*Article* **Facing the Pandemic: A Perspective on Patachitra Artists of West Bengal**

**Maura Zanatta 1,\* and Anjali Gera Roy 2,\***


**Abstract: The** COVID-19 pandemic has intensely impacted art production and the art market all around the world. This is dramatically visible inside the Patua or Patachitra communities in Medinipur, West Bengal, where Patachitras' scrolls characterise the economy of folk-art communities in the so-called villages of painters. Patachitras' singing pictures belong to an ancestral tradition of storytelling and performing art. For centuries, new themes have been embodied inside the Patuas' repertoire, creating a living heritage that has always reflected the political, religious, cultural, and social main events and, ultimately, COVID-19. Resilience has always been an important component of this heritage, as social changes and new kinds of entertainment have changed the audience addressed and the performances' function. In the last few decades, the role of travelling artists has resisted and been readapted to the global art market by approaching art fairs and festivals both inside and outside the villages. Now, the impact of COVID-19 on the economy of these artists has been severe, as art fairs and exhibitions have been cancelled, and lockdown orders have stopped tourism and travels, significantly reducing their income. Thus, new approaches and virtual spaces of exhibiting are being experimented with to support the survival of these artists and keep the performances' essence alive. This article aims to address how the pandemic has affected Patuas' art market and production both from an economic and social perspective. The difficulties encountered due to the restrictive measures and the impossibility of performing will be analysed through an empirical approach. Based on telephonic interviews conducted with 30 hereditary Patuas from Naya between April 2020 to April 2021 as part of the project "Folk Artists in the Time of Coronavirus", the article hopes to shed light on the impact of the pandemic on hereditary, performing castes in India, which might mirror the experiences of similar groups in the rest of South Asia. The article will also try to outline the future perspectives for the art market of these folk artists. The article consists of two parts: the first traces the transformative journey of Patachitra and Patachitrakars, and the second focuses on the impact of the pandemic through deploying the concepts of precarity, precariousness, and resilience.

**Keywords:** Patachitra; scrolls; Patuas; folk art; pandemic; storytelling; singing pictures; living heritage; cultural industries; precariousness; precariat; precarity; art market

#### **1. Patachitra Cultural Heritage: An Ancient Tradition Facing the Art Market**

Patachitra art, dating back more than 2500 years, is probably one of the oldest artistic traditions in the whole of India (Chakraborty 2017). The expression "Patachitra " is a combination of the Sanskrit word "patta", which means woven fabric, and "chitra", that is, painted (Chakraborty 2017). The word "patta" was then transposed into the Bengali language as "pata" or "pat".

The "pata" or "Patachitra" is made by storyteller artists who have transmitted this cultural tradition for generations. Although these artists are traditionally referred to as Patuas, they now prefer to be known as Chitrakars, which means "producers of paintings".

Patachitra heritage is a traditional folk art in which the artist performs a song accompanied by the unfolding of a painting to visually show the content of the narrated story.

**Citation:** Zanatta, Maura, and Anjali Gera Roy. 2021. Facing the Pandemic: A Perspective on Patachitra Artists of West Bengal. *Arts* 10: 61. https:// doi.org/10.3390/arts10030061

Academic Editor: Elena Sidorova

Received: 15 June 2021 Accepted: 29 July 2021 Published: 31 August 2021

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**Copyright:** © 2021 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

The peculiarity of Patachitra paintings is that they are lined with fabric on the back to give them their characteristic rolled shape and make them more comfortable to carry and preserve, as they originally were made by itinerant artists. The typical scroll, "jarano pat", reproduces a series of images depicted vertically with a length that may vary between 10 and 20 feet depending on the extent of the story.

Over the centuries, the artistic and narrative practices have remained unchanged.

Traditionally, chant and painting are two joint elements. The chant or "pater gaan" is the central element of the Patachitra, and the painting is realised only after the composition of the melody for the purpose of explaining the song visually and entertaining the spectators. The songs are divided into three phases: the story ("kahini"), the moment of glory ("mahatmya"), and finally the introduction of the artist ("bhanita") in which he states his name and the village he comes from (Bajpai 2015).

Patua communities are located in different districts of West Bengal: Purulia, Bankura, Birbhum, Murshidabad, and Midnapore. The Midnapore region can be called the home of the Chitrakars, as it houses the majority. The largest community of artists is located in the village of Naya in Pingla district. Particularly from this village, Patachitra art became known also abroad (Chakraborty 2017).

The Chitrakars' repertoire consists of both traditional songs handed down by their ancestors and new compositions that enrich the personal collection of each artist. It can be divided into three main groups: traditional, social, and contemporary or global.

The traditional register deals mainly with mythical stories and characters from Hinduism as well as some from Islam. The religious aspect is certainly one of the predominant components, as Hindu mythology and Muslim saints have been part of the repertoire for generations. Interestingly, Patuas have changed religion several times over the centuries, moving closer to the most influential or convenient one. Originally, they were Hindus (Chandra 2017), but now they constitute a very special case within Indian society by reproducing mainly Hindu images and idols but formally residing in Islam.

Among traditional episodes, there are also scenes of tribal life, wild animals, and folk tales, such as the marriage of fish and birds.

Besides religious and epic contents, secular themes related to Bengali society, its history, and life in the village also play an important role. Namely, another relevant aspect is covered by social issues. In the past, as itinerant artists who moved from village to village, the Patuas used to spread the news and have an informative function. It is possible to say that they have always looked carefully at the context around them, allowing themselves to be influenced and influencing it in turn. Thus, Patachitra also recounted deeds of kings and locally significant events both from a political and social perspective.

In recent decades, social themes have emerged more systematically with the support of local NGOs and the development of social awareness projects through Patachitra art. Themes such as HIV prevention, sexual diseases, education, women's health, and rights have now become popular stories for Patuas:

[...] they needed to innovate for their performances to remain fresh and relevant to contemporary society and the issues that confronted it. The Patuas thus developed a new genre of a song called samajik gaan, or "social song", which did not replace pauranik gaan, but supplemented it.

#### (Korom 2017)

In addition to social themes, from the late 1980s onwards, Chitrakar's repertoire has continued to evolve to include contemporary global affairs. Already started during colonialism, this attention to global themes has increased with the arrival of new media and international news. Particularly, they had a strong impact not only on the Patachitra audience but also on the artists themselves, influencing their production and stimulating their sensitivity to global events in a strong manner.

Moreover, artists who now have the opportunity to participate in fairs and to travel are more exposed to the world around them and tend to receive more inspiration from

these topics. Among the most popular ones are terrorist attacks, natural disasters, and political events.

Due to these dynamics, the Patachitra art market has also significantly changed since the last century. During the decades, several instances have changed the role of Patuas artists and the function of Patachitra singing paintings. External influences, such as the introduction of new types of entertainment, the arrival of tourism, and the logic of the western art market, introduced mechanisms unknown in the rural villages, influencing Patachitra's production in different ways.

In origin, Patachitra was not for sale, and Patuas reused them several times during their itinerant journeys. The scrolls were used to accompany the performance and usually were not sold or left to the audience, as Patuas had to move from village to village.

During the XX century, Indian society underwent profound changes as a result of new social and cultural influences. In the thirty years between the period of independence from colonialism and the 1980s, the role of the Chitrakar started to decline as a consequence of the growing disinterest in rural entertainment.

With the introduction of new forms of entertainment, such as radio, television, and cinema with Bollywood films, patrons and villagers began to show less and less interest in the Patuas' epic-religious performances (Hauser 2002). Many artists were forced to abandon their traditional occupation for more lucrative jobs: some migrated to the cities for day jobs; others took up farming, trading, and rickshaw transport (Sen Gupta 2012) to survive and provide food for their families.

Towards the end of the twentieth century, few Patuas still pursued their occupation, and the art of Patachitra appeared to be a tradition on the verge of disappearing.

This art form would have risked extinction if it had not found a way to introduce a double evolution: the themes addressed and the role of the artists (Chakraborty 2017).

Therefore, Patachitra's commercialisation mainly emerged with the decline of Patuas' demand to breathe new life into the tradition and provide the artists with an economic return.

The new phase began in the 1970s with the demand of Calcutta's urban elite (Hauser 2002), who were uninterested in performances and willing to buy Patachitra and other artefacts just for collecting reasons as a demonstration of their social status.

Soon after, with the growth of tourism due to the promotion activity of local NGOs, these selling dynamics started to increase, and the traditional practice was applied to new artefacts to satisfy the touristic demand.

It is possible to say that Patachitra cultural heritage followed a two-fold direction: first with the diversification of artefacts and then with the mass sale of Patachitra.

The diversification of Patachitra art onto new objects became functional to satisfy the tastes and needs of new potential buyers and to provide the Patuas with a more secure economic income. Begun as early as the 1990s, the production of new artefacts increased exponentially over the years.

The style, subjects, and decoration of Patachitra were applied to various commercial items, such as umbrellas, vases, lamps, t-shirts, bags, scarves, and other items.

At the basis of this diversification were the needs of the buyers, for whom it is easier to carry something small rather than a long scroll. Moreover, these objects are preferred as they are part of everyday life and can be used for other purposes while at the same time being a tangible memory of the visit to the rural context.

By now, almost all Patuas have dedicated themselves to these new productions. This phenomenon mainly regards the village of Naya and, to a lesser extent, also the village of Habichak in Medinipur. For Habichak, the creation of artefacts began more recently and only after workshops organised in collaboration with the Chitrakars of Naya. While in other villages further north, like in the Purulia district, no alternative products can be found because of the extreme poverty of the artists who do not receive any external support and therefore can only afford to buy the sheets of paper.

The new objects on which to paint were first introduced by the NGOs, while today, the purchase mainly depends on the economic availability of the individual Patua. Naya village, more involved in these activities, was able to enjoy the income from sales right from the start, which enabled the artists to buy back the items and diversify their production. Today, every artist at Naya offers a large number of objects decorated with this technique along with Patachitra scrolls.

But with the selling, another significant change has involved Patachitras' production and types. Whereas in the past, each artist used to create a dozen Patachitras to take with him for the travelling exhibitions, today, the quantity produced is extremely large.

Earlier, each painting was a unique piece, used several times until it was almost worn out. Today, dozens and dozens of scrolls depicting the same theme can be found at local markets or in artists' villages. In terms of production, sizes also have changed. While in the past, only long Patachitra ("jarano pat") used to circulate, over time, smaller rectangular and square formats ("chaukosh pat") were introduced. The latter are easier to sell, as they are usually preferred by buyers and tourists for their easy transportation.

Some Patuas of Midnapore have also taken up the Jadupatuas scrolls of Bihar, i.e., smaller scrolls depicting tribal themes and painted only in different shades of brown (Hauser 2002). Still others have started painting mainly horizontal formats, which were in great demand among the urban elite to be used as wall decoration. Commercialisation has thus led to more consistent production of "pata" depicting a single image or character.

For visitors, Patuas' exhibition often represents a kind of entertainment whose intrinsic meaning is not grasped, as they are more interested in the final purchase. This partly explains why it is no longer the performance that is remunerated but the individual scroll. The lack of attention paid to the songs depends on the demand of the audience. Earlier, the Chitrakar's activity was rewarded through barter; now, the sale is done through a price that buyers are used to bargaining for.

The market is now almost exclusively tourists, art dealers, collectors, and museum curators. Prices have skyrocketed over the past two decades, but Patuas still live in a barter universe, and everything is negotiable. Therefore, also the Patachitra art market follows the offer and supply chain (Korom 2017).

On one hand, there is still a willingness to entertain through the practice of singing the paintings; on the other hand, the mechanism of selling is slowly weakening the correlation between the two. Some Patuas only perform the most representative scrolls to make the visitor understand the ancient oral tradition, limiting the repertoire to a few popular episodes:

Now the equation is reversed: it is the scrolls that have taken on artistic value as fetishized objects, resulting in the accompanying songs becoming mere curiosities for a newly emerging international audience whose interests are not simply to be entertained by the vocal performance, which is transitory, but to purchase an object, which is permanent.

#### (Korom 2017)

Sometimes, the sung scrolls will not be for sale but instead are functional to the purchase of other smaller Patachitra dealing with the same theme.

In this case, the correlation between the communicative experience lived by the observer during the performance and the painting (s)he will take with him is missing. In a way, artistic practice has adapted to the hectic pace of tourism and the market in which visitors have little time to devote to these narratives and are looking for a souvenir to take with them, a tangible symbol of their passage through that place.

If until a few decades ago, the Patachitra of Midnapore had both the characteristics of an artistic and theatrical genre; now, the latter is in danger (Chandra 2017). The art of the Patachitra has changed from performative to primarily descriptive, and it is the revitalisation phase that has reversed the mechanism (Hauser 2002). Whereas before, the scroll had only an accompanying function to the main element, which was the song, now, the opposite occurs.

