*Article* **Daoism and Sacrifices to the Five Sacred Peaks in Tang China (618–907)**

**Wen Lei 1,\* and Luying Zhao 2,†**


**Abstract:** The five sacred peaks had both political and religious significance in traditional China. Daoism profoundly impacted the state sacrifice to the sacred peaks in the medieval era. Through examining related stone inscriptions, we argue that the establishment of the Shrines for the Perfected Lords of the five sacred peaks, the Shrine for the Elder of Mount Qingcheng, and the Temple for the Envoy of the Nine Heavens at Mount Lu were in debt to the suggestions of the Daoist master Sima Chengzhen during the reign of Emperor Xuanzong (r. 712–756). The constructions of the shrines manifested Daoist masters' efforts to transform the state sacrifice system. Nevertheless, the shrines were not able to replace the state sacrifice system but functioned as Daoist abbeys to pray for the state, the emperor, and the people. In the late Tang dynasty, the imperial authority in turn permeated the Daoist sacred geographic system. Interestingly, the elevated status of Daoist Perfected Ones and Transcendents was widely recognized in Tang folklore.

**Keywords:** Daoism; five sacred peaks; Tang China; Sima Chengzhen; shrines for the perfected lords of the five sacred peaks

#### **1. Introduction**

Sacrifices to the five sacred peaks (*wuyue* 五岳) originated from the worship of mountains and rivers in ancient China. Records of ancient people worshipping and offering sacrifices to mountains and rivers can be found in the *Shanhaijing* 山海經 (Classic of Mountains and Seas), which features a rich shamanic connotation. After the Shang and Zhou (ca. 1600–256BCE) states, sacrifice to mountains and rivers became a state-level ritual. These sacrifices had both religious and political functions. The notion of five sacred peaks developed from a mere concept in the pre-Qin period to a reality in the era of the unified Qin and Han empires (221 BCE-220 CE). Regular rituals were eventually systematized in the period of Han Emperor Xuan (r. 74–48 BCE), by which time religious constructions such as *yuemiao* 岳廟 (temple for sacred peak) were erected. Since then, the five sacred peaks were not only geographical concepts but also an enormous coordinate system that transcended its natural characteristics, as well as a set of cultural symbols that manifested imperial legitimacy and governmental capacity (Gu 1963, pp. 34–45; Tang 1997, pp. 60–70; Tang 2000).

During the Sui (581–618) and Tang dynasties (618–907), two significant developments in state sacrifice to the *yuedu* 岳瀆 (sacred peaks and waterways) took shape. On the one hand, iconographic practices were adopted in the sacrifices. This form was officially protected by the state although it differed from prescriptions in the Confucian classics. On the other hand, mountain and river deities, including the five sacred peaks and four waterways,

**Citation:** Lei, Wen, and Luying Zhao. 2022. Daoism and Sacrifices to the Five Sacred Peaks in Tang China (618–907). *Religions* 13: 398. https:// doi.org/10.3390/rel13050398

Academic Editor: Jinhua Jia

Received: 11 February 2022 Accepted: 23 April 2022 Published: 26 April 2022

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**Copyright:** © 2022 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

were granted ranks of nobility in the human realm, which was an implementation of the Confucian ideal that "offering sacrifice to the five sacred peaks is on a par with the Three Dukes" (*wuyue shi sangong* 五岳視三公) in state institutions (Lei 2009, pp. 42–43).

We suggest that a gradual Daoist involvement in the implementation of state sacrifices to mountains and rivers was seen in the Sui and Tang dynasties.<sup>1</sup> This Daoist involvement was a more profound development, and it laid the foundation for the Daoisization of the five sacred peaks in later times. The establishment of the Shrines for Perfected Lords (*zhenjun* 真君) of the five sacred peaks during the reign of Tang Emperor Xuanzong marked the formation of a deep connection between the Daoist and *yuedu* sacrifices. The Daoist priest Sima Chengzhen 司馬承禎 (647–735), the twelfth patriarch of the Shangqing lineage, created the theoretical basis for and initiated the construction of the shrines.

Officials of Confucian rituals also participated in certain state sacrifices reformed with Daoist ideas. What was the historical and religious background of their cooperation? What were the impacts made on popular beliefs? In order to answer these questions, this paper also explores the interactions between Daoist beliefs and state sacrifices and, at last, briefly introduces the acceptance of Daoist ideas into popular beliefs.

This study intends to investigate the profound Daoist development by utilizing extant historical and Daoist texts and under-studied stele inscriptions from the Tang dynasty to restore a timeline and the details of the establishment of the Perfected Lord Shrines and the other two sacred shrines at Mount Qingcheng and Mount Lu. These close readings of the historical and Daoist writings can also help us understand the historical and religious context for Sima Chengzhen's utilization of Shangqing Daoist ideas in the formation of the sacred shrine system.

#### **2. Daoist Traditions and Sacrifices to the Five Sacred Peaks from the Southern and Northern Dynasties (420–589) to the Tang Dynasty**

Since the Northern and Southern dynasties, Daoism had shown a strong interest in participating in state sacrifices, and this was particularly evident in the Northern dynasties, during which many rituals of the new Celestial Master Daoism established by Kou Qianzhi 寇謙之 (365–448) were closely integrated with state sacrifices. Starting from Emperor Taiwu (r. 423–452), every Northern Wei (386–534) emperor had to receive Daoist talismans and registers when ascending to the throne. Furthermore, after Emperor Xiaowen (r. 471–499) relocated the capital to Luoyang (493), he established Daoist altars in the Southern Suburb where sacrifices to heaven were held (Wei 1974, 114.3052-55; Wei 1973, 35.1093). The sacrifices to the five sacred peaks were deeply influenced by Daoism as well. In the "Houwei zhongyue Songgao lingmiao bei" 後魏中岳嵩高靈廟碑 (Stele of the Spiritual Temple of the Lofty Song, the Central Sacred Peak, of the Later Wei Dynasty) erected in the Taiyan reign period (435–440) of Emperor Taiwu, it is recorded that the Northern Wei dynasty sent Daoist priests to build the Temple of the Central Sacred Peak (Zhongyue miao 中岳廟) for Kou in recognition of his assistance to the Perfected Lord, Emperor Taiwu, in bringing peace to the human realm. Although the stele has been severely damaged, fortunately, a clear rubbing survives (Shao 1962; Shao 1965). From the rubbing we can see that, first, in addition to building the shrine of the central sacred peak for Kou, the Northern Wei imperial court also built shrines for other sacred peaks, such as the Shrine of Mount Hua. Second, those responsible for constructing the new shrines were Daoist priests. Last, the sacrifice was "a ritual that makes offerings, offers prayers to deities in spring, and recompenses in autumn" 奉玉帛之禮, 春秋祈報, which is similar to traditional Confucian ritual. These traits are very similar to the "Da Dai Huayuemiao bei" 大代華岳廟 碑 (Stele of Mount Hua of the Great Dai) that was erected at the same time.<sup>2</sup>

