adding of a crescent to the crowns of these figures displays the increase in the *Aryan farr* (i.e., Iranian glory).

**Figure 7.** Khosrow II's coin-type II, impression on silver, 591, Tehran, National Museum of Iran.