For Graburn (1969), tourist art stems from the need to reformulate tradition with clear commercial intent. It must not only reflect the tastes of buyers but also maintain a strong link with tradition and community identity, conveying meaning within the context of its origin. It also represents the creativity of the artists by facilitating the of developing new styles, techniques, and content.

In the villages, there was a declination of the style of the Patachitra on goods subject to consumerism without the latter being loaded with identity meanings or coming from the development of new ideas.

However, interviews have shown that, even if the rural life of these artists is now being replaced by the rhythm and influence of the market, many Chitrakars, especially the more experienced ones, are extremely attached to the practice of singing and practice it as in the past. Therefore, Patachitra art continues to be the communicative tool of this heritage and its tradition, while the new objects are a means of pandering to the demands of the market for financial gain.

Many people who are now taking up this art form do so to seek a source of income and are not interested in learning the creative process and avoid creating songs as well. In this case, a distinction should be made between Chitrakar artists and other artists who are more interested in the economic return.

It is undeniable that many experienced Patuas are now following the marketability dynamics and are influenced by the city life, looking at being more competitive and rewarded.

Nevertheless, the opening to the global context has also brought new opportunities for the Patachitras' market. Besides the topic of tourism and commoditization, Patuas have also the chance to perform and show their traditional art to several art spaces, museums, and galleries all around the world. Patuas' scrolls can be found both in local and international galleries, and before the pandemic, Patuas were often invited to cultural exchanges, seminars, and workshops, creating interesting opportunities for exchanges and promotion of this rich cultural heritage.

Due to COVID-19, the exhibition process and the performances have faced an unavoidable arrest, and obviously, Patuas' life has also changed. In the section that follows, the paper examines the impact of the pandemic on Patuas through the lenses of precarity, precariousness, and resilience, which have been seen as characterizing the creative and cultural industries (CCIs). The analysis is situated in the large body of literature that has addressed the rising uncertainty and unemployment in a number of sectors and focused on the precarity and vulnerability of certain kind of workers, particularly CCI workers.

#### **2. Patuas' Art Market Facing the Pandemic: Between Precariousness and Resilience**

#### *2.1. Precarity, Precariousness, Precariat*

Wilson et al. (2020), in their introduction to the special issue "Planetary Precarity and the Pandemic" of the *Journal of Postcolonial Writing*, trace the etymological roots of the word precarious to "the Indo-European root *prek-* which came into Latin as the term *prex*, meaning 'entreaty' or 'pray', but which is also connected with the word 'uncertain'." They argue that the etymological meaning buried in this centuries-old term has been re-enacted and endowed with new meanings in the 20th century and that precarity today has been caused by the effects of global neo-liberal capitalism in increasing worldwide inequality as "more extensive and less visible patterns of global dispossession" and "relatively unstable and dispersed conditions of deprivation and insecurity gain ground" (During 2015). Kasmir (2018), in the *Cambridge Encyclopedia of Anthropology*, concurs that precarity has not only been perceived as a new condition produced by the neoliberalist regime of capitalism in the late 20th century but has also been defined as an ontological condition marked by

It was Judith Butler's seminal distinction between precarity and precariousness that set the conceptual framework for the precarity debates. *In Frames of War*, Butler (2010) defines precarity as "a politically induced condition", a state of affairs often caused by

anxiety, insecurity, uncertainty, and fear that is transhistorical.

failures in the national state. In her scheme, precarity is different precisely because it is unequally distributed. Precariousness is the inherent state of vulnerability and dependence resulting from such inequality whereby subjects might be exposed to disease, violence, poverty, and civil war. Butler regards precariousness as a generalised human condition that accrues from the fact that all humans are interdependent on each other, and therefore all are vulnerable. Precarity is often used together with the terms precarious, precariousness, and precariat. In contrast to the term precariousness, by which human life can be understood from a collective, communal, and interdependently political point of view, the precariat refers to the individual's vulnerability as a result of his or her material existence, illustrating Giorgio Agamben's motion of *vita nuda* or bare life (Agamben 1998). As Butler has shown, some lives are perceived as more legitimate as lives in the frames established by state and the media discourses. The economist Standing (Standing 2016) proposes the notion of the "precariat," a neologism combining "precarious" and "proletariat" that describes a "classin-the making." Its condition is marked by labor insecurity, stable occupational identity, and the lack of a collective voice. Standing's notion of the precariat as a new global class has been disputed by many, such as Breman (2013) and Harvey (2012), who advances the position that given that the secure workers and the precariously employed are antagonistic classes, Standing's precariat concept may stall rather than facilitate that project.

#### *2.2. Precarity and the CCIs*

The term precarity entered the academic vocabulary in the 1980s to describe the general condition of workers, the majority of whom are engaged in the informal economy (Casas-Cortés 2014; Castel 2003; Neilson and Rossiter 2008; Lorey 2015). This condition is articulated to the new labour regime in the post-Fordist economy characterised by a permanent feature of capitalist development, as production was being reorganized through flexible labor regimes. According to Castells and Portes (1989), precarity is the outcome of the normalization of informal work or employment as the defining feature of work in Western economies in the late 20th and early 21st century. Disengaging the notion of informal economy out from a geopolitical hierarchy in which the informal was understood to exist primarily within the Global South, Castells and Portes (1989) argued that the "informal economy is universal" cutting across countries and regions as well as diverse economic classes. This transformation of the nature of work has placed middle class workers with informal, unstable employment in the global North in the same category as marginalised, low-paid workers in the global South, a large percentage of whom have always been and continue to be employed in the informal sector (Han 2018). According to Standing (Standing 2016),

As the 1990s proceeded, more and more people, not just in developing countries, found themselves in the status that development economists and anthropologists called 'informal'.

Over the years, a large body of work has emerged that has foregrounded the difference between the creative and cultural industries (CCI) with other industries in terms of the uncertainty and insecurity that has always characterised the cultural and creative workers (CCWs). This is largely due to the fragmented and irregular nature of the employment, short term contracts, freelancing, self-employment, transitory nature of work, and so on. Abbing (2002) focuses on the CCIs' distinctive characteristics and presents them as "exceptional". Caves (2000) identifies three important principles in the creative and cultural industry, namely the "nobody knows" principle with respect to the nature of demand and supply; the "art for art's sake" orientation of workers; and "the motley crew" and "how time flies" principles that acknowledges the time-bound nature of the work. Other scholars highlight the interconnected nature of skills and highly skilled individuals as well as the collaborative nature of work in the CCIs.

#### *2.3. Precarity, CCIs, and COVID-19*

Since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in March 2020, a large body of literature has addressed the rising uncertainty and unemployment in a number of sectors and focused on the precarity and vulnerability of certain kind of workers. In particular, the literature on the CCIs has brought to light the increasing vulnerability and precarious state of workers employed in this sector. Comunian and England (2020), in one of the earliest essays "Creative and Cultural Work without Filters: COVID-19 and Exposed Precarity in the Creative Economy", focus on the UK to examine 22 surveys conducted in the beginning of March 2020 to raise certain fundamental questions related to the cultural and creative industries. They identify three features of the CCIs, namely the characteristic precariousness of the industry due to uncertainty of the length of employment, the need to look at CCI work with filters, and the resilience that has been isolated in CCI workers following the 2008 economic crisis. Their findings reveal that although the surveys bring out visible critical factors, invisible personal and long-term sustainability has not been addressed. Banks and O'Connor (2021), in their introduction "'A Plague Upon your Howling': Art and Culture in the Viral Emergency" to a special issue of *Cultural Trends*, trace the international emergence of state policy in relation to the cultural and creative sector in the wake of COVID-19. In their view, the induction of the cultural and creative sectors in the industry and their entry into the market 40 years ago has made them vulnerable to the instabilities of the market economy and that state cultural policies are often influenced by the CCIs' new status as industry where the market is expected to regulate the demand and supply curve. Another way of justifying state policy's neglect of the culture and creative sector is to cite the flexibility, freedom, and self-employment avenues that CCI workers demonstrated during the last economic crisis in 2008. A report, "Culture, the Arts and the COVID-19 Pandemic: Five Cultural Capitals in Search of Solutions" by Anheier et al. (2021), reviews the cultural policy responses of Berlin, London, New York, Paris, and Toronto during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic through the lens of their respective governance capacities. Although these scholars have pointed to the wide disparities between state policies in different parts of the world, particularly those between the global South and the global North and within affluent nations with respect to ethnicity race and gender, not much research has been done on the impact of COVID-19 in the global South, particularly on marginalised folk artists.

#### *2.4. Patuas, Precariat, and Ontological Precarity*

Han (2018), in her essay "Precarity, Precariousness, and Vulnerability", focuses on the terms lumpen proletariat and informal economy, which have had an impact on the notion of precarity as a historical condition in relation to the notion of the precariat to explore the ways in which these terms offer an image of the state that is inherited by the term precarity. Then she turns to examine the exclusion of impoverished peasants and other informal workers in the term lumpen proletariat, which has a Marxist lineage, in describing the struggles of the urban working classes employed in the formal sector in the global North. This inherited meaning of precarity that percolates to the states' understanding of the definition of the precariat, she argues, fails to address the issues of poverty, uncertainty, and unemployment that have always plagued the majority of informal workers, particularly in rural parts of the global South. It is her turning to the second meaning of precarity "to chart a tension between asserting a common condition of ontological precarity and the impulse to describe the various ways in which vulnerability appears within forms of life", which might offer a framework for examining the hereditary performers of Naya in relation to the term precariat.

Unlike the urban proletariat and those who have been cast in the informal economy under neoliberal capitalism, the life worlds of these hereditary performers who eked out a meagre living and led a hand-to-mouth existence as nomadic entertainers until the 1970s have been defined by uncertainty and insecurity about their own, their community's, and their art's survival for centuries. Korom (2006) argues that the Patuas' lifeworlds

were defined by abject penury and hardships before they found their way into settlement, security, and acquired some degree of material well-being. As Dukhushyam Chitrakar ( 2020e), one of the Patua elders of Naya, explains, subsistence has always been a matter of chance and probability for the nomadic performers:

Patuas have undergone all sorts of oppression be it social or economic. And yet they have been able to earn their subsistence to this day overcoming all types of adversities, no matter how difficult that might have been. At the very beginning [,] we used to go to villages and act as entertainers, showing our paintings and narrating the depictions that were set to tune by us. There was no guarantee as to whether we would get anything in exchange from the households we visited in the village. Some days were worse than the others when we would return empty handed and had nothing to eat. We, as a community, have been able to put food on our plates for quite a long time now. Our children have the opportunity to attend schools and colleges, and we are done with the fear of going hungry for a day.

Dukhushyam Chitrakar's niece, Baharjaan Chitrakar, who lost her father at a very young age, recalls that she would often accompany her father, and even her grandfather, to villages, where they would perform to their scroll paintings and receive rice, pulses, and other items in return for providing entertainment. The breakthrough, in their case, occurred when her uncle sold some of their creations in Kolkata and earned a decent amount of money, which he shared with his family members, including Baharjaan Chitrakar (2020d). Amit Chitrakar grew up watching the difficulties faced by Patuas in earning a livelihood. For someone like his father, who was formerly a resident of Chaitanyapur in East Midnapore district, Patachitra was not sufficient for providing even bare subsistence. According to the now well-known artist, their families would have to wait till dusk for Patuas to return with whatever they would have collected throughout the day from the rural households to be able to prepare their dinner in the past. Now an established artist, Jaba Chitrakar and her husband had to wander around in nearby villages in the past displaying "pat" in order to make both ends meet. Jaba recalls the days when they would both go to different villages and bring back food and clothes in return for the entertainment that they would provide.

The instability in the Patuas' lifeworld, a part of the socio-economic difficulties they face, accrues from the irregular nature of patronage until recently. Due to instability, several Patuas were forced to abandon painting for other occupations before returning to their hereditary calling. Poverty stricken Dulal Chitrakar, now in his 70s, who moved to Naya during the 1950s, had to spend a number of years doing odd jobs, including pulling a rickshaw. The London-returned, now celebrated Yaqub Chitrakar faced many challenges while growing up that compelled him to set aside his desire to be a Patua and work as a cattle driver, a porter, and even as a mason, for varying periods of time. The son of the well-known Patua Amar Chitrakar, National Award winning Patua Anwar Chitrkar, felt disinclined to take up "pat" as a career due to his family's impoverished condition. Instead, he decided to pursue tailoring and left his job only in the latter half of the 1990s to resume his hereditary profession. Sanuyar Chitrakar, too, joined his brother Anwar after working for nearly fifteen years as a tailor before returning to Patachitra.

Despite having found economic stability due to the growing demand for their products and increased recognition since the 1990s, the Patuas continue to be afflicted by an undefinable angst and insecurity, which conforms to the second meaning of precarity as an ontological condition. Rahim Chitrakar (2020h), Dukhushyam Chitrakar's son, believes that these existential insecurities continue to haunt them:

Our experiences in being Patuas have been enlightening but nevertheless tormenting too. While growing up, we used to hear that our fathers used to go to villages to beg for food. We are lucky now that none of us have had to beg for food. But those memories are always haunting us like a specter from an ignoble past, affecting our present dispositions. We have always felt threatened.