The integration of Daoist rituals with Southern Suburb ceremonies in the Northern Wei was abolished in the Northern Qi dynasty (550–577), but the Daoist influence on the sacrifices to the five sacred peaks was to some extent inherited by the Sui dynasty (581–618). According to the *Suishu* 隋書 (Sui History), "in the fourteenth year of the Kaihuang reign (594), [Emperor Wen (r. 581–604)] was going to offer sacrifices to Mount Tai; hence, he

ordered the commissioner to deliver stone statues to the place where offerings are made to deities" 開皇十四年, 將祠泰山, 令使者致石像神祠之所 (Wei 1973, 22.621). In the first month of the fifteenth year (595), "on the *gengwu* day, due to a great drought, the emperor offered sacrifices to Mount Tai to apologize for his offense and fault. A Great Amnesty for all-under-heaven was granted" 庚午, 上以歲旱, 祠太山, 以謝愆咎. 大赦天下 (Wei 1973, 2.39). We know very little about the ritual that Emperor Wen employed to offer sacrifices to Mount Tai. However, prominent Daoist elements can be found in the ritual that offered sacrifices to the northern sacred peak, Mount Heng (Hengshan 恆山), in the eighth month of the fourth year of the Daye reign (608) made by Emperor Yang of the Sui (r. 604–617). The *Suishu* records that "in the mid-Daye period, Emperor Yang visited Jinyang and thus offered sacrifices to the sacred peak, Mount Heng. The ceremony notably adopted the rituals used by Emperor Gaozu when making offerings to Mount Tai. The emperor commanded two additional altars to be established and ordered tens of Daoist priests and priestesses to set up the *jiao* ritual within the short wall surrounding the altar. In the tenth year (614), the emperor visited the eastern capital and passed by and offered sacrifices to Mount Hua. A ritual space was set up beside the temple" 大業中, 煬帝因幸晉陽, 遂祭恒岳. 其禮頗采高 祖拜岱宗儀, 增置二壇, 命道士女官數十人, 於壝中設醮. 十年, 幸東都, 過祀華岳, 築場於廟 側 (Wei 1973, 7.140, 3.71). Thus, Daoist priests participated in sacrifices to Mount Tai by Emperor Wen and the rites to Mount Heng and Hua made by Emperor Yang. Furthermore, the *zhaijiao* 齋醮 liturgies were employed in the sacrifice.3 The early Tang historians who composed the *Suishu* criticized this matter from a Confucian stance: "These events are not in accordance with the Confucian classics, and they are not rituals established by the pertinent bureaus" 事乃不經, 蓋非有司之定禮也.

Compared with the previous dynasties, the state's management of the sacred peak temples was significantly enhanced in the Tang dynasty. The *Jiu Tangshu* 舊唐書 (Old Tang History) records that "in temples of the five sacred peaks and four waterways, there is one Director who ranks 9a (upper class), thirty Gentlemen for Retreat and three Supplication Scribes in each temple" 五岳四瀆廟, 令各一人, 正九品上. 齋郎三十人, 祝史三人 (Liu 1975, 44.1924). Thus, the rank of Directors of Sacred Peak Temples was greatly promoted compared with the Sui. In the Sui, "a medium in the vicinity was responsible for the maintenance of sacred peak temples" 側近巫一人主知灑掃, but in the Tang, they were replaced by Court Gentlemen for Retreat and Supplication Scribes within the state sacrifice system. As for Court Gentlemen for Retreat, "the middle male children in the household who were above sixteen years old should be used and sent back at the age of twenty" 取年 十六以上中男充, 二十放還, miscellaneous taxes and corvées were also exempted (Tianyige Museum and Institute of History of Chinese Academy of Social Science 2006, pp. 393, 432). As a state institution in charge of sacrifice, sacred peak temples enjoyed all the privileges provided by the bureaucratic system. The five sacred peak temples each took possession of one *qing* of the government-owned land (*gongxietian* 公廨田), and the directors, according to their official rank, were each entitled to 1.5 *qing* of land (*zhifentian* 職分田) (Li 1992, 3.75–76).

In the ceremonial system of the Tang, sacrifices to sacred peaks, strongholds, seas, and waterways (*yue-zhen-hai-du* 岳鎮海瀆) were ranked as middle-level sacrifices: "The five sacred peaks and four strongholds should be offered sacrifice once a year at the five suburbs on the day that greets the seasonal *qi*" 其五岳四鎮, 歲一祭, 各以五郊迎氣日祭 之 (Ouyang 1975, 15.380). The locations were: Qianfengxian 乾封縣 of Yanzhou 兗州 for Mount Tai, Hengshanxian 衡山縣 of Hengzhou 衡州 for Mount Heng 衡山, Huayinxian 華陰縣 of Huazhou 華州 for Mount Hua 華山, Quyangxian 曲陽縣 of Dingzhou 定州 for Mount Heng 恆山, and Dengfengxian 登封縣 of Luozhou 洛州 of Mount Song. These were regular sacrifices in the ritual codes. In the Tang, sacrifices were frequently offered because of major events such as floods and drought, foreign invasions, grand ceremonies in the suburbs, and the enthronement of new emperors. Daoist aspects were gradually incorporated into these rituals.4

