*4.3. Devotional Images*

During the reign of Ferdinand II, the use of devotional objects as vehicles for political propaganda continued. Although there are precedents, the use of iconography as a pretext or structure under which complex symbolic programmes were concealed became systematised and generalised.

Exemplary in this respect are the Plasencia stalls by master craftsman Rodrigo Aleman, who was contracted by the representatives of the cathedral chapter on 7 June 1497 (Figure 4). The two chairs at the ends of the stalls, together with the central one for St Peter, are the largest and stand on a special base that gives their occupants a commanding view and, at the same time, allows them to be easily seen (see [33], p. 104 and [34]). Both present inlays of the Catholic Monarchs, who had the prerogative of accessing the choir as honorary canons and collecting the corresponding *ratione* -prebend or benefice-, a custom that spread in the late Middle Ages probably due to the more direct intervention of kings in ecclesiastical affairs (see [35,36]. The chairs' dimensions and position on high, similar to that of the

venerable Peter, place the monarchs in a glorious spatial environment, a new visual sign of their supposed sacredness that the monarchs so longed for (see [14], p. 467).

**Figure 4.** The Catholic Monarchs in the Plasencia cathedral stalls. 1497–1503. Published by [35] vol. II, p. 138; Santa Engracia monastery. 1514–1516. General view and detail of the Reyes Católicos. Published by [8], p. 239.

The monarchy's desire to make its presence felt in the religious sphere was manifested in other developments, as is illustrated by the portals of the monastery of Santa Cruz in Segovia, the church of El Paular, the most problematic portal of the cloister of Segovia Cathedral (descriptions and problems in [11], pp. 118–124), and the well-known portal of Santa Engracia in Saragossa (Figure 4). The latter was commenced by Ferdinand II's father, Johan II, who, after entrusting himself to the saint, had his sight restored after a cataract operation in 1468 [37–39]. When John II realized that he would not be able to complete it, he commissioned Ferdinand to do so, given that he "liked to see the designs, because he had a taste for architecture" [40]. To this end, Ferdinand II wrote, on 8 May 1493, that "the work on the Aljafería should cease and everything that was to be spent there should be redirected to the work on Santa Engracia" [41]. Catalogued as one of the earliest examples of a Renaissance doorway in Spain, and executed by the Morlanes family, its iconography features several elements, including the monarchs, the ancient cults of the sanctuary, symbols of the order that took over the monastery, and the connotations underlying the form and ornamentation of the triumphal arch that constituted the doorway. It was a showcase of intentions at a time when the king sought to dignify his image, which had deteriorated in Catalonia due to the civil war against his father, and in Castile, where his power was questioned by the nobility (see [8], p. 64). Some believe the effigy of the king is a portrait, either because of a sculpture that was kept in the sacristy of the monastery or because Gil Morlanes the Elder maintained a close personal relationship with the monarchs [42] (see, also [37], p. 13).

The images depicting the king as protector and restorer of the Church, and as an exemplary and just devotee, mostly together with his wife, are very common. This can be seen in the doorway of the collegiate church of Daroca, which dates to around 1482–1488, proof of his predilection for important sanctuaries, in this case dedicated to the *Sagrados Corporales*, to which he allocated resources for their restoration and embellishment [43,44] (see, also, [8], p. 79). Another example is the anonymous *Piedad de los Reyes Católicos* in the cathedral of Granada, perhaps an ex-voto donated by the monarchs on their second entry into the city on 5 January 1492 [45], or the *Mater Omnium* of Santa María la Real de Las Huelgas, from around 1485 by Diego de la Cruz and his workshop, the result of the imposition of Leonor Mendoza as abbess, despite the opposition of the community. In a

context of tension, the abbess or her uncle, the famous cardinal, endowed the monastery with a work that showed the union within the community and its links with the royalty, who had extended such favours towards it [46] (and [14], p. 465).