#### *2.5. COVID-19, Patua, and Precariatization*

Precarity, as an ontological condition experienced by the Patuas for centuries, has become intensified after the onset of COVID-19.

But the current precarity is primarily due to the economic instability caused by the severely diminished demand for "pats" and live performances during the epidemic: "The art market had always been volatile if you ask me. It is more now due to the virus". (Bahar Chitrakar 2020c)

It produces an unnamable anxiety, voiced in Sushama Chitrakar's "pat" and song:

The corona virus is so scary. So scary! The corona virus is so scary. So scary! Hitherto, the name of the virus had never been heard of. The corona virus is so scary. So scary! The more I watch television, the more anxious I feel. The corona virus is so scary. So scary! (2020)

Thirty Patuas, specifically interviewed to share the economic impact of COVID-19 on their lives, reiterated that their inability to travel outside to sell their "pats" or participate in live exhibitions and workshops had led to a rapid decline in their incomes, carrying the threat of precariatization that would eventually recast them in the space of the precariat:

I had to sell the little jewelry that I had. I am now thinking whether it would be a good idea if I go and beg for food in exchange for showing my "pats". It has completely destroyed all our savings and has imprisoned us in an impoverished life.

(Manimala Chitrakar 2020f)

The Patuas were quick to link their own economic instability to the prevailing economic insecurity due to job losses, closure of businesses, and so on that left most people resources sufficient only for their essential needs:

The art market is destroyed just like any other market. I have friends who work in different professions and are facing the same difficulty as I am.

(Bahadur Chitrakar 2020b)

When they were invited to exhibit and sell their products in the Handicrafts Mela in Kolkata in December 2020, most were either unable to sell their products or had to sell them at lower prices due to the limited footfall at the Mela. Dukhushyam Chitrakar (2020e) avers,

With this recent rage of the pandemic [,] however, things have changed again. I hear it from my sons that they are not getting the amount of work they used to. Exhibitions and displays have come to a standstill is what I gather from most of those living in the villages.

Another Patua elder, Shyamsundar Chitrakar (2020j), who is in his 80s, sums up the feeling of uncertainty mentioned by each Patua:

But all of us are very unsure about what might happen next. You see, there are fresh cases emerging again and then there is the talk of lockdowns once more. This has made all of us feel very unsure and insecure about the future.

His wife, Rani Chitrakar (2020i), unpacks the uncertainty further:

It is not because of the virus, but there are certain indirect implications because of it. Personally, I have been worried about how we are going to continue with our work if this pandemic continues.

Manu Chitrakar (2020g) echoes their sentiments:

Everyone is worried more about their survival and about their individual health because if the pandemic doesn't kill us, we'll surely die because of hunger.

Anwar Chitrakar's (2020a) response captures the ontological precarity that appears to have been ingrained in the Patua community affecting his creativity:

To be very honest [,] we aren't being able to work properly. If you ask me, there is always this tension at the back of my mind. I cannot do anything creative because of this. I have to wonder always where I should put my concentration, my paintings or my survival?

Rani Chitrakar's plaintive appeal to God for cursing the world with the scourge in her "pat" on the coronavirus (Figure 1) and the accompanying song encompasses the etymological meaning of precarity as to pray and entreaty in Wilson et al. (2020):

O merciful Lord, what have you done! Why did you curse people all over the world with the coronavirus? That is why artists like us—the patuas—wonder when the lockdown would be finally lifted. When can we finally start selling the patas that we have composed? O merciful Lord, what have you done! Why did you curse people all over the world with the coronavirus? Why did you do this? Why did you do this?

The explanation Rani Chitrakar (2020i) provides for what she was trying to represent in her painting conveys the connected meaning of uncertainty attached to the etymology of precarity:

My painting is, in principle, a question to God as to why He plagued our lives with a virus as deadly as the corona. It seeks an answer for the cause of such a disaster from God Almighty while creating awareness among people at the same time. In addition to our efforts and strength that are needed to battle this pandemic, we also need God's blessings.

The plaintive prayer in Swarna Chitrakar's painting (Figure 2), commissioned in April 2020 by Anjali Gera Roy for the project "Folk Artists in the Times of Coronavirus", which returns to the etymological roots of precarity as to pray and entreat, perhaps accounts for its power to touch thousands of hearts when it went viral in May 2020:

Listen O Merciful Lord,

How do I tell you?

My heart shatters in grief, listening to the woes of people in this corona-stricken world.

Scientists all over the world are working hard to find a cure to this.

O Merciful Lord, you are capable of doing anything and everything in this world.

Kindly listen to the woes of people.

You have made the scientists and the doctors very intelligent.

There will again be a day when we'll all come together and spend our days happily.

Listen O Merciful Lord,

How do I tell you?

My heart shatters in grief, listening to the woes of people in this corona-stricken world.

How do I tell you?

Thank you. Greetings!

**Figure 1.** Rani Chitrakar, "Coronavirus". Commissioned by Anjali Gera Roy for Project "Folk Artists in the Time of Coronavirus" **Figure 1.** Rani Chitrakar, "Coronavirus". Commissioned by Anjali Gera Roy for Project "Folk Artists in the Time of Coronavirus"

**Figure 2.** Swarna Chitrakar, "Coronavirus". Commissioned by Anjali Gera Roy for Project "Folk Artists in the Time of Coronavirus" **Figure 2.** Swarna Chitrakar, "Coronavirus". Commissioned by Anjali Gera Roy for Project "Folk Artists in the Time of Coronavirus"

Although Swarna Chitrakar's painting brought her and Naya considerable media attention (Figure 3) since its being shared on several social media and attracting tweets by several Indian ministers, such as then Minister of State for Human Resource Development, Communications and Electronics and Information Technology, Sanjay Dhotre, and Textiles Minister, Smriti Irani, almost immediately, it did not translate into short-term monetary compensation or long-term state policy on folk artists. Although Swarna Chitrakar's painting brought her and Naya considerable media attention (Figure 3) since its being shared on several social media and attracting tweets by several Indian ministers, such as then Minister of State for Human Resource Development, Communications and Electronics and Information Technology, Sanjay Dhotre, and Textiles Minister, Smriti Irani, almost immediately, it did not translate into short-term monetary compensation or long-term state policy on folk artists. Although Swarna Chitrakar's painting brought her and Naya considerable media attention (Figure 3) since its being shared on several social media and attracting tweets by several Indian ministers, such as then Minister of State for Human Resource Development, Communications and Electronics and Information Technology, Sanjay Dhotre, and Textiles Minister, Smriti Irani, almost immediately, it did not translate into short-term monetary compensation or long-term state policy on folk artists.

**Figure 3.** Swarna Chitrakar's "Pat" Goes Viral. Acknowledgments to Swarna Chitrakar. **Figure 3.** Swarna Chitrakar's "Pat" Goes Viral. Acknowledgments to Swarna Chitrakar. **Figure 3.** Swarna Chitrakar's "Pat" Goes Viral. Acknowledgments to Swarna Chitrakar.

Anwar Chitrakar's "pat" (Figure 4) garnered another award for him, namely one by the Indian Council for Cultural Relations. Anwar Chitrakar's "pat" (Figure 4) garnered another award for him, namely one by the Indian Council for Cultural Relations. Anwar Chitrakar's "pat" (Figure 4) garnered another award for him, namely one by the Indian Council for Cultural Relations.

**Figure 4.** Anwar Chitrakar, "Coronavirus". ICCR Award-winning Scroll without Song Acknowledgments to Anwar Chitrakar. **Figure 4.** Anwar Chitrakar, "Coronavirus". ICCR Award-winning Scroll without Song Acknowledgments to Anwar Chitrakar. **Figure 4.** Anwar Chitrakar, "Coronavirus". ICCR Award-winning Scroll without Song Acknowledgments to Anwar Chitrakar.

#### *2.6. Resilience*

The notion of resilience has acquired wide currency in the recent times and has been adopted in policy-making debates in the 21st century, particularly after the global financial crisis of 2008–2009. The ability of the CCI workers to generate forms of self-employment, short-term contracts, and project-based work during this crisis was hailed as equipping them with a resilience lacking in workers in other informal and formal sectors (Felton et al. 2010). This "creative class thesis" (Florida 2002) has been interrogated over the years since the crash with Donald et al. (2013), asking "if members of the creative class have been less likely to experience unemployment than workers in other occupational groups." The "received notion of resilience that is atomistic and closed (Pratt 2015)" has been equally critiqued. Asserting that resilience has become a hegemonic term, Pratt (2015), in "Resilience, Locality and the Cultural Economy," questions "the normative interpretations of resilience as they apply to the local cultural economy" and concludes that "resilience does not mean one thing for the cultural sector." Rozentale and Lavanga's (2014) questioning of "the universal assumptions about the nature and characteristics of the creative industries" in relation to "a less economically advanced city" in "The Universal Characteristics of Creative Industries Revisited: The Case of Riga" paves the way for their applicability to rural creative economies, particularly folk and traditional ones like that of the Patuas.

Resilience, as defined in the post 2008 CCI analysis, would definitely not have taken into account the hereditary resilience that has enabled the Patua community to survive for centuries by adapting to the need of the hour. Korom (2006), in *The Village of Painters: Narrative Scrolls from West Bengal,* highlighted the resilience of the painters of Naya by arguing that the Patua have worked to create a unique form of modernity. The precarity and precariousness that has underpinned Patua existence for centuries due to oppressive penury, instability, and marginalization is compensated by their ingenuity, innovativeness, resourcefulness, and resilience that has ensured the continuity of their practice dating back to several centuries (Korom 2006). Patuas' adaptation to the market economy following the demise of their ritual informational and entertainment role and the subsequent loss of patronage from the 1970s is a classic example of their inherent resilience.

The Patuas interviewed for this project cited the inability of tourists and visitors to travel to their village; closure or limited avenues for participating in fairs, exhibitions or performances; and economic slowdown and diminishing of the purchasing power of buyers as the prime factors in their inability to market their creative productions and economically sustain themselves after the onset of COVID-19. A few of the Patuas have since been commissioned to prepare "pats" on the coronavirus for governmental and nongovernmental organizations and individual curators and invited to participate in exhibitions, such as the Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose's 150th Centenary Celebrations in National Museum Kolkata in January 2021, opened by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Some, such as Rani Chitrakar, Swarna Chitrakar, and Jaba Chitrakar, have also been invited to do online and live workshops and exhibitions by state and private institutions. However, invitations have been restricted to approximately 20 to 25 Patuas among the 139 practicising Patuas for several reasons, including age, talent, visibility, media savviness, adaptability to new digital modes, and networks but, most of all, manipulation of market networks by a few to the exclusion of the majority.

While some of the established and well-connected Patuas, like Rani, Ranjit, Swarna, and Gurupada, acknowledged having been invited to conduct live workshops or programmes and being paid a handsome fee, the majority were able to sell their products, albeit fewer and at lower rates, only at the Handicrafts Fair in Kolkata. Most of the Patuas have become adept at using Whatsapp and other social media to share their paintings and products with regular or potential buyers to market their products. However, only a handful, like Rani, Swarna, and Ranjit admitted to having received orders for painting scrolls or objects from their regular or new clients and couriering the same. Elderly Patuas, like Dukhushyam, Shyamsundar, and Dulal lamented that everything has gone online and

that they were unable to avail of the opportunities offered by the digital mode, as they were too poor or old to own or use smart phones. Younger Patuas, like Manimala and Bahadur, called attention to the appropriation of the digital marketing openings by a few Patuas with strong NGO and market networks in contrast to others who were contemplating selling their assets or taking up hard labour through the MNREGA scheme of the Indian government to make ends meet. that they were unable to avail of the opportunities offered by the digital mode, as they were too poor or old to own or use smart phones. Younger Patuas, like Manimala and Bahadur, called attention to the appropriation of the digital marketing openings by a few Patuas with strong NGO and market networks in contrast to others who were contemplating selling their assets or taking up hard labour through the MNREGA scheme of the Indian government to make ends meet.