#### **3. The Perfected Lord Shrines of the Five Sacred Peaks and State Sacrifices in the Tang**

Tang Emperor Gaozong's (r. 649–683) period was critical in shaping religious policy in the Tang, and the *fengshan* sacrifices (i.e., sacrifices to heaven and earth) to Mount Tai were an epoch-making event in this process. For the first time, Laozi was granted honorific titles in Gaozong's period (Liu 1975, 5.90), and Daoism was henceforth accorded a special status. Lei Wen adequately discussed Daoist factors manifested in Gaozong's *fengshan* rituals (Lei 2009, pp. 138–53). Barrett has also considered the Gaozong period a turning point for Tang's policy on Daoism, which led to the full development of theocracy (Barrett 1996, pp. 29–30). The close connection between Daoism and sacrifices to sacred peaks and waterways reached its pinnacle during the reign of Emperor Xuanzong (r. 712–756), marked by the establishment of the Wuyue Zhenjun 五岳真君 (Perfected Lords of the Five Sacred Peaks) Shrines. The *Jiu Tangshu* biography of Sima Chengzhen states:

In the ninth year of the Kaiyuan reign (721), Emperor Xuanzong furthermore sent a commissioner to escort [Sima Chengzhen] to the capital. The emperor received the ritual register in person from him and bestowed handsome rewards on him before and after. In the tenth year (722), the emperor returned to the western capital. Chengzhen requested to go back to Mount Tiantai again, and Xuanzong composed a poem to send him off. In the fifteenth year (727), Xuanzong summoned him to the capital once again. The emperor asked Chengzhen to choose an advantageous location on Mount Wangwu to build altars and chambers to reside in. Chengzhen hence reported: "Now the gods' shrines on the five sacred peaks are all for the gods of mountains and forests. They are not legitimate and true deities. There are cavern bureaus in the five sacred peaks; in each of them there is a perfected being who descended from Upper Clarity to take the post. Mountains, rivers, winds, rains, *yin* and *yang*, and the order of *qi* are all governed by them. The official headgear, attire, and the assistant gods and Transcendents all have their names and numbers. I request to establish separate shrines for making retreats and rituals". Xuanzong approved his request and hence issued an edict for erecting a Shrine of the Perfected Lord on each of the five sacred peaks. Chengzhen was ordered to examine Daoist scriptures and creatively work out the images [of the deities] and the style of the shrines accordingly. 開元九年, 玄宗又遣使迎入京, 親受法籙, 前後賞賜甚厚. 十年, 駕還西都, 承禎又請還天台山, 玄宗賦詩以遣之. 十五年, 又召至都. 玄宗令承禎于王屋山自選形勝, 置壇室以居焉. 承禎因上言: "今五岳神祠, 皆是山林之神, 非正真之神也. 五岳皆有洞府, 各有上清 真人降任其職, 山川風雨, 陰陽氣序, 是所理焉. 冠冕章服, 佐從神仙, 皆有名數. 請 別立齋祠之所". 玄宗從其言, 因敕五岳各置真君祠一所. 其形象制度, 皆令承禎推 按道經, 創意為之. (Liu 1975, 192.5128)<sup>5</sup>

Most of the historical sources on the establishment of Perfected Lord Shrines on the five sacred peaks during the reign of Xuanzong were so incomplete that historians in the Song dynasty no longer knew much about it. For instance, the colophon written by Ouyang Fei 歐陽棐 (1047–1113) for the rubbing of the "Huayue Zhenjun bei" 華岳真君碑 (Stele of the Perfected Lord of Sacred Peak Hua) he collected, which is included in his *Jigu lumu* 集 古錄目 (Catalogue of Collection of the Antiquities), states that the stele was "composed by Tao Han, Assistant Magistrate of Huayin, and written by Wei Teng. In the nineteenth year of the Kaiyuan reign (731), deities of the five sacred peaks were bestowed the divine title of Perfected Lord. The shrine was built, and the stele was erected at that time". 華陰丞 陶翰撰, 韋騰書. 玄宗開元十九年加五岳神號真君, 初建祠宇, 立此碑 (Shike shiliao xinbian 1977, 24.17976). In fact, the alleged "bestowing of titles" is a complete misunderstanding of the matter. Although contemporary scholars of Daoist history have paid some attention to it, they have mostly skirted over it as merely an achievement by Sima Chengzhen (Chen 1963, p. 56; Imaeda 1987, p. 175). Further research is therefore needed on the causes and consequences of this event, the relationship between Perfected Lord Shrines and state sacrifices in the sacred peak temples, and the deeper context it reflects. As a matter of fact, the establishment of Perfected Lord Shrines was accompanied by the erection of the Shrine of the Elder at Mount Qingcheng (Qingchengshan Zhangren ci 青城山丈人祠) and the Temple of the Nine-Heavens-Envoy at Mount Lu (Lushan Jiutianshizhe miao 廬山九天使 者廟). Therefore, this was a holistic event reflecting the endeavors of Daoist representatives to transform the state sacrificial system with their own theories.

#### *3.1. The Related Stone Stele Inscriptions*

Materials documenting this event are very sporadic. In addition to the "Biography of Sima Chengzhen" in the *Jiu Tangshu*, there are also the "Annals of Xuanzong" in the *Jiu Tangshu*, the *Zizhi tongjian* 資治通鑑 (Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government), the *Cefu yuangui* 冊府元龜 (Outstanding Models from the Storehouse of Literature), the *Tang huiyao* 唐會要 (Record of the Social Institutions of the Tang), the *Yuhai* 玉海 (Sea of Jade Encyclopedia), the *Yunji qiqian* 雲笈七籤 (Seven Slips from a Cloudy Satchel), and so on.6 Although these texts have minor discrepancies, they should derive from the same historical source. Thus, we only have a very limited amount of material to work with. Fortunately, stone inscriptions can provide a wealth of information. The inscriptions are listed in Table 1.

Unfortunately, only the full texts of the inscriptions about Mount Hua, Mount Qingcheng, and Mount Lu have survived. The *Jinshilu* 金石錄 (Records of Stone and Bronze) preserves only the titles of the inscriptions for the northern, southern, and eastern sacred peaks, or mentions them in the preface or colophon of other inscriptions. The newly published entombed epitaph of Tian Tui, a Daoist priest in the High Tang era, references the Perfected Lord Shrine of the central sacred peak. From the epitaph, we learn that the person who went to set up the shrine on Mount Song was Tian Tui, who was then the eminent priest of the Jinglong Abbey. He was accompanied by Secretarial Court Gentlemen Wei Zhi (Lei 2019). These stone inscriptions are crucial for our comprehensive understanding of this event.