Other religiously and politically significant representations are those that allude to religious orthodoxy and spiritual renewal. One of the most illustrative works is the famous panel of the *Virgen de los Reyes Católicos* of Saint Thomas of Avila (nowadays in Museo del Prado, Madrid), from around 1490 and closely related to the Holy Inquisition [47] (Figure 5). The institution was lauded by the monarchy because, in addition to looking after the interests of the Church, it enabled the monarchs to wield unquestioned power in each of their kingdoms (see [4], pp. 134–135). The attention to detail and the coincidence with the descriptions of these monarchs leads us to think that their portraits were painted in their presence or from sketches of them taken during their lives [48] (see, also, [42], p. 51). What is certain is that this panel is an indication that the Inquisition had royal and divine approval [49]: not only do the two patron saints of the convent appear, but alongside the kings are two other Dominican inquisitors, Pedro de Arbués, martyred in Saragossa by opponents of the Inquisition, and Tomás de Torquemada, who was prior of the monastery (according to [8], pp. 35–38; [48], planche LVIII and [50]). This panel, an early court portrait that is predominantly devotional in character, is propaganda in defence of the Court of the Holy Office, a fact that is corroborated by the presence of its most prominent members (one of whom was martyred for its cause) and of the sovereigns (who worked so hard for its reinstatement).

**Figure 5.** *Virgen de los Reyes Católicos*. c. 1490. Published by Bango, I. Dir.; *Maravillas*, vol. II, p. 184.

#### **5. A New Artistic Genre at Court: Portraiture**

Portraiture was introduced at court in the time of the Catholic Monarchs. In addition to the aforementioned early portraits in the *Virgen de los Reyes*, the *Mater Omnium* and, in sculpture, on the façade of Santa Engracia, there were other examples, such as the portrayals that appeared in some scenes of the *Políptico de Isabel la Católica* (this set contained 47 little panels), of which 28 panels have survived, two with effigies of Ferdinand II. Perhaps his painter, John of Flanders, used this work as a pretext to paint the kings from life [51,52].

This genre reflected, in image and likeness, the true portrait of the king [53]. The institutional framework in which the monarch wanted to be seen, with the insignia of his status, was no longer important; instead he wanted a faithful record of his appearance. Earlier attempts had been made: John I (1387–1396) in 1388 tried to hire Jacques Coene after learning of his skills in depicting particular faces [54]. Ferdinand II also lamented his attempt to secure the hand in marriage of the Neapolitan *Infanta* for his son John, which failed because he lacked a painter of sufficient quality to be able to send a suitable likeness of him (see [14], p. 444 and [55]).

The new genre was intended to be a mirror and record of individual features. There are 4 known examples of King Ferdinand II, practically identical and following the compositional formula of the Flemish portrait in the 15th century: the Windsor portrait, from around 1490–1500; the Vienna portrait, of the same date; the Berlin portrait, after 1492; and the Poitiers portrait, of the same date [56,57] (see, also, [11], chap. VI (Figure 6).

**Figure 6.** Fernando II portraits: Palacio Real, Windsor Castle. c. 1490–1500. Published by [55], planche VI; Kunsthistorishes Museum, Viena. c. 1490–1500. Published by Schütz, K.; Vitale, A. Anonimo fiammingo. Rittrato di Ferdinando II di Aragona, detto il Cattolico. In: *I Borgia. L'arte del potere*. Electa: Roma, Italy, 2002, p. 10; Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin. Post. 1492. Published by *Reyes y mecenas*, p. 375; Museum of Poitiers. Published by Fernández, *Fernando*, p. 373.

The greatest similarities are to be found between the Windsor and Vienna portraits (the other two being simpler), the differences being limited to the colour of the clothes and the necklaces on his chest. These similarities sugges<sup>t</sup> that they were not painted from life; moreover, the precision of the details and features of the king's adult face indicate that portraiture as an independent genre had become fully established in the Iberian Peninsula, an art form hitherto almost unknown in Spain.