After having waited for state invitations to create awareness programmes on coronavirus, as they have been since the outbreak of HIV AIDS for nearly a year, the more resourceful Patuas, led by Anwar Chitrakar, Gurupada Chitrakar, Manu Chitrakar, and Bahadur Chitrakar, formed four teams of performers who went around creating awareness in the surrounding villages on their own initiative and expense initially. This perfectly illustrates their paradigmatic resourcefulness in generating self-employment. Subsequently, they were invited by several state departments, including IIT Kharagpur, to stage these awareness programmes using Patachitra performance techniques on remuneration (Figures 5 and 6). Notwithstanding the resilience that the Patuas have imbibed and demonstrated over the centuries and was visible in the initiatives taken by them to find avenues for self-employment, the deadly virus claimed the life of the most enterprising and ingenious of them all, Gurupada Chitrakar, in June 2021. After having waited for state invitations to create awareness programmes on coronavirus, as they have been since the outbreak of HIV AIDS for nearly a year, the more resourceful Patuas, led by Anwar Chitrakar, Gurupada Chitrakar, Manu Chitrakar, and Bahadur Chitrakar, formed four teams of performers who went around creating awareness in the surrounding villages on their own initiative and expense initially. This perfectly illustrates their paradigmatic resourcefulness in generating self-employment. Subsequently, they were invited by several state departments, including IIT Kharagpur, to stage these awareness programmes using Patachitra performance techniques on remuneration (Figures 5 and 6). Notwithstanding the resilience that the Patuas have imbibed and demonstrated over the centuries and was visible in the initiatives taken by them to find avenues for self-employment, the deadly virus claimed the life of the most enterprising and ingenious of them all, Gurupada Chitrakar, in June 2021.

**Figure 5.** Third Left Panel from Top: Manu Chitrakar, Swarna Chitrakar, Rani Chitrakar, Manimala Chitrakar, and Gurupada Chitrakar Live in Online Exhibition "Life on Scroll", Co-hosted by Gurudev Tagore Centre For Culture, Embassy of India Mexico, and IIT Kharagpur, 20 February 2021. Photo Courtesy Gurudev Tagor Centre for Culture. **Figure 5.** Third Left Panel from Top: Manu Chitrakar, Swarna Chitrakar, Rani Chitrakar, Manimala Chitrakar, and Gurupada Chitrakar Live in Online Exhibition "Life on Scroll", Co-hosted by Gurudev Tagore Centre For Culture, Embassy of India Mexico, and IIT Kharagpur, 20 February 2021. Photo Courtesy Gurudev Tagor Centre for Culture.

**Figure 6.** Poster Exhibition and Live Performance by Naya Patuas Outside Farmers' Market in IIT Kharagpur, 18 April 2021. Curated by Anjali Gera Roy for Project "Folk Artists in the Time of Coronavirus". **Figure 6.** Poster Exhibition and Live Performance by Naya Patuas Outside Farmers' Market in IIT Kharagpur, 18 April 2021. Curated by Anjali Gera Roy for Project "Folk Artists in the Time of Coronavirus".

#### **3. Conclusions 3. Conclusions**

As we saw, lockdown measures forced Patuas to stay in the villages without the possibility of exhibiting and performing and with the risk of starving, as they were not able to travel to fairs and sell their works. Initiatives from the government helped them, but the rations received were not enough. Therefore, with some external support from universities and organisations, Patuas artists started to turn their performances into online As we saw, lockdown measures forced Patuas to stay in the villages without the possibility of exhibiting and performing and with the risk of starving, as they were not able to travel to fairs and sell their works. Initiatives from the government helped them, but the rations received were not enough. Therefore, with some external support from universities and organisations, Patuas artists started to turn their performances into online contents.

contents. Online exhibitions have become an incredible opportunity also for those Patuas who did not have the chance to travel to show their work and connect to different parts of the world. Surely, this will represent a possible path to be followed in the future also to give all artists the possibility to showcase their scrolls and to promote the oral tradition through Online exhibitions have become an incredible opportunity also for those Patuas who did not have the chance to travel to show their work and connect to different parts of the world. Surely, this will represent a possible path to be followed in the future also to give all artists the possibility to showcase their scrolls and to promote the oral tradition through live performances.

live performances. As scrolls can be found in art galleries, it may represent an opportunity to promote and revitalize the performances, putting the attention on the songs and the processes and not merely to the painting. If properly exploited, this temporary arrest may lead to new opportunities and positive development for safeguarding this cultural heritage and pro-As scrolls can be found in art galleries, it may represent an opportunity to promote and revitalize the performances, putting the attention on the songs and the processes and not merely to the painting. If properly exploited, this temporary arrest may lead to new opportunities and positive development for safeguarding this cultural heritage and promoting the processes behind the scroll.

moting the processes behind the scroll. Patuas have always understood their heritage in a very dynamic way and have un-Patuas have always understood their heritage in a very dynamic way and have undergone several processes of transformation over the centuries.

dergone several processes of transformation over the centuries. They do not simply report these events in a systematic way but add valuable comments as if to convey their own ethical truth. As we have just seen, this happened also They do not simply report these events in a systematic way but add valuable comments as if to convey their own ethical truth. As we have just seen, this happened also with the pandemic and their condition as folk artists.

with the pandemic and their condition as folk artists. The adaptation of the Patachitra to influences, both external and internal to society, is an almost continuous symbolism that is intrinsic to their history and tradition. By negotiating their role in the surrounding world, they express the changing identity of the community of artists but also of India itself. Thus, Chitrakars have taken up the challenge of updating their tradition in a novel way, allowing them to assert that metamorphosis The adaptation of the Patachitra to influences, both external and internal to society, is an almost continuous symbolism that is intrinsic to their history and tradition. By negotiating their role in the surrounding world, they express the changing identity of the community of artists but also of India itself. Thus, Chitrakars have taken up the challenge of updating their tradition in a novel way, allowing them to assert that metamorphosis and reworking are part of the life cycle of this art.

and reworking are part of the life cycle of this art. **Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, M.Z. and A.G.R.; formal analysis, M.Z. and A.G.R.; writing—original draft preparation, M.Z. and A.G.R.; writing—review and editing, M.Z. and A.G.R.; supervision, M.Z. and A.G.R.; funding acquisition, A.G.R. Both authors have read and agreed to the **Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, M.Z. and A.G.R.; formal analysis, M.Z. and A.G.R.; writing—original draft preparation, M.Z. and A.G.R.; writing—review and editing, M.Z. and A.G.R.; supervision, M.Z. and A.G.R.; funding acquisition, A.G.R. Both authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

published version of the manuscript. **Funding:** Funding for the interviews was received from IIT Kharagpur as part of Anjali Gera Roy's **Funding:** Funding for the interviews was received from IIT Kharagpur as part of Anjali Gera Roy's project "Folk Artists in the Time of Coronavirus" (2020–2021).

project "Folk Artists in the Time of Coronavirus" (2020–2021). **Data Availability Statement:** Not applicable. **Data Availability Statement:** Not applicable.

**Acknowledgments:** A special thanks to Atmadeep Ghoshal, undergraduate intern in Project "Folk Artists in the Time of Coronavirus" (2020–2021) for conducting telephonic interviews between December 2020–January 2021 with Patuas of Naya. Copyright of all photographs included in figures belongs to Anjali Gera Roy for her Project "Folk Artists in the Time of Coronavirus" (2020–2021).

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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**Eve Grinstead**

École Normale Supérieure (Ulm), Université Paris Sciences Lettres (PSL), ED 540—École Doctorale Lettres, Arts, Sciences Humaines et Sociales, L'Institut d'histoire Moderne et Contemporaine (IHMC), UMR 8066, 75005 Paris, France; evegrinstead@gmail.com

**Abstract:** How has COVID-19 affected the global art market? This virus interrupted 2020 in unforeseen ways globally, including the cancellation of the most important art events of the year. Through a close chronological study of the Emirati art scene's response, both in commercial and noncommercial venues, this essay explains how, and why, the UAE's art scene was able to react quickly and perhaps more effectively than that of other nations, and what that means for its future. Based on fieldwork and press articles, this article posits that the Emirati art scene evolved from being virtually non-existent to a thriving contemporary art hub in a matter of decades because it has always had to adapt to challenges such as nonexistent art infrastructure or the 2008 financial crisis. By studying the UAE, we find examples of exhibitions that quickly moved from being in situ to online, a rare instance of galleries and art auction house collaborating, government and institutional structures stepping up to support artists and galleries, and the renaissance of Art Dubai taking place in person in 2021 after being abruptly cancelled in 2020. This knowledge provides insight into how the global art market is changing to face the consequences of COVID-19.

**Keywords:** United Arab Emirates (UAE); Art Dubai; Alserkal Avenue; Sotheby's Dubai; virtual exhibitions; Abu Dhabi Art; post-COVID-19 art market

#### **1. Introduction**

COVID-19 interrupted nearly every industry internationally in 2020, and in some places still does. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) was, however, less affected than other locations, which is evident in its contemporary art scene. Due to the quickly growing nature and innate adaptability of this market—whose epicentre is Dubai—contemporary art in this small country was able to not merely survive but prosper during the pandemic. It should be noted that the sources for the arguments put forth in this essay are largely based on fieldwork and press articles, not theoretical academic research. This is a conscious choice for two reasons: first, to not reveal longer-term research currently underway, and second, since this article addresses a current phenomenon that is still ongoing, the decision was made to give greater importance to historical context, in addition to providing a highly detailed account of the Emirati art scene's reaction to COVID-19—and how they are related—since this collective behaviour is precisely what we posit has helped it fare well through the pandemic.

As a brief history, the UAE (see Figures 1 and 2) became a federation of seven states— Abu Dhabi, Dubai, Sharjah, Umm al-Qaiwain, Fujairah, Ajman, and Ras al-Khaima—in 1971 (Heard-Bey 1982). Its art community emerged only a few years later, in the late 1970s and early 1980s, through a variety of structures, both commercial and not-for-profit sectors. In 1979, Sheikh Dr. Sultan bin Muhammad Al Qasimi, the ruler of Sharjah, declared a 'Revolution of Culture' for his emirate, which placed an emphasis on the fine arts and higher education, established a book fair, and a theatre (Kazerouni 2017). That same year, British expatriate Allison Collins founded Dubai's first art gallery—Majlis—in her home in Bastakiya (Collins 2020). Throughout the gallery's first decade, Collins hosted many shows

**Citation:** Grinstead, Eve. 2021. Global Art Market in the Aftermath of COVID-19: A Case Study on the United Arab Emirates. *Arts* 10: 59. https://doi.org/10.3390/ arts10030059

Academic Editor: Elena Sidorova

Received: 15 June 2021 Accepted: 24 August 2021 Published: 30 August 2021

**Publisher's Note:** MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

**Copyright:** © 2021 by the author. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

without an official license, but it became officially registered as an LLC in 1989 (Moghadam 2012). The Emirates Fine Arts Society (EFAS) opened in 1980 in Sharjah to host classes and annual exhibitions for its members and invited artists. in Bastakiya (Collins 2020). Throughout the gallery's first decade, Collins hosted many shows without an official license, but it became officially registered as an LLC in 1989 (Moghadam 2012). The Emirates Fine Arts Society (EFAS) opened in 1980 in Sharjah to host classes and annual exhibitions for its members and invited artists. British expatriate Allison Collins founded Dubai's first art gallery—Majlis—in her home in Bastakiya (Collins 2020). Throughout the gallery's first decade, Collins hosted many shows without an official license, but it became officially registered as an LLC in 1989 (Moghadam 2012). The Emirates Fine Arts Society (EFAS) opened in 1980 in Sharjah to

British expatriate Allison Collins founded Dubai's first art gallery—Majlis—in her home

*Arts* **2021**, *10*, x FOR PEER REVIEW 2 of 20

*Arts* **2021**, *10*, x FOR PEER REVIEW 2 of 20

**Figure 1.** Map of the Arabian Peninsula illustrating the UAE in relation to neighbouring countries. Used with permission from Pngegg.com accessed on 1 June 2021. **Figure 1.** Map of the Arabian Peninsula illustrating the UAE in relation to neighbouring countries. Used with permission from Pngegg.com accessed on 1 June 2021. **Figure 1.** Map of the Arabian Peninsula illustrating the UAE in relation to neighbouring countries. Used with permission from Pngegg.com accessed on 1 June 2021.