**Table 1.** Stele inscriptions recording the event of building shrines on the sacred peaks.


**Table 1.** *Cont.*

#### *3.2. The Textual Verification of Related Historical Facts*

#### 3.2.1. The Timeline

There should be no problem dating the establishment of the Perfected Lord Shrines, as the inscriptions mentioned above indicate that these events undoubtedly occurred between the nineteenth and twentieth years of Kaiyuan (732). However, the discrepancies in the relevant texts, especially the ambiguous record of the time in the "Biography of Sima Chengzhen" in the *Jiu Tangshu*, have led many modern scholars of Daoism to continue to follow the erroneous claim that the establishment of the shrines was in the fifteenth year. Chen Guofu's *Daozang yuanliu kao* 道藏源流考 (Examination of the Origin of Daozang Scriptures) adopts this claim. In addition to the biography, Chen also bases his claim on the *Nanyue xiaolu* 南岳小錄 (Lesser Record of the Southern Sacred Peak) written by Li Chongzhao 李沖昭, a Daoist priest in the late Tang (Chen 1963, p. 56). Noguchi Tetsuro and Ishida Kenji argue that the Perfected Lord Shrines should have been erected in the fourteenth year, while the Shrine for the Elder at Mount Qingcheng and the Temple for the Envoy of the Nine Heavens at Mount Lu were built in the twentieth year (Noguchi and Ishida 1983, p. 56). This assertion is problematic since they divide a single event into two parts. As late as 1996, in his book *Taoism under the T'ang*, Barrett still followed Chen's statement, arguing that the nineteenth year of Kaiyuan still seemed too late even for implementing the construction, and cited the *Nanyue xiaolu* as the basis for his argument as well (Barrett 1996, pp. 54–55). Therefore, there is still a need to examine this issue.

The extant historical materials include three different dates for Emperor Xuanzong's acceptance of Sima Chengzhen's proposal to establish the Perfected Lord Shrines: the ninth (721), fifteenth (727), and nineteenth (731) years of Kaiyuan. Records in the "Annals" of *Jiu Tangshu*, the *Zizhi tongjian*, and the *Yuhai* are identical; namely, the official edict of building the shrines was issued on the fifteenth day of the fifth month of the nineteenth year of Kaiyuan (731). As for the record in the *Cefu yuangui*, both the year and date accord with the other materials, except that the phrase "the fifth month" (*wuyue* 五月) becomes "the first month" (*zhengyue* 正月). This is probably due to the similarity in the forms of the characters "五" and "正". The month and date (the fifteenth day of the fifth month) in the *Nanyue xiaolu*, which Chen Guofu and Barrett cite as evidence, are also consistent with the *Zizhi tongjian* and the *Jiu Tangshu*, except that the year is given as the "fifteenth year". This is a discrepancy that may still be due to an error in the process of reprinting—the words "nine" (*jiu* 九) and "five" (*wu* 五) are also easily confused. Regarding the "twelfth month of the ninth year of Kaiyuan (721)" recorded in the *Tang huiyao*, I suspect that it is a mistake of "the second month of the nineteenth year of Kaiyuan (731)", which is the time that Sima Chengzhen's proposal was sent—it is not difficult to see with the aforementioned inscriptions that Xuanzong issued the edict to establish the Perfected Lord Shrines on the fifteenth day of the fifth month in the nineteenth year of Kaiyuan (731). It is hard to imagine that Sima Chengzhen's proposal was made ten years earlier. The following is a brief timeline of the establishment of the Perfected Lord Shrines, the Elder Shrine, and the Envoy Temple.


according to time. The temples of the Envoy and the Elder are allowed to have this sacrificial ritual as well". (Li 1988, p. 862)

K. In the tenth month, the Perfected Lord Shrine of the southern sacred peak was completed. A stele was erected for commemoration.

It should be acknowledged that this timeline is not comprehensive. First, the date of Sima Chengzhen's proposal is still speculative. Besides, the completion time of the Perfected Lord Shrine of the central sacred peak is not available for examination. In addition, the reason for the long construction period of the southern sacred peak's Perfected Lord Shrine is unknown. All these questions remain to be investigated further.

3.2.2. The Shrine for the Elder at Mount Qingcheng and the Temple for the Envoy of the Nine Heavens at Mount Lu

Although the Shrine for the Elder at Mount Qingcheng and the Temple for the Envoy of the Nine Heavens at Mount Lu are not mentioned in the "Biography of Sima Chengzhen" in the *Jiu Tangshu*, it is noteworthy that they were built on the basis of Sima's suggestion as well.

According to the *Luyi ji* 錄異記 compiled by Du Guangting 杜光庭 (850–933), the establishment of the Elder Shrine and the Envoy Temple came from Sima Chengzhen's interpretation of a miraculous dream by Emperor Xuanzong (Du 1988a, pp. 856–57).<sup>7</sup> As mentioned above, the bases of Du Guangting's account are the "Jiutianshizhe miao bei" erected on Mount Lu in the first month of the twentieth year of Kaiyuan (732) and the "Tang shizhe zhengxiang ji" erected in the third month, which are credible evidence. However, the claim that "temples were erected on each of the five sacred peaks and the three mountains" cannot be fully confirmed. This is because in both stone inscriptions and extant texts, no record has been found of the establishment of the Jiutiansiming 九天司命 (Director of Destinies of the Nine Heavens) Temple at Mount Qian in the Kaiyuan period (713–741). In the "Jiutian Shizhemiao bei", in the description of the relationship between the two shrines at Mount Qingcheng and Mount Lu with the Perfected Lord Shrine, there is no mention of the Qianshan Simingzhenjun 潛山司命真君 (Perfected Lord of Directing Destinies of Mount Qian). The earliest known stele inscription of the Perfected Lord Temple of Mount Qian is the "Tang Siming Zhenjunmiao bei" 唐司命真君廟碑 (A Tang Stele of the Temple for the Perfected Lord of Directing Destinies) erected in the eighth year of the Dali period (773) of Emperor Daizong (r. 762–779). Judging from its content, this temple was established in the ninth year of Tianbao (750), nearly 20 years after establishing the shrines of the five sacred peaks, Mount Qingcheng, and Mount Lu (Lei 2008).