Pngegg.com accessed on 1 June 2021. A year later, Abu Dhabi's Cultural Foundation opened as an arts and culture centre **Figure 2.** Map of the seven states of the United Arab Emirates. Used with permission from Pngegg.com accessed on 1 June 2021. **Figure 2.** Map of the seven states of the United Arab Emirates. Used with permission from Pngegg.c om accessed on 1 June 2021.

and hosted the first national library. In 1987, the 'father' of the Emirati art scene, Hassan Sharif, founded the Dubai Art Atelier (Allison 2017), and since the 1990s, residencies such as those at the Khor Fakkan Public Library (founded in 1990) and EFAS (1992) were launched, establishing a long tradition of artistic support: Today, those at Tashkeel (founded in 2008), Alserkal Avenue (founded in 2015) and the Sheikha Salama Foundation (Salama Emerging Artist Fellowship, SEAF, founded in 2013) in Abu Dhabi continue to nourish the arts. In 1993, Sharjah remained at the forefront of the noncommercial scene by establishing the Sharjah Biennial, and two years later, the Sharjah Art Museum. Since 1997, the UAE French Cultural Centre has hosted exhibitions that showcase the local art scene, such as *UAE Artists* and *Emirates Identities* in 2000 (Allison 2017). In the mid-1990s, the current commercial art landscape began to take form. In Abu A year later, Abu Dhabi's Cultural Foundation opened as an arts and culture centre and hosted the first national library. In 1987, the 'father' of the Emirati art scene, Hassan Sharif, founded the Dubai Art Atelier (Allison 2017), and since the 1990s, residencies such as those at the Khor Fakkan Public Library (founded in 1990) and EFAS (1992) were launched, establishing a long tradition of artistic support: Today, those at Tashkeel (founded in 2008), Alserkal Avenue (founded in 2015) and the Sheikha Salama Foundation (Salama Emerging Artist Fellowship, SEAF, founded in 2013) in Abu Dhabi continue to nourish the arts. In 1993, Sharjah remained at the forefront of the noncommercial scene by establishing the Sharjah Biennial, and two years later, the Sharjah Art Museum. Since 1997, the UAE French Cultural Centre has hosted exhibitions that showcase the local art scene, such as *UAE Artists* and *Emirates Identities* in 2000 (Allison 2017). A year later, Abu Dhabi's Cultural Foundation opened as an arts and culture centre and hosted the first national library. In 1987, the 'father' of the Emirati art scene, Hassan Sharif, founded the Dubai Art Atelier (Allison 2017), and since the 1990s, residencies such as those at the Khor Fakkan Public Library (founded in 1990) and EFAS (1992) were launched, establishing a long tradition of artistic support: Today, those at Tashkeel (founded in 2008), Alserkal Avenue (founded in 2015) and the Sheikha Salama Foundation (Salama Emerging Artist Fellowship, SEAF, founded in 2013) in Abu Dhabi continue to nourish the arts. In 1993, Sharjah remained at the forefront of the noncommercial scene by establishing the Sharjah Biennial, and two years later, the Sharjah Art Museum. Since 1997, the UAE French Cultural Centre has hosted exhibitions that showcase the local art scene, such as *UAE Artists* and *Emirates Identities* in 2000 (Allison 2017).

Dhabi—known less for its galleries and more for large, international, and institutional partnerships—the Salwa Zeidan Gallery opened in 1994. In Dubai, the following year, the Green Art Gallery, established in 1987 in Homs, opened another branch in a villa in the In the mid-1990s, the current commercial art landscape began to take form. In Abu Dhabi—known less for its galleries and more for large, international, and institutional partnerships—the Salwa Zeidan Gallery opened in 1994. In Dubai, the following year, the Green Art Gallery, established in 1987 in Homs, opened another branch in a villa in the In the mid-1990s, the current commercial art landscape began to take form. In Abu Dhabi—known less for its galleries and more for large, international, and institutional partnerships—the Salwa Zeidan Gallery opened in 1994. In Dubai, the following year, the Green Art Gallery, established in 1987 in Homs, opened another branch in a villa in the

residential neighbourhood of Jumeriah; in 1996, the 1 × 1 Gallery in Satwa (Dubai) was founded, and between 1997 and 1998 the Iranian architect Dariush Zandi opened the Total Arts Gallery in Al Quoz—one of the first galleries in this industrial district. Joining Zandi in the area, Sharon Harvey launched the Showcase Gallery at this time; this district is now the centre of Dubai's most reputable galleries. In 1998, Alanood Al-Warshow, the first Emirati gallerist, opened the Hunar Gallery in Rashidiya (Figure 3). residential neighbourhood of Jumeriah; in 1996, the 1 × 1 Gallery in Satwa (Dubai) was founded, and between 1997 and 1998 the Iranian architect Dariush Zandi opened the Total Arts Gallery in Al Quoz—one of the first galleries in this industrial district. Joining Zandi in the area, Sharon Harvey launched the Showcase Gallery at this time; this district is now the centre of Dubai's most reputable galleries. In 1998, Alanood Al-Warshow, the first Emirati gallerist, opened the Hunar Gallery in Rashidiya (Figure 3).

**Figure 3.** Map of Dubai indicating various neighbourhoods or buildings associated with the city's art market. Original map courtesy of OpenStreetMap.org, edited with permission by the author. **Figure 3.** Map of Dubai indicating various neighbourhoods or buildings associated with the city's art market. Original map courtesy of OpenStreetMap.org, edited with permission by the author.

The 2000s witnessed an equally dynamic growth of galleries around Dubai, from the XVA Gallery in 2003 in Bastakiya to the Tabari Art Space Downtown in 2003, and in 2005 and 2006 the Meem Art Gallery, The Third Line, and B21 (now the Isabelle van den Eynde –IVDE—gallery), all in Al Quoz. The development of galleries in this area encouraged Hassan Sharif to open the Flying House in 2007; although considered more of an artist collective and exhibition space than a commercial gallery, it is nonetheless an example of a budding artistic climate (Allison 2017). The 2000s witnessed an equally dynamic growth of galleries around Dubai, from the XVA Gallery in 2003 in Bastakiya to the Tabari Art Space Downtown in 2003, and in 2005 and 2006 the Meem Art Gallery, The Third Line, and B21 (now the Isabelle van den Eynde –IVDE—gallery), all in Al Quoz. The development of galleries in this area encouraged Hassan Sharif to open the Flying House in 2007; although considered more of an artist collective and exhibition space than a commercial gallery, it is nonetheless an example of a budding artistic climate (Allison 2017).

In the late 2000s, the establishment of larger exhibition spaces, though not commercial, contributed to the valorisation of local artists and galleries, helping the art scene flourish. These included the Dubai Community Theatre & Arts Centre (DUCTAC) in 2006, Traffic (an exhibition space), and Creek Art Fair (noncommercial, rebranded as Sikka Art Fair) in 2007, Alserkal Avenue (Alserkal) in 2008, and the Sharjah Art Foundation (SAF) in 2009. As for the commercial market, the first edition of Art Dubai (then known as the DIFC Gulf Art Fair) occurred around this time, as well as the opening of a branch of Bonhams in 2007, and the first local sale by Christie's in 2008. Magazines such as *Canvas*, *Bidoun,* and *Harper's Bazaar Arabia* were also founded to report and reflect on the burgeoning In the late 2000s, the establishment of larger exhibition spaces, though not commercial, contributed to the valorisation of local artists and galleries, helping the art scene flourish. These included the Dubai Community Theatre & Arts Centre (DUCTAC) in 2006, Traffic (an exhibition space), and Creek Art Fair (noncommercial, rebranded as Sikka Art Fair) in 2007, Alserkal Avenue (Alserkal) in 2008, and the Sharjah Art Foundation (SAF) in 2009. As for the commercial market, the first edition of Art Dubai (then known as the DIFC Gulf Art Fair) occurred around this time, as well as the opening of a branch of Bonhams in 2007, and the first local sale by Christie's in 2008. Magazines such as *Canvas*, *Bidoun,* and *Harper's Bazaar Arabia* were also founded to report and reflect on the burgeoning art scene.

art scene. While the presence of illustrious auction houses bolstered the UAE art scene—notably thanks to Christie's first auction whose sale of Farhad Moshiri's work for over a million dollars stunned the global art scene (Moghadam 2012)—other international ventures such as the Louvre and the Guggenheim announced their intention to open museums on While the presence of illustrious auction houses bolstered the UAE art scene—notably thanks to Christie's first auction whose sale of Farhad Moshiri's work for over a million dollars stunned the global art scene (Moghadam 2012)—other international ventures such as the Louvre and the Guggenheim announced their intention to open museums on Saadiyat Island, Abu Dhabi. The creation of such a cosmopolitan presence in the two largest emirates demonstrates a more international recognition of the local scene, which

continued to grow despite the 2008–2009 financial crisis. Despite this economic recession, the art market persisted, and galleries continued to open at hubs such as Alserkal Avenue (Figure 4) or the Dubai International Financial Centre (DIFC), and elsewhere in the city. Art Dubai (now with its current name, and new location at the Madinah Jumeriah hotel) continued to present a growing roster of galleries and programming every year; Alserkal Avenue announced a few years later a mirroring expansion, doubling the number of creative spaces, including international galleries such as Leila Heller and Stéphane Custot. exist. These include challenges with residency visas for artists who have a studio practice rather than a traditional 9-to-5; the lack of dedicated art supply specialty stores for working artists; the need for more higher education arts programs, plus under-developed archives for historic art practices. But each of these have been improving over the past decade and a new wave of arts governance is ambitious and intent on change. The growth of the scene in the UAE was, and is, messy and non-linear, but it has a momentum that feels fresh and urgent, and a deep sense that the arts really matter (Carver 2018).

The challenges we faced were often matters of infrastructure—how to build an audience in an emphatically diverse country of many languages, where many residents were unfamiliar with the district's galleries popped up in; how to establish nonprofits when the relevant government codes didn't yet exist; how to support young artists who were between residency visas. These challenges may have prompted invaluable creative collaborations, but frustratingly, many still

Scene', in which she discussed the importance of adaptation and reinvention:

*Arts* **2021**, *10*, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 20

Saadiyat Island, Abu Dhabi. The creation of such a cosmopolitan presence in the two largest emirates demonstrates a more international recognition of the local scene, which continued to grow despite the 2008–2009 financial crisis. Despite this economic recession, the art market persisted, and galleries continued to open at hubs such as Alserkal Avenue (Figure 4) or the Dubai International Financial Centre (DIFC), and elsewhere in the city. Art Dubai (now with its current name, and new location at the Madinah Jumeriah hotel) continued to present a growing roster of galleries and programming every year; Alserkal Avenue announced a few years later a mirroring expansion, doubling the number of creative spaces, including international galleries such as Leila Heller and Stéphane Custot. This comprehensive pre-COVID timeline is necessary to demonstrate the astonishing rate at which the Emirati art scene, both commercial and nonprofit, grew from the early days of the country's history. Despite the lack of an established art history discourse, galleries, foundations, residencies, and artist collectives emerged, even though there was no existing infrastructure for aspects such as artistic or creative trade licenses, art handlers, art insurance companies, knowledgeable professionals to ensure correct light or climate control in exhibition rooms, etc. (Moghadam 2012). Indeed, in 2018, Antonia Carver, Director of the Dubai-based Jameel Art Centre and former director of Art Dubai, wrote an opinion piece on 'What Most of the World Still Does not Understand About the UAE Art

**Figure 4.** Aerial shot of Alserkal Avenue, 2017. Birds-eye-view of the art hub, with the original warehouses on the left and the newer expansion on the right. The view continues west towards Dubai Marina, over Al Quoz, with a view of Sheikh Zayed Road on the far right. Image courtesy of Alserkal Avenue.

This comprehensive pre-COVID timeline is necessary to demonstrate the astonishing rate at which the Emirati art scene, both commercial and nonprofit, grew from the early days of the country's history. Despite the lack of an established art history discourse, galleries, foundations, residencies, and artist collectives emerged, even though there was no existing infrastructure for aspects such as artistic or creative trade licenses, art handlers, art insurance companies, knowledgeable professionals to ensure correct light or climate control in exhibition rooms, etc. (Moghadam 2012). Indeed, in 2018, Antonia Carver, Director of the Dubai-based Jameel Art Centre and former director of Art Dubai, wrote an opinion piece on 'What Most of the World Still Does not Understand About the UAE Art Scene', in which she discussed the importance of adaptation and reinvention:

The challenges we faced were often matters of infrastructure—how to build an audience in an emphatically diverse country of many languages, where many residents were unfamiliar with the district's galleries popped up in; how to establish nonprofits when the relevant government codes didn't yet exist; how to support young artists who were between residency visas. These challenges may have prompted invaluable creative collaborations, but frustratingly, many still exist. These include challenges with residency visas for artists who have a studio practice rather than a traditional 9-to-5; the lack of dedicated art supply specialty stores for working artists; the need for more higher education arts programs, plus under-developed archives for historic art practices. But each of these have been improving over the past decade and a new wave of arts governance is ambitious and intent on change. The growth of the scene in the UAE was, and is, messy and non-linear, but it has a momentum that feels fresh and urgent, and a deep sense that the arts really matter. (Carver 2018)

The fast-paced nature of the UAE allowed those now considered art 'pioneers' to create a scene and market where none existed before. Doing so demanded a great deal of flexibility, as described by Carver. Each player involved in creating the market from the ground up had experienced what the 'art scene' meant, how it appeared, and functioned, elsewhere in the world (though not necessarily in a professional context). Being in the Gulf and not Europe, North America, or elsewhere in the Middle East, where there was already an art scene, those who endeavoured to cultivate the Emirati scene are exemplary of both the dynamic nature of the UAE and flexibility or open-mindedness, knowing they could never implant a preexisting art scene and history in the Gulf. As one simple example, earlier galleries were held in private homes rather than purpose-specific places. This flexibility does not exclusively mean financial flexibility—as most of the earlier galleries and artists funded their own projects and worked on the side—but rather flexibility of thought process, work habit, and the ability to break away from traditional art practices. Today, parts of the art scene do benefit from greater economic freedom but not, for example, the galleries that are the backbone of the UAE market. This flexibility served in their favor for such obstacles as the 2008–2009 financial crisis and has proven to do so again in with the COVID-19 pandemic. Rooted in the historical emergence of the Emirates' art world, this article outlines how the art scene's ability to adapt quickly allowed it to persist and retain a degree of normalcy during the pandemic. Many of the strategies employed by the different players in the art scene, in both the private and public spheres, were not unique in the world; what was unique, however, was how early on these approaches were implemented, and that, being a smaller market, in a country with a smaller population, nearly all actors adapted promptly and consistently throughout the different phases of the pandemic.