Evidently, Sima Chengzhen attempted to transform or even replace the state ritual system with Daoist theories. He not only contributed to the establishment of the Perfected Lord Shrines of the five sacred peaks but also used the opportunity of interpreting Emperor Xuanzong's dream to bring about the construction of the Elder Shrine of Mount Qingcheng and the Envoy Temple of Mount Lu. According to the *Lushan Taipingxingguo gong Caifang Zhenjun shishi* 廬山太平興國宮採訪真君事實 (Veritable Facts Concerning the Perfected Lord Investigator of the Taiping Xingguo Temple of Mount Lu), at that time, "emperor [Xuanzong] ordered Wu Daozi (685–758) to paint a portrait [of the Perfected Lord], and commanded Zhang Fengguo, Eunuch Official of the Inner Palace, and Zhang Pinggong, Ritual Master, to bring the image to Jiangzhou. The emperor ordered the Prefect, Dugu Zheng(zhen), and the Magistrate, Wei Chang, to establish the shrine at the north side of Mount Lu" 乃詔吳道子肖貌, 敕內供奉張奉國及法師張平公等, 齎像詣江州, 命刺史獨 孤正(禎), 縣令魏昌建祠於廬山之陰 (Ye 1988, p. 662). The "Feng an yuce ji" 奉安玉冊記 (Record of Placing the Jade-Slips upon Imperial Order), erected on Mount Lu in the first year of the Chonghe (1118) era of the Song Emperor Huizong's reign, recorded that "[the emperor] commanded Wu Daozi to paint [a portrait of the Perfected Lord] and dispatched an Eunuch Official in the Inner Palace to bring the true image of the Envoy and to construct a temple on the north side of the mountain. Emperor Xuanzong bestowed the hall plaque, and himself wrote the calligraphy in the *miuzhuan* style for the plaque. The text on the

plaque reads 'The Hall of the Envoy of the Nine Heavens,' while it does not contain the deity's title of 'Caifang.' The plague is still there" 命吳道子寫之, 遣內供奉持使者真圖建立 祠廟於山之陰. 明皇帝親書繆(篆)殿額以賜之, 其文曰'九天使者之殿', 而無'採訪'之稱. 其榜 固在也 (Ye 1988, p. 687). If this is true, the image of the Envoy was painted by Wu Daozi, and the calligraphy for the plaque was written by Emperor Xuanzong—the significance speaks for itself.

#### 3.2.3. Basic Information and Primary Functions of the Seven Shrines

At this point, we have a general understanding of the basic process of setting up shrines on the five sacred peaks and the two mountains, namely Mount Qingcheng and Mount Lu. First, Sima Chengzhen made the blueprint of the shrines and sketches of the deities' statues according to the Shangqing scriptures (the sketch of the Envoy's statue probably was made by Wu Daozi). Then, palace eunuchs served as Commissioners for Establishing Temples (Zhimiao shi 置廟使) and eminent Daoist priests from the two capitals served as Commissioners for Arranging Retreats (Shezhai shi 設齋使) went to the mountains to guide the establishment of shrines. Site selection, construction, and other work was the responsibility of local administrations. After completion, there were usually vegetarian feasts, circumambulation rituals, and the *toulong* sacrifice, as we saw in the "Daiyueguan bei" and the "Jiutian Shizhemiao bei". Finally, steles were erected for commemoration.

The specific locations of the Perfected Lord Shrines on each sacred peak are not recorded in historical sources. The entry "Sima Chengzhen" in Shen Fen's 沈汾 *Xuxianzhuan* 續仙傳 (Supplementary Biographies of Transcendents) says that "an imperial order was issued to construct a temple for transcendent officials on the summit of each of the five sacred peaks" 詔五岳於山頂別置仙官廟 (Zhang 2003, 113.2507), which is probably unfounded. Based on the materials available today, some sites are not far from the sacred peak temples, and both the Perfected Lord Shrine of the southern sacred peak and the Sitian Huowang 司天霍王 (Heaven Governor King Huo) Temple (i.e., Hengyue Temple 衡岳廟) located at the foot of Huagai Peak (Huagai feng 華蓋峰), and they are very close to each other (Li 1988, p. 862). Some shrines are farther away from the sacred peak temples, such as the Perfected Lord Shrine of the northern sacred peak at the foot of Jiahe 嘉禾 Mountain, 10 miles northeast of Hengyang 恆陽 County in Dingzhou 定州, and the shrine at the foot of Mount Heng (Hengyue 恆岳) located 40 paces west of the county (Li 1983, 18.514–15). The locations of the Perfected Lord Shrines of the other three sacred peaks are lost today.

The Qingcheng Elder Shrine is located east of Mount Zhangren (lit. elder) at the foot of Mount Guicheng 鬼城. It was renamed Jianfu 建福 Palace upon the imperial order in the Song dynasty, but it appears to have been moved from the old site on Mount Tianguo 天國, which is at a deeper location in Mount Qingcheng. Du Guangting's *Daojiao lingyanji* 道教靈 驗記 (Evidential Miracles in Support of Daoism) records: "The Perfected Lord's image in the Daoist Abbey of the Elder at Mount Qingcheng wears the crown that canopies heaven, the robe of vermilion luster, and the seal of three *ting*, to dominate the five sacred peaks and to overawe and control myriad deities. In the middle of the Kaiyuan period (713–741), Emperor Xuanzong dreamed of him. Hence, he ordered to make the image of the lord and deliver it to the mountain. The Daoist abbey was moved to its current location from the shrine on Mount Tianguo. It is probably because people make offerings to the mountain in every spring and autumn, and Mount Qingcheng is slightly closer to the county while Mount Tianguo is too far away" 青城山丈人觀真君像, 冠蓋天之冠, 著朱光之袍, 佩三亭之 印, 以主五岳, 威制萬神. 開元中, 明皇感夢, 乃夾紵制像, 送於山中. 自天國祠宇, 移觀於今 所. 蓋取春秋祭山, 去縣稍近, 以天國太深故也 (Du 2003, 118.2594–95). It is evident from the above text that, first, by the late Tang and the Five Dynasties, the Elder Shrine had been called the Elder Daoist Abbey. Second, the Elder Shrine had already existed before and was moved to the present site in the middle of the Kaiyuan period. This may be the reason why Yang Liben 楊勵本, Prefect of Shuzhou, was going to "comply with the imperial order, respectfully pondered over the spiritual temple, painted the plan by himself, and changed the construction" 奉遵宸旨, 恭惟靈廟, 親畫規模, 改興版築, as stated in the "Qingchengshan