#### **2. Chronology of the Pandemic in the UAE: Through the Lens of the Art Scene**

Usually occurring in March, Art Week is the busiest time in the contemporary art calendar. Historically happening in Dubai, and revolving around its fair, this period has evolved to include events in Sharjah (Sharjah Biennale, spanning over several months, and March Meeting, over several weeks, as well as talks and exhibitions in that emirate's expansive variety of museums and foundations), and in Abu Dhabi, with shows at Manarat Al Saadiyat, Warehouse 421, NYU-Abu Dhabi (NYUAD) Art Gallery, the Louvre, etc. In Dubai, the schedule is even more robust with, for example, in 2019, three other art fairs occurring at that time (Fully Booked, Sikka Art Fair, World Art Dubai), and at least thirty-one exhibitions and events at art galleries, residencies, and foundations (Sartore 2019).

Art Week 2020 should have transpired similarly. The first cases of COVID-19 in the UAE were reported on 29 January and were the first in the Middle East (Gambrell 2020). A month before its opening date, on 24 February, Art Dubai was slated to go ahead as planned (Chaves 2020e). Indeed, most events that necessitated people gathering continued as planned: despite cases of COVID-19 rising in the UAE and the world, the *National* published an article entitled '66 things to do in Dubai, Abu Dhabi and the northern emirates this March', (National 2020a). New gallery spaces opened, such as the Oblong Gallery—originally founded in Forte Dei Marmi, Italy—on the new Bluewaters Island (Shehmir 2020b), and acquisitions at art centres such as Jameel (in the case of the Abraaj Art Prize collection) continued as usual (Gronlund 2020b).

Just a few days later, however, Art Dubai announced that the fair would not occur with the original agenda but would rather present a downsized version of events and talks, during the same dates, catering to a local audience. Chief executive Benedict Floyd, artistic director Pablo del Val, and international director Chloe Vaitsou said in a statement on 3 March:

Given the essential role the fair plays in promoting local and regional artists, we have made the decision to stage a program tailored to the local cultural

community instead, including existing fair program contributors and thoughtleaders. (Proctor 2020)

At this time, there were only 21 COVID-19 cases in the country (Gambrell 2020), but the directors reacted immediately to the growing numbers by simplifying the fair. Over the course of the next week, nearly every day presented the announcement of art events closing or being postponed: Sikka was deferred from late March to October (to coincide with Expo Dubai 2020), DIFC Galleries Night, scheduled for 23–24 March, was cancelled, through at the time the galleries remained open during normal business hours. In surrounding emirates, Warehouse 421 and NYUAD closed public programming and art spaces (and the latter preemptively announced reopening in early April), whereas SAF's March Meeting was delayed 'until further notice,' though the exhibition spaces remained open. The Louvre also closed its doors, initially for two weeks on the 14 March, only to be extended later; around this time, the museum also announced, 'the museum galleries may be temporarily closed, but our digital platforms continue to narrate our stories of cultural connections,' (Chaves 2020l). It should be noted that these closures were not government-implemented rules but the decision of the directors or the board of each institution or business, many of which were private, not governmental, entities. That being said, in the UAE, the lines between governmental, royal, and private are not always clearly defined. Governmental intervention to help the art scene survive will be discussed later, but the initiatives first taken by smaller, private groups should not be discounted.

At this stage in March, not everything was cancelled: Gallery Night in Alserkal Avenue (private) was still planned for the end of the month, and the galleries were not yet required to close; the non-profit spaces Jameel Art Centre (private) and Tashkeel (royally established but not run by the government) remained open (Chaves 2020f). Yet, on 14 March, Alserkal—despite intending to keep their programming as planned just a week prior—postponed or cancelled several exhibitions and their spring residency cycle. In the same statement, they revealed that the over 15 shows scheduled for Art Week would soon be viewable via online viewing rooms (OVR), providing prerecorded 3D tours (Gillet 2020). Art Dubai (majority private) followed suit, further altering plans for its 14th edition by moving all programming online: virtual performances, OVR, and a catalogue to replace booths, and the Global Art Forum talks broadcast live. For context, Art Basel Hong Kong—not surprising due to its proximity to the epicentre of the outbreak—and Frieze New York had also already completely cancelled (i.e., did not occur virtually) at this time (Chaves 2020d). Given the scope of this article, we cannot delve into detail on how Emirati art world entities reacted more quickly than their counterparts in different countries, though we will attempt throughout the article to provide examples of how the UAE did so earlier on and more consistently.

For the online fair, despite being virtual, the protocol to inquire about an artwork remained the same: interested collectors were still required to express their interest to the gallerist (through a form on the website), allowing for something familiar in these unchartered waters. We will later attempt to demonstrate that the evolution of this fair throughout the pandemic can be seen as representative of the entire UAE art scene's response to the pandemic: always adapting to new circumstances and always attempting to move forward. The online catalogue was rather complex and was searchable by artist, medium, and gallery, and specific works could be flagged as favourites. Thus, within a matter of days, the Art Dubai team succeeded in developing this platform, quickly adapting to the rapidly evolving pandemic. Another novelty for Art Dubai 2020 was that it refunded galleries half of the booth cost for this year, and granted a 50% credit for the 2021 fair, which they were certain would take place. Even the curators and subject of the Global Art Forum changed last minute to 'address the new stories emerging from this moment of global narrative collapse . . . collectively, with a group of brilliant thinkers, all of whom have something nourishing and provoking to say' (Shehmir 2020a).

Likewise, on 23 March, Alserkal Avenue launched its aforementioned virtual platform, allowing visitors to embark on a 360-degree tour of the exhibitions that were meant to

open for Galleries Night during Art Week. Beyond just a digital inventory of artworks, their tool provided details of the featured works, tags linking viewers to the website Artsy—where it was possible to purchase works online—and informational videos of the gallerists explaining the works on view, as if on a real gallery tour (Chaves 2020n). For the 'opening,' there were over 300 works from 15 different galleries and project spaces. Jameel implemented the same strategy by the end of the month (Chaves 2020g), as did all cultural spaces in Sharjah (Haza 2020). In the case of the latter, this was a government decision and not one of the private entities, as had been the case at art venues in Dubai and Abu Dhabi.

Thus, over the course of just one month, the UAE art scene changed how it presented itself many times—from more simplified programming to postponements or 'temporary' closures, to going fully digital. Both for- and nonprofit institutions remained resilient through the first month of the pandemic, setting the pace for months to come. Allowing for this resilience was their flexibility, which helped them react promptly to the unprecedented effects of COVID-19.

#### **3. Adaptations: Private and Public Financial Support**

Adjusting to the pandemic did not stop there. Beyond individual businesses (Art Dubai, and the various galleries) and nonprofit spaces (SAF, Jameel, Warehouse 421, the Louvre, etc.), the government announced at the end of March an initiative to purchase AED 1.5 million (over USD 400,000) of art from local artists (Binlot 2020). This level of financial support is unprecedented in the UAE for its art scene and also suggests an openness from the government to operate differently to survive the pandemic. First destined for Emiratis but later included long-term residents, the goal was to send a message of 'solidarity' to its artists. The art purchased would first be displayed in an online exhibition with Alserkal and then distributed to UAE embassies around the world. This initiative was conceived before the pandemic, but the urgency to support the arts presented the opportunity to launch it in late March (Dafoe 2020a). Hoping to support the entire art community, the UAE Minister of Culture and Knowledge Development (MCKD) Noura Al Kaabi revealed in an online Cultural Majlis on 1 April that freelancers and art businesses could benefit from government support as well. During this discussion with the founder of the Barjeel Foundation and cofounder of the Meem Gallery, Sultan Al Qassemi, she stressed the importance of 'adapting and modifying' their ways to see how the government 'can support the sustainability of the creative and cultural sector.' In this case, these are suggestions for the government to be more flexible—developing new ways of thinking about how to support the arts, beyond additional funding, but it should be reiterated that the arts sector, beyond this new government support, always had this kind of professional adaptability. Among certain measures discussed were rent and utilities relief and VAT exemption (Chaves 2020k), and they remained open to other suggestions.

The Ideathon was conceived in early April by the Dubai Culture & Arts Authority (DCAA)—a government entity—and Art Dubai—a private entity—to support the arts (Chaves 2020h). This online 'suggestion box' allowed anyone to submit ideas about how to support the local cultural scene, primarily with a focus on human capital, financial stability, the business community, and sustained creative production (Chaves 2020b). In addition, Al Kaabi's office also created, mid-April, a survey for the creative industry to ' . . . get a better understanding of the challenges facing the talent in the creative sector of the time . . . the next step will be to develop appropriate initiatives and incentives to ensure that the creative community is aptly supported to thrive' (Bedirian 2020).

Beyond these governmental initiatives, some real estate groups implemented rent relief policies (Chaves 2020k). Among them, Alserkal Avenue waived rent for its galleries for three months, as part of their 'Pay it Forward' initiative to help other local businesses and to try to keep operations, and salaries, afloat throughout lockdown (Chaves 2020o). Around this time, early April, the country's 'National Sterilisation Programme' was extended for another two weeks, with a strict 24 h lockdown: only one family member could leave at a time for necessities such as medical visits or groceries (Kell 2020). This was later

extended for another few weeks, only allowing businesses to open at the end of May (Harper's Bazaar Arabia 2020). While we cannot discuss in more detail how the Emirati government's sanitary and lockdown measures compare to that of all other countries, these were certainly stricter than that of the United States and most countries in Europe, for example.

Mid-May, Warehouse 421 (run by a royally established private foundation, though not a government entity) granted additional support through the Project Revival Fund. Open to regional 'mid-career visual artists, curators, writers, designers, and musicians,' recipients got up to AED 7300 (USD 2000), with funding available for at least 30 projects. The grants could be used for the costs of completing projects, renting equipment, conducting research, etc.—anything to keep the art and cultural world running. Jameel also announced a similar initiative, the Research and Practice Platform, providing funding for practitioners in the MENA region, putting aside a total of AED 550,000 (nearly USD 150,000) in grants (Chaves 2020m). In both cases, these are private, not governmental, initiatives run by Emirati art world pioneers (i.e., not necessarily native Emirati) that spearheaded these programs. In the case of Jameel, and perhaps also Warehouse 421, this funding came from the reallocation of the exhibition and event budget that was not being used at the time.

Despite this support for artists, galleries still suffered. The year 2019 had already been a difficult one due to the 2018 oil crisis. In Dubai, this meant less tourism, which makes up a large part of its wealth. While most tourists and—more recently, influencers—are not art collectors, the decrease in tourism had a negative effect on the art scene. As much of the arts programming happens in March, the timing of the coronavirus was particularly difficult.

This precarity was recognised by the government, specifically the MCKD, and by mid-May, the National Creative Relief Programme provided financial support to arts sector professionals such as freelancers, artists, and small businesses; the stipends ranged from AED 15,000 to 50,000 (approximately USD 4000–14,000). Spearheaded by the MCKD, the programme was a joint effort with the Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) UAE Fund, allowing donations from individual and corporate sponsors, in addition to government support. This program was one of the results by the MCKD to the abovementioned survey launched in April, for which there were over 1400 responses. It is also perhaps because of the consequences of the 2008–2009 crash, in addition to 2019 being a particularly hard year for galleries in Dubai, that both public and private entities came together in so many ways to support this industry (Gronlund 2020a).

#### **4. Unprecedented Collaborations: Response and Resilience**

Collectively aware of their shared instability, several galleries joined forces to put together Not Cancelled Dubai: a week-long virtual event in May 2020. This digital fair featured OVR, talks, and tours (Chaves 2020j). The event was run by the Viennese Treat Agency, which inaugurated the initiative at home in April (Brown 2020) and then in other cities throughout Western Europe and the US (Artnet News 2020). The featured galleries were Carbon 12, Green Art, Grey Noise, IVDE, Lawrie Shabibi, and The Third Line, all of which are located at Alserkal (Figure 5).