Zhangrenci miaobei" 青城山丈人祠廟碑 (Stele Inscription of the Elder Shrine of Mount Qingcheng). Third, not only were the plans of the shrines sent from Chang'an, but so was the image of the Perfected Lord, which proves the inscription's description of the deity's image: "[Its] divine posture is gorgeous and beautiful just like it has descended afar from the Nine Heavens; the splendid brilliance of the ravishing statue will long live in the three *shu* regions" 神姿麗美, 遠降於九天. 麗像昭輝, 長存於三蜀. Last, the Daoist abbey was moved to facilitate the annual spring and autumn sacrifices to the mountain for Qingcheng County. According to the *Tang liudian* 唐六典 (Compendium of the Sixfold Administration of the Tang Dynasty), "Mount Zhangren of Qingcheng County in Shu Prefecture shall be offered vegetarian delicacies in every spring and autumn. The Magistrate is entrusted to conduct [the rites]" 蜀州青城丈人山, 每歲春秋二時享以蔬饌, 委縣令行 (Li 1992, 4.123). The location where mountain sacrifices were held is the Elder Shrine. As for the Envoy Temple of Mount Lu, according to the aforementioned Du Guangting's *Luyiji*, it was located at the northwest of the mountain. The *Yudi jisheng* 輿地紀勝 (Record of the Superb in the Yu Realm) states that "the Envoy Temple is thirty *li* south of the prefecture and it is also known as the Taipingxingguo Palace" 使者廟, 在州南三十里, 即太平興國宮也 (Wang 1992, 30.1313). The more specific location needs to be further examined.

These seven shrines were all Daoist abbeys, so they needed Daoist priests to live in them for maintenance. Although the scale of the buildings was not small, the number of Daoist priests was very limited, only about five priests per abbey. For instance, the "Qingchengshan Zhangrenci miaobei" records that "according to the imperial edict issued on the twenty-fifth day of the eighth month of [the nineteenth year of Kaiyuan], the Qingcheng Elder Shrine should pick five outstanding Daoist priests for burning incense and making offerings, in accord with the regulations of the Perfected Lord Shrines" 又 奉[開元十九年]八月二十五日敕, 青城丈人廟准五岳真君廟例, 抽德行道士五人, 焚香供養. The "Jiutian Shizhemiao bei" also states that "on the twenty-first day of the eighth month of the nineteenth year of Kaiyuan (731), an imperial order was issued to have the Elder Temple of Mount Qingcheng and the Envoy Temple of Mount Lu follow the regulations of the Perfected Lord Temples of the five sacred peaks and to select five outstanding Daoist priests for burning incense and making offerings. Officials who oversee this matter should select and place Daoist practitioners who have splendid religious attainments and report their ages and names to related bureaus" 開元十九年八月二十一日降明旨曰: 青城山丈 人廟, 廬山使者廟, 宜准五岳真君廟例, 抽德行道士五人, 焚修供養. 仍委所管揀擇灼然道 行者安置, 具年名申所由. Moreover, as recorded in the *Cefu yuangui*, on the *jiyou* day of the fourth month, the emperor ordered: "Since the Perfected Lord Shrines were first constructed on the five sacred peaks, I continued to pray for the benefit of the common people, it is suitable that the Commissioner for Peak Sacrifices select extremely faithful Daoist priests and arrange the *jiao* rituals according to the proper time. The Envoy Temple and the Elder Shrine are allowed to have this sacrificial ritual as well" 五岳先制真君祠 廟, 朕為蒼生祈福, 宜令祭岳使選精誠道士, 以時設醮, 及廬山使者, 青城丈人廟, 並准此祭 醮 (Wang 1982, 53.590). Thus, resident priests were selected by both local officials and the Commissioner of Mountain Sacrifices dispatched by the central government, and the lists were to be reported to and recorded by the central government. "Zhang Chongji, the Daoist priest of the Gateway of Mystery, and others" mentioned in the last part of the "Jiutianshizhe miao bei" should refer to the selected priests for the Envoy Temple. Their primary function was to pray for the emperor, the state, and the people with Daoist *jiao* rituals on specific days. The establishment and main functions of the temple both strongly show the government's involvement.

It is not surprising that shrines and temples of the five sacred peaks and two mountains would have a privileged status in the local religious community. Take the northern sacred peak as an example, an official sacrifice to the sacred peak is recorded in the "Datang Bolingjun beiyue Hengshan feng Antianwang zhi ming" 大唐博陵郡北岳恒山封安天王之 銘 (Stele Inscription of Conferring the Title of Heavenly King of Peace to Mount Heng, the Northern Sacred Peak, of Boling Prefecture of the Great Tang) (Shike shiliao xinbian 1977, 2.1486) erected on the twenty-fifth day in the seventh year of Tianbao (748). The list of those who participated in the sacrifice inscribed on the back of the stele includes "Liu Chuyi, former imperial attendant, who jointly refined the elixir of hundred-blossom-syrup for the emperor, Daoist priest of the Three Caverns of the Perfected Lord Temple of the Northern Sacred Peak" 前供奉合煉百花漿北岳真君廟三洞道士劉處一 in addition to various officials of Heng Prefecture and Hengshan County, the director of the sacred peak temple on Mount Heng, and supervisor of the temple. The participation of the Daoist priests of the Perfected Lord Temple in the state ceremonies highlights the status of this temple in the local religious community. Until the late Tang dynasty, the Perfected Lord Temple of the northern sacred peak continued to receive official patronage. For example, the temple's two reconstructions done in the fifteenth year of the Xiantong era (874) and the second year of the Qianfu era (875) were recorded in the "Beiyue zhenjun xusheng jian zaixiumiao ji" 北岳真君敘聖兼再 修廟記 (Narrative of the Sage, Perfected Lord of the Northern Sacred Peak, and Record of the Reconstruction of the Temple) erected in the fourth year of the Qianfu (877) in Emperor Xizong's reign (873–888). The second reconstruction was made upon the imperial order (Chen 1988, p. 185).8

#### *3.3. Sima Chengzhen and the Theoretical Basis of the Establishment of Perfected Lord Shrines*

What was the theoretical basis for Sima Chengzhen, the key figure in the establishment of shrines and temples for the five sacred peaks and the two mountains? As is well known, Sima was the patriarch of the Shangqing tradition after Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536), Wang Yuanzhi 王遠知 (528–635), and Pan Shizheng 潘師正 (585–682), and he played an essential role in the religious and political arena in the high Tang.9 He said in the aforementioned memorial presented to Xuanzong: "There are cavern mansions in the five sacred peaks, in each of them there is a perfected one of the Upper Clarity descended to take the post. Mountains, rivers, winds, rains, *yin* and *yang*, and the order of *qi* are all governed by them". The "Tang Huayue zhenjun bei" clearly indicates that "preserving essence derives from the images and numbers [in the *Book of Changes*], establishing blessings is based on divine plan. [Emperor Xuanzong] clarified the lost writs of the Great Cavern, and verified the ancient aspirations of Shangqing" 儲精出乎象數, 建福本乎神機. 澄大洞 之逸文, 驗上清之舊志. Evidently, Sima Chengzhen based his ideas on notions from the Shangqing tradition. Most of the Transcendents and Perfected Ones enshrined in the seven temples can be found in Tao Hongjing's *Zhenling weiye tu* 真靈位業圖 (Table of the Ranks and Functions in the Pantheon) (Tao 1988, pp. 276–77), which is probably the source for Sima Chengzhen's so-called "the perfected ones of Shangqing". However, in the divine genealogy of the *Zhenling weiye tu*, the five sacred peaks, Mount Qingcheng, and Mount Lu are not an organic whole. What integrates them into one system are texts of the *Wuyue zhenxing tu* 五岳真形圖 (Chart of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Peaks) system.

Kristofer Schipper and Yamada Toshiaki have studied this Chart and its associated beliefs in depth (Schipper 1967; Yamada 1987). Cao Wanru and others have pointed out that, in terms of the presentation and content of its ancient version, the *Wuyue zhengxing tu* found in the *Daozang* 道藏 (Daoist Canon) probably evolved from sketch maps of specific mountains, namely, a practical map provided for Daoist priests to collect herbs and inquire into Daoist matters at the five sacred peaks (Cao and Zheng 1987). Zhang Xunliao's study innovatively combines the Chart with Daoist artifacts such as the *Wuyue zhenxing jing* 五岳 真形鏡 (Mirror of the Perfected Forms of the Five Sacred Peaks) and the *Shangqing hanxiang jing* 上清含像鏡 (A Shangqing Mirror that Contains Images) (Zhang 1991; Zhang and Bai 2006, pp. 1751–833). Zhang believes that the *Wuyue zhenxing tu*, similar to *Hanwudi neizhuan* 漢武帝內傳 (Inner Traditions of Han Emperor Wu), which has the earliest record of the Charts, was a work by Ge Hong 葛洪 (ca. 284–363) using a pseudonym, or "a work created together by Ge with his teacher, father-in-law, and wife". The reasons for this are: "First, the earliest texts documenting the materials of the *Wuyue zhenxing tu* are all attributed to Ge Hong, and some of them are intentionally fabricated by using predecessors' names. Second, except for some fictitious characters and ungrounded materials, the Charts were

transmitted through a single line down from Ge Hong to his disciples and then gradually promoted (Zhang and Bai 2006, p. 1756)". There are two versions of *Wuyue zhenxing tu* preserved in the *Daozang*. One is the *Dongxuan lingbao wuyue guben zhenxing tu bingxu* 洞玄 靈寶五岳古本真形圖并序 (Ancient Manuscript of the Perfected Forms of the Five Sacred Peaks with Preface, a Dongxuan Lingbao Scripture) (Dongxuan lingbao wuyue guben zhenxing tu bingxu 1988, pp. 735–43), although this text probably was written in a later time.10 The other one is the *Wuyue zhenxing xulun* 五岳真形序論 (Preface and Discourse of the Perfected Forms of the Five Sacred Peaks) collected in the *sheng* section of the *zhengyi* division (Wuyue Zhenxing Xulun 1988, pp. 628–36). Schipper has dated this text to the late Six Dynasties (220–589). The *Wuyue zhenxing xulun* consists of four kinds of texts. The first text is the story about the West Queen Mother bestowing the *Wuyue zhenxing tu* to the Han Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 BCE); the second text includes two documents for the ritual of transmission of the talisman; the third is the *Baoshi peishiyong* 鮑氏佩施用 (Instructions for Use by Mr. Bao [Jing]), and the fourth is the *Wuyue tuxu* 五岳圖序 (Preface to the Image of the Five Sacred Peaks), which was attributed to Dongfang Shuo 東方朔 (ca. 161–93 BCE) (Schipper and Verellen 2005, pp. 265–66). The *Wuyue tuxu* records:

The lord of the eastern sacred peak, Mount Tai, leads five thousand and nine hundred deities, is in charge of life and death, and is the chief commander of hundreds of ghosts. He is the one who those blood-eating temples revere ... The lord of Mount Tai dons an azure robe, bears the dark emerald crown of seven *cheng*, and carries the seal of peace that penetrates *yang.* 東岳泰山君, 領群神五千 九百人, 主治死生, 百鬼之主帥也, 血食廟祀所宗者也 ... 泰山君服青袍, 戴蒼碧七 稱之冠, 佩通陽太平之印.

#### ... ...

Qingcheng Elder was appointed by the Yellow Thearch and is in charge of earth Transcendents. He is the superior officer to the five sacred peaks and oversees various officials. The Elder leads ten thousand transcendent officials. Daoist priests who enter the mountain see him donning a robe of vermilion luster, bearing the crown that canopies heaven, and carrying the seal of the Three Courts. He rides a carriage without a canopy and comes with various spirits to welcome the Daoist priests. 青城丈人, 黃帝所命也, 主地仙人, 是五岳之上司, 以總群官也. 丈人領仙官萬人, 道士入山者, 見丈人服朱光之袍, 戴蓋天之冠, 佩三庭之印, 乘科 車, 從眾靈而來迎子.

The Envoy of Mount Lu was appointed by the Yellow Thearch. His official rank equals the Court Censor, and he directs all the transcendent posts as he is the surveillance officer of the five sacred peaks. When Daoist priests enter the mountain, the Envoy will don a dark vermilion robe, bear the cap of peaceful blossom, and carry the seal of the true form of the Three Heavens to welcome the Daoist priests. 廬山使者, 黃帝所命, 秩比御史, 主總仙官之位, 蓋五岳之監司. 道士 入其山者, 使者服朱緋之袍, 戴平華之冠, 佩三天真形之印, 而來迎子.