In a comparable manner to how unconnected government entities came together to support the arts (i.e., the MCKD and the CSR Fund), this group of galleries—already closely tied by physical proximity and belonging to the same community—came together through this online fair with the aspiration to survive the pandemic together. Various gallerists expressed the importance of unity to confront:

. . . the same set of challenges and disruption to our businesses. Being able to air those concerns has helped us all immensely—we are sharing resources, ideas and even staff . . . This is a turning point in our way of working . . . While nothing replaces the physical experience, the content that we will provide expands what you may probably get when you visit an exhibition at our galleries. (Chaves 2020j)

Later in 2020, another collaboration between the semi-private Art Dubai and the governmental DCAA, the Dubai Collection, emerged. The goal of the programme is to exhibit privately owned artwork—either from individual or corporate collections—throughout the city, instead of developing a national collection. Similar to the Art in Embassies programme, this scheme was in development previously, aiming to promote local collecting, thereby supporting local artists and galleries. This October announcement further demonstrated the UAE art scene's perseverance through the pandemic to continue past projects by adapting, rather than resisting, the effects of COVID-19. (Gronlund 2020f; Khaleej Times 2020). In a more in-depth study, it would be valuable to discuss the government response beyond its contribution to the art world during this time, though being limited in space, and because the government role is only a part of the art scene—especially the commercial one—such considerations cannot be taken at this time. Likewise, another pertinent addition to a longer work would include if and how there are examples in the past of a national culture authority partnering in such a way with an art fair elsewhere. *Arts* **2021**, *10*, x FOR PEER REVIEW 9 of 20

**Figure 5.** Map of Alserkal Avenue, 2021. Art spaces are highlighted in orange. Courtesy of Alserkal Avenue. **Figure 5.** Map of Alserkal Avenue, 2021. Art spaces are highlighted in orange. Courtesy of Alserkal Avenue.

In a comparable manner to how unconnected government entities came together to support the arts (i.e., the MCKD and the CSR Fund), this group of galleries—already closely tied by physical proximity and belonging to the same community—came together through this online fair with the aspiration to survive the pandemic together. Various gallerists expressed the importance of unity to confront: …the same set of challenges and disruption to our businesses. Being able to air those concerns has helped us all immensely—we are sharing resources, ideas and even staff…This is a turning point in our way of working…While nothing replaces the physical experience, the content that we will provide expands what you may probably get when you visit an exhibition at our galleries (Chaves 2020j). Along the same vein of earlier collaborations, and uncommon unity among otherwise competing ventures, one of the most apt examples of the UAE's art scene's resolve was a joint charity auction between Sotheby's and seven of the Alserkal Avenue galleries announced 11 June, scheduled for a week later. The funds were intended to support the Dubai galleries and contribute ten percent of the proceeds to the COVID-19 relief fund organised by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. According to Will Lawrie, of Lawrie Shabibi, the community service encouraged by Alserkal's 'Pay It Forward' program further motivated people to give back. Entitled 'This Too Shall Pass: Bridging the Art World', The Third Line, IVDE, Carbon 12, Green Art, Leila Heller, 1 × 1, and Lawrie Shabibi contributed 63 lots from 45 artists for a total expected value of AED 2.9–4.4 million (USD 800,000–1.2 million).

Later in 2020, another collaboration between the semi-private Art Dubai and the governmental DCAA, the Dubai Collection, emerged. The goal of the programme is to exhibit privately owned artwork—either from individual or corporate collections—throughout the city, instead of developing a national collection. Similar to the Art in Embassies programme, this scheme was in development previously, aiming to promote local collecting, thereby supporting local artists and galleries. This October announcement further demon-Beyond this unlikely partnership, this sale also represents the first time many of the featured artists would participate in a Sotheby's sale. Moreover, the financial arrangements were also unconventional; the buyers' fee was maintained, and a portion of the selling price would contribute to the UN Relief Fund, but the commission from the seller (the gallery/artist) was waived, and the remaining revenue to be divided between the two of them (Gronlund 2020e). Of the 63 lots auctioned, 41 were sold, 6 were withdrawn, and

strated the UAE art scene's perseverance through the pandemic to continue past projects

response beyond its contribution to the art world during this time, though being limited in space, and because the government role is only a part of the art scene—especially the commercial one—such considerations cannot be taken at this time. Likewise, another pertinent addition to a longer work would include if and how there are examples in the past

Along the same vein of earlier collaborations, and uncommon unity among otherwise competing ventures, one of the most apt examples of the UAE's art scene's resolve was a joint charity auction between Sotheby's and seven of the Alserkal Avenue galleries announced 11 June, scheduled for a week later. The funds were intended to support the Dubai galleries and contribute ten percent of the proceeds to the COVID-19 relief fund organised by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. According to Will Lawrie, of Lawrie Shabibi, the community service encouraged by Alserkal's 'Pay It Forward' program

of a national culture authority partnering in such a way with an art fair elsewhere.

13 were not sold. Among those sold, 13 had a hammer price above the mid-estimate, and among those 5 sold at 100 percent more than the estimate (Mutual Art Auctions 2021).

Gallerists and auction house professionals on each side agreed that this kind of radical change was necessary; as Ashkan Baghestani, Sotheby's head of contemporary curated sales, stated:

This is a time when people need to be open to new ideas . . . I'm happy that after years of trying to find different ways of engaging, finally the primary, secondary, and tertiary markets are interacting. The lines are a bit more blurred. It opens an infinity of possibilities in terms of partnerships. (Gronlund 2020e)

Lawrie agreed with Baghestani's remarks and added that the pandemic forced the art world to change established practices, such as pricing and budgeting, in order to survive (Gronlund 2020e). This is demonstrated the following year at Art Dubai 2021 and will be discussed later. By the end of June, despite being hindered by the cancellation of Art Week in March, some gallerists felt that life was 'business as usual', because, with the high temperatures, walk-in clients were always rare in the summer, and traditionally most sales were made with longstanding clients through outreach and email exchanges (Chaves 2020a).

While there have been occasional instances of collaborations of gallery-gallery; gallery-auction house, they are infrequent. The fact that so many of these nearly exceptional partnerships took place in such a short period of time makes their existence more important, and further representative of the necessity of "thinking outside the box" to survive the pandemic. Due to the length constraints of this essay, we cannot go into detail regarding such alliances.

#### **5. Inclusion of the Virtual Realm: A New Normal?**

The digital strategies that were initially out of necessity and catalysed by the pandemic, have since been recognised as a valuable sales tactic, despite lockdown being over. Online galleries were on the rise before the pandemic but certainly have benefitted as a result; one gallerist described sales 'exploding' thanks to COVID-19 (Kewlani 2021). Furthermore, as the Emirates has an art scene that represents artists from regions less present in the Western market, collectors who seek art from the Global South or MENA region have a long tradition of forging strong relationships with local galleries. Thus, for example, when the Tabari Artspace was forced to launch a virtual version of Palestinian artist Hazem Harb's solo show—destined to occur in March—the show nearly sold out (Chaves 2020a). While there is no way of knowing what the results would be if the show were to occur in person, but given the sought-after nature of this artist's work, its success is of no surprise, and the gallery's quick reaction early in the pandemic to hold the show online foretells the local art scene's overall resiliency and adaptability.

Furthermore, such options were important because of how complicated international travel became. While the UAE opened relatively early, compared to other countries, artists, and artworks from elsewhere could still be delayed by the pandemic, as flights were subject to change and lockdowns could suddenly be announced (Chaves 2020a), and thus, the possibility of maintaining shows and sales online made sense financially. The UAE art scene has long been accustomed to fluctuations and forced to adapt in the past, helping it survive the pandemic.

While summer in the UAE is always slow, summer shows, and even new gallery openings, continued in July. The Ramallah-based Zawyeh Gallery, established in 2013, had its inaugural show at Alserkal in July 2020: *Palestinian Art: Resilience and Inspiration.* The title aptly demonstrates both the Palestinian resistance and the UAE's resistance against COVID-19 (Vakil 2020b).

In August, despite being far from its usual November date, Abu Dhabi Art published an online catalogue to further support galleries. The catalogue included over 200 artworks from 48 galleries which had previously participated in the fair. Dyala Nusseibeh, the fair director, expressed the purpose of this programme being simply to help struggling galleries by offering connections with the fair's wide range of collectors during this difficult time:

It is a simple effort to reach out to our collectors and visitors to encourage sales for these galleries. We hope to generate sales for galleries at a time when any extra support collectors can provide is much needed and appreciated. (Chaves 2020b)

The participating galleries were not charged to be featured in the catalogue, and the fair also announced an additional online campaign, Artist of the Week, to promote individual artists through pictures of their work and video interviews on the fair's website via social media (Chaves 2020b).

Other novelties that remarkably happened in August include Abu Dhabi's 101: more of a community than a gallery, 1010 s goals are to better represent younger UAE artists to create a more 'sustainable and ethical' art ecosystem. Aware of the fact that young artists often lack experience and know-how for pricing, this privately run platform holds quarterly sales of emerging and mid-career artists, splitting profit an uncommon 30/70, the majority going to the artist (Gronlund 2020d).

September harboured further announcements reflective of a thriving, though different, art scene. Warehouse 421 reopened after five months of closure. Despite this hiatus, the foundation remained in support of the arts through their relief fund, a residency program, a new podcast, and a focus-group initiative, in addition to continuing to organise the yearly SEAF exhibition. Appropriately telling of the UAE art scene's response to the pandemic, Faisal Al Hassan, general manager of Warehouse 421, summarises this moment clearly:

The year of 2020 is the year of coping, and we're starting to look at 2021 as the year of experimentation. This is the new reality that we are living in. Even post-COVID, things will not be the same. We just need to be patient until we find the right formula where we can continue to have a physical space, go back to being social beings, but also making sure that the experience is right, with the digital and physical working together. (Chaves 2020c)

#### **6. The Return to the Physical: Adapting to COVID-19 Safety Precautions**

In the commercial realm, both Art Dubai and the less prestigious World Art Dubai announced plans to open in person for the next iterations during their regular springtime dates in 2021. World Art Dubai (private), which had postponed its event in March, revealed the next edition would occur in October 2020, at its usual Dubai World Trade Centre, with strict temperature screenings, ubiquitous gel-sanitising dispensers, and real-time tracking of crowd numbers and density. In addition, the fair set up contactless registration and ticket purchasing, as well as a partnership with fynd.art, an application designed to give visitors more information about an artwork, an artist, or galleries through a QR code (Rodrigues 2020), rendering physical, thus tactile, documents unnecessary. Returning to normalcy in 2021, World Art Dubai also held that year's version at the traditional time, following Art Dubai in early April as the region's more affordable fair. Boasting 250 galleries (Bedirian 2021) with over 200 artists from 27 countries, including, for the first time, Israel (National 2021), which in and of itself demonstrates progress despite the pandemic. The 2021 version, only a few months after the delayed 2020 event, was its biggest fair yet (Grover 2021).

Art Dubai also announcing both a new regional director, Hala Khayat, and a different format spread out throughout the UAE to celebrate the country's 50th anniversary during the 2021 fair. As another international comparison, while many fairs at the time, such as Frieze and Art Basel still resorted to the OVR model, Art Dubai planned to proceed with its programming, in an adapted format (Gronlund 2020c). This trajectory and determination are perhaps even more noteworthy considering that other large-scale fairs such as Art Basel Miami Beach and FIAC completely cancelled their events for later in the year (Dafoe 2020b).

Other artistic advancements continued in the fall. The private, members-only Arts Club, originally founded in 1863 in London, opened its doors in the DIFC area in November. While not a traditional arts institution, this club fosters relationships between collectors, artists, and aficionados, and has a permanent collection of both established and emerging artists; it also features various cultural programming. Its existence in the UAE contributes to the growing arts community, and the fact that it opened a branch in 2020 is another example of how UAE art fared well during the pandemic (Bains 2020).

#### **7. Returning to Normal, Continuing to Adapt**

The UAE art scene's success through the pandemic relied on its adaptability—long part of its history—allowing the milieu to resume a somewhat normal functioning earlier than other countries. *Future Trends: Culture and the Creative Sector* (Dubai Future Foundation and Dubai Culture & Arts Authority 2020), published in October by the Dubai Future Foundation and DCAA, declared unsurprisingly, as this had already been the case, that the artistic and creative sectors require innovation in order to survive the pandemic. The collaboration between the two organisations was already novel, but beyond that, this partnership highlighted shared efforts already made (such as those between Sotheby's and Alserkal, or DCAA and Art Dubai) and presaged future efforts to come to support the art industry. Hala Badri, director-general of DCAA, aptly summarises this effort:

In light of these exceptional circumstances, it is imperative that all those in charge of the sector in Dubai and the UAE intensify efforts and take measures to develop mechanisms and solutions to support the creative community and enable it to ensure its continuity and prosperity in the future, especially for small companies and independent entrepreneurs working in this sector. (National 2020b)

Though on the periphery of the contemporary art scene, the inaugural Dubai Design District (d3) Architectural Festival took place in November (Carpio 2020), as well as Dubai Design Week—both in person—further demonstrating the country's determination to persevere (Olele 2020). Abu Dhabi Art opted to hold its 12th edition mostly online, keeping in mind the difficulties that numerous other art fairs faced that year because of the pandemic, though some of the works were nonetheless viewable at their traditional location at Manarat Al Saadiyat.

By December, Art Dubai reaffirmed that it would launch as planned, in situ, in March 2021. It was the first major international fair to announce a physical event for the first quarter of 2021. The fair planned to present 86 galleries from 36 countries—over 90% of the galleries who sought to participate in the 2020 version. Artistic director Pablo del Val emphasised the importance of adaptability during the past year, yet also the desire to come together again for physical events (Thackara 2020). The organisers announced a new layout to allow for better crowd control and social distancing, in addition to hygiene measures that had become standard by then. At this time, the UAE had already vaccinated tens of thousands of citizens (Thackara 2020) allowing, in part, for Art Dubai to move forward as planned, while vaccination numbers stagnated in other countries that should have held fairs at the time. This prompted certain art critics elsewhere to doubt that having a fair so early on would be a good idea, or even feasible (Gerlis 2020a). In addition to its plans to open in person, Art Dubai maintained a visual presence online through its Portrait Exhibition, focusing on individual artists from the Global South, with works available for sale. The exhibition was scheduled to run from late December 2020 through 20 January but was later extended through February 2021 (Art Dubai Online Exhibitions 2020; Vakil 2020).

For galleries willing to participate in the fair but unable to travel, the organisers created the Remote Participation Programme: this entailed the Art Dubai team hanging works according to the gallerist's plans and have staff occupy the booths to coordinate between the collectors and the galleries. The fair also revealed a revolutionary sales model: rather than paying for the booth upfront, galleries would reimburse Art Dubai 50% of their profit after sales, up to the cost of the booth. Further anticipating hygiene measures, the fair also designed an application to allow visitors to book tickets directly without having to interact with staff in person (Dawson 2021). Sanitary measures were taken very seriously by Art Dubai, and it also helped that the UAE maintained one of the best vaccination rates

in the world, second after Israel (Said and Faucon 2021). These numbers are of course thanks to the governmental response and not that of the art world, but they nonetheless contributed to a relative return to normal in the cultural sphere. Art Dubai also offered free storage for three months after the fair, taking into consideration augmented shipping delays due to the pandemic, and allowed galleries to postpone their participation last minute to the 2022 edition (Brady 2021).

As many Western countries had stricter travel regulations at the time—in addition to fewer vaccinations with higher infection rates—most galleries represented were from the Global South. While Art Dubai had for a few years endeavoured to benefit from its central geographic location and establish itself as a gateway between cultures, the consequences brought on by the pandemic expedited this process (Gronlund 2021g).

Elsewhere in the UAE, galleries and museums continued to host physical shows with social distancing and sanitary regulations, while new ventures continued to be announced: NYUAD revealed the country's first MFA program (Gronlund 2021h) to open in the fall of 2021. This was an important advancement as collectors had previously expressed a lack of approval of the UAE art scene since there were no art schools (Proctor 2021b).

In March 2021, Art Dubai officially became the first major fair to launch since the start of the pandemic, after being one of the first to close a year prior. In terms of programming, the traditional curated sections (Modern and Bawwaba, focusing on individual artists from the Global South) were not realised but were supplemented by an outdoor sculpture park and a greater emphasis on video art, with screening locations spread out throughout the fair (Chaves 2021a). Food venues, VIP lounges, and other social activities were eliminated, reducing the event to its primary goal—to sell art. Executive Director Benedetta Ghione, said in an interview:

We thought, if we can't have it all, then let's strip it down to the core and keep the essentials. How are we trying to make a difference here? Ensuring the sustainability of galleries and artists in these difficult times was and is our most essential goal. (Selections Arts Magazine 2021)

The final numbers show that 50 galleries from 31 countries were present, a smaller group than the 2019 iteration, which hosted 92 galleries from 80 countries; however, many visitors preferred the more simplified layout and the new location in the more central DIFC. Galleries were also pleased, since many, such as Leila Heller, Custot, Meem, Perrotin, Templon, Comptoir des Mines, Galleria Continua, and Gallery 1957, all reported successful sales (Proctor 2021a, 2021b). The first public day alone had sales of up to three million dollars (Chaves 2021b; Batycka 2021), demonstrating collectors' desire to return to inperson purchases, as well as the fair's unexpected success. The final sales amounted to 'over three million dollars . . . in line with pre-pandemic figures' (Said 2021). Despite the stagnation caused by the pandemic, the fair occurred at a time of change for the UAE: in September 2020, the Abraham Accords were signed with Israel, and the embargo placed on Qatar (whose ruling family are major collectors) was lifted (Proctor 2021b). Just after the fair, the ruler of Dubai, Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid al Maktoum, also loosened restrictions during the holy month of Ramadan, allowing restaurants to serve customers during fasting hours, whereas before establishments, they had to either close, or put up curtains, dividers, or facades (Government of Dubai 2021).

While Art Dubai succeeded in taking place in person, many other international fairs— The Winter Show in New York; BRAFA in Brafa in Brussels; Tefaf Maastrict; Art Basel Hong Kong; Freize Los Angeles; ARCO in Madrid; and Art Rotterdam—remained online or postponed their dates to later in the year (Brady and Jhala 2021; Reyburn 2021). The fact that it was one of the first to cancel in 2020 and yet the first to take place in person in 2021, and boast lucrative results, exemplifies the Emirati art scene's overall successful handling of the pandemic. Beyond the fair, other events such as SAF's March Meeting were maintained and institutions such as the Louvre, Jameel, Sharjah Museums Authority, Alserkal, SAF Warehouse 421, NYUAD Art Gallery, and Abu Dhabi's Cultural Foundation

(i.e., much of the UAE art scene) also held physical shows and programming while still adapting to the new circumstances (Chaves 2020i; Chaves 2021c).

Progress continued elsewhere as well: in April, Alserkal Avenue revealed new goals and a different artistic direction. These measures included an art advisory programme to encourage 'public and private sector entities in developing sustainable and responsive business models', a sustainability plan, and Alserkal.online, a 'digital platform led by the creative community, as a forum for cultural discourse, digital art commissions and multidisciplinary editorial content' (Yusuf 2021).

The public sector announced new cultural projects that same month. Sheikh Mohammed revealed plans to bolster the arts with an objective to increase the gross domestic product from around two to five percent and to double the number of creative businesses by 2025 (Reynolds 2021). A few days after this announcement, as the first manifestation of this goal, Sheikh Hamdan bin Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, the Crown Prince of Dubai and Chairman of the city's Executive Council, declared plans to transform Al Quoz into a creative zone for artists and designers (Arabian Business 2021). While this project is nascent, the campaign for realising these ambitions continues to unfold.

Within one year, the Emirati art scene succumbed, as did everywhere, to the devastation of COVID-19, but thanks to this scene's ability to innovate, renew, and adapt, it has emerged stronger than before. The fact that the timeline of events and notable moments since March 2020 is entirely filled is a testament alone to the scene's resiliency. This phenomenon is partly due to the flexibility, from its origins, that all actors in the art milieu had to possess to adapt to, rather than resist, the pandemic. The fast-paced creation and evolution of the UAE art scene, present since its inception and outlined in the introduction, also contributed to its survival. Beyond that, the arts scene, that of Dubai especially, has a tradition of persevering through sudden forced change and economic woes. In another comparison to other countries, the creative sector in the UAE strongly came together during the pandemic, while at this time in France, the Comité Professionnel des Galeries d'Art sued the government for not being allowed to remain open during the spring 2021 lockdown, even though auction houses could (Rea 2021). It was perhaps easier to create unity among the different players in the UAE art scene thanks to its lack of historical tradition and smaller size.

#### **8. Conclusions: Possibilities in a Post-Pandemic World**

Keeping in mind the timeline and success of Art Dubai as a microcosm of the country's art scene, this also reflects the entire art scene's adaptability. Before the pandemic, the fair had already undergone major changes in leadership, funding, and activity. After several years under Antonia Carver, Myrna Ayyad became the director in 2016. After only two years, she stepped down and, initiating further change, the fair altered its leadership structure entirely to have multiple directors. In 2019, Art Dubai was forced again to adjust: Its long-term and most important sponsor, the Abraaj Group, filed for liquidation and pulled all funding (Shaw 2018). In addition to these vicissitudes, for nearly every edition, new programmes were implemented, or other organisational changes were made. The impact of COVID-19 was thus just another, albeit more extreme, change for Art Dubai, and seeing how it, along with the rest of the UAE art scene, adapted to the pandemic reflects both its past and suggests how it will evolve in the future. Many gallerists agreed that Art Dubai met all the challenges and necessary changes for this year's fair and that with a 'clear vision and a lot of flexibility', it can 'meet the demands of the market and of the local and regional scenes' (Estiler 2021). One pertinent example is the post-fair payment system. While Ben Floyd said that this was going to be a one-off practice due to the pandemic, he did not exclude the idea of something similar in the future (Kerr 2021). Gallerists such as Sunny Rahbar of The Third Line understand that this model may not be possible for all fairs going forward, but she did express the desire for it to be considered:

I wish more art fairs considered it, basically the fair is taking the risk that normally the galleries take upfront. It's quite a novel proposal and I realise it's likely not

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possible for other fairs to adopt this model but why shouldn't this be considered or at least something more along these lines versus standard models . . . The world has changed and so will the models of engagement whether financial or social. I think we all need to adapt in order to continue to do what we do. (Brady 2021)

Looking onward, certain actions and adaptations that parts of the UAE art community made during the pandemic may presage how the international art world will continue to evolve in the future. For one, art fairs may be reduced to smaller, more human-scale events. Even in early April 2020, articles discussed the possibility of the pandemic having the benefit of lessening 'fairtigue'—in 2000, there were 55 art fairs globally, and 300 in 2019. While little was known about the outcome of the pandemic or the future of the art scene, early on, one author predicted a smaller number of fairs (Adam 2020). Nearly a year later, many fairs have been cancelled, and for those that have been realised, they are either far reduced in size, online, or a hybrid of both. Frieze New York (5–9 May 2021), moved from Randall's Island to a smaller venue in Hudson Yards with less than a third of exhibitors than the 2019 event, and it also opened its OVR to over one hundred galleries through 14 May. Other fairs continue online: Art Basel Hong Kong planned to launch at the end of May with art present, but no dealers, and have a remote booth system similar to Art Dubai, but it was later postponed; 1–54 Art Fair took place in May in New York, though most of the works were shown online (Gerlis 2021). While many gallerists agree that online viewing is not the best way to experience art, it has saved many galleries, and thus artists, during the pandemic; the global art scene in the future may present a combination of both smaller fairs, some with an online option, but also the possibility to visit in person (Gerlis 2020b). This article did not attempt to put forth the notion that none of the measures taken in the UAE were taken elsewhere, but rather that they were executed more promptly and in a more widespread manner. We fully acknowledge that part of this is due to the smaller size, population, and wealth of the UAE, but as this essay focuses on that country as a case study, we have endeavoured to give an in-depth view of how it reacted—and survived—the pandemic.

A greater online presence may also manifest itself for auction houses and galleries as well. In the first days of lockdowns in March 2020, Sotheby's launched its first online-only auction for Modern and Contemporary Art from Africa and the Middle East, making over GBP 2,193,625 (USD 2,679,294), 'with sixty percent of lots exceeding their pre-sale high estimates' (Sotheby's 2020). In March 2021, while the UAE art season kicked off, the online marketplace Artsy launched two initiatives focusing on the region: Middle Eastern Galleries Now, an online fair-like presentation of galleries from the region, and Legacy Trilogy: Past, Present, Future, a fundraising exhibition. The former ran for several weeks in March, and while some galleries before such as 1 × 1 and Carbon 12 first resisted the platform, many are now open to it as collectors adopt this technology. As mentioned earlier, this also reflects the rise in online galleries. Legacy Trilogy, organised in partnership with the nonprofit ArteEast, was designed to replace that organisation's annual benefit auction to raise COVID-19 relief money; this philanthropy may have been inspired by Sotheby's charity auction in summer 2020 (Chaves 2021d). As the world inches out of the grips of the pandemic, the art scene of yesteryear will not return, but some of the changes outlined in this essay may illustrate what is yet to come.

**Funding:** This research was funded by the Institut d'histoire moderne et contemporaine (IHMC), UMR 8066; Artl@s (Ecole normale supérieure—PSL); and the Bourses Mobilité Île-de-France, notably for two trips to the UAE in January 2020 and March/April 2021, the latter of which allowed the author to gain a first-hand experience with the post-COVID-19 art scene in the UAE.

**Institutional Review Board Statement:** Not applicable.

**Informed Consent Statement:** Not applicable.

**Data Availability Statement:** Not applicable.

**Acknowledgments:** The author wishes to thank her thesis director Joyeux Prunel for her ongoing support for this project, as well as Sophie-Rose Schor (Doctoral Candidate at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst) for her diligent editorial contributions. This project would not be possible without the time and generosity of those interviewed. She would also like to thank the team at Alserkal Avenue for providing her with archival information from its early days, and the attentive librarians at the Jameel Arts Centre.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The author declares no conflict of interest.

#### **References**