Descriptions about Mount Huo, the crown prince for the southern sacred peak, and Mount Qian, the second crown prince, are listed after that of the Envoy of Mount Lu. In addition to the five sacred peaks, the *Wuyue zhenxing tu* also includes Mount Qingcheng, Lu, Huo, and Qian.11 The *Wuyue zhenxing tu xu* explains the reason for their inclusion with the five sacred peaks: "[The Yellow Thearch] ... thus presented a memorial to the Most High Lord of the Dao of the Three Heavens to command Mount Huo and Mount Qian to be crowned princes. His request was approved. Thus, the Yellow Thearch built the mountains and painted the images by himself to attach at the end of the Charts of the Five Sacred Peaks. Moreover, he commanded to promote Mount Qingcheng as the Elder and appointed Mount Lu as the Envoy. The images were attached in the proper order. This method started with the Yellow Thearch" [黃帝] ... 乃章詞三天太上道君, 命霍山潛山為儲君. 奏可, 帝乃自 造山, 躬寫形像, 連五圖之後. 又命拜青城為丈人, 署廬山為使者, 形皆以次相續, 此道始于黃 帝耳.

It is worth noting that the *Wuyue zhenxing tu* records the numbers of "various deities", "transcendent officials", and "jade maidens", and gives detailed descriptions of the robes, crowns, and seals of the lords of the five sacred peaks, the Elder of Mount Qingcheng, the Envoy of Mount Lu, and the Crowned Princes Mount Huo and Qian. As mentioned above, Sima Chengzhen states in his memorial that the Shangqing perfected ones who were sent to govern the five sacred peaks all have distinct prescribed clothing and servants. The records in the *Wuyue zhenxing tu* seem to be the basis of Sima's statement. Taking the description of Qingcheng Elder in the "Qingchengshan Zhangren ci miaobei" as an example: "Yellow Thearch appointed him as Elder of the Five Sacred Peaks, and thus he was addressed as such. He dons a robe of vermilion luster, bears the crown that canopies heaven, and carries the seal of the Three Courts. He rides a carriage without a canopy and is in charge of the five sacred peaks" 黃帝拜為五岳丈人, 因以為稱. 服朱光之袍, 戴蓋天之 冠, 佩三庭之印, 乘科車, 主五岳. This is almost identical to the description in the *Wuyue zhenxing tuxu*. However, in Sima Chengzhen's plan to reshape the state's sacrifices to the five sacred peaks using Daoist ideas, he did not intend to build temples on Mount Huo and Qian. This probably is because Mount Qingcheng and Mount Lu were the superiors of the five sacred peaks, while Huo and Qian were only the crown princes of the southern sacred peak, which means they were not at the same level.

In his study on the worship of the Envoy of the Nine Heavens of Mount Lu, Florian Reiter has suggested that some relatively ancient traditions, such as the *Wuyue zhenxing tu*, had a new prevalence in the Tang (Reiter 1988, p. 275). The *Zhenguan gongsi huashi* 貞觀 公私畫史 (History of Official and Private Paintings from the Zhenguan Era) compiled by Pei Xiaoyuan 裴孝源 (fl. 627–649) in the thirteenth year of Zhenguan (639) lists the *Wuyue zhenxing tu* in one fascicle. Pei comments that these paintings are "extremely fine and marvelous. They were obtained by seeking and inquiring in private households since the Sui (581–618)" 甚精奇, 隋朝以來, 私家搜訪所得 (Pan and Yugang 1999, p. 19). The *Wuyue zhenxing tu*, the *Wuyue gongyang tu* 五岳供養圖 (Charts of Making Offerings to the Five Sacred Peaks), and the *Wuyue zhenxing tu xu* were listed in the *Lingbao zhongmeng jingmu* 靈寶中盟經目 (Scripture Catalogue of Middle Covenant of Lingbao) in fascicle 4 of the *Dongxuan lingbao sandong fengdao kejie yingshi* 洞玄靈寶三洞奉道科戒營始 (Regulations and Precepts for Daoist Practices in Accordance with the Scriptures of the Three Caverns, a Dongxuan Lingbao Scripture) by Jinming Qizhen 金明七真 in the early Tang as ritual texts that Dongzhen Ritual Masters must acquire (Jinmingqizhen 1988, p. 758).12 Furthermore, the *Wuyue zhenxing tu* is also listed as a ritual register conferred on Daoist priests in the renowned Daoist ritual master Zhang Wanfu's 張萬福 *Chuanshou sandong jingjie falu lueshuo* 傳授三洞經戒法籙略說 (Brief Explanation of the Transmission of Scriptures, Precepts, and Ritual Texts of the Three Caverns) (Zhang 1988, p. 190).13 As a master of scriptures of the Three Caverns and various schools, Sima was undoubtedly well-versed in the *Wuyue zhenxing tu*.

Sima Chengzhen authored the *Dongxuan lingbao wuyue mingshan chaoyi jing* 洞玄靈寶 五岳朝儀經 (Dongxuan Lingbao Scripture of Ritual Protocol of the Five Sacred Peaks and Renowned Mountains) in one fascicle in length and now lost.<sup>14</sup> Judging from the title of the book, it seems to be a scripture dedicated to sacrifices to the five sacred peaks. His work, the *Shangqing tiandi gongfu tujing* 上清天地宮府圖經 (Shangqing Scripture of Charts of Palaces and Mansions in the Heavens and on Earth), is a systematic study summarizing the notions of *dongtian* 洞天 (cavern-heaven) and *fudi* 福地 (blissful-realm),<sup>15</sup> in which he specifically discusses the names of the deities and Transcendents who have descended to the cavernheavens in the five sacred peaks. For example, among the "ten great cavern-heavens", there is the "fifth cavern-heaven in Mount Qingcheng. Its perimeter is two thousand *li*, and it is called 'the cavern-heaven of nine chambers of treasured transcendent.' It is located in Qingcheng County, Shuzhou, and governed by the Qingcheng Elder" 第五青城山洞, 周回 二千里, 名曰寶仙九室之洞天, 在蜀州青城縣, 屬青城丈人治之. The cavern-heavens of the five sacred peaks are listed among the "thirty-six lesser cavern-heavens":

The second is the cavern in the eastern sacred peak, Mount Tai. The perimeter is one thousand *li*. Its name is Pengxuan Cavern Heaven. It is in Qianfeng County, Yanzhou, and is governed by Child Shantu. 第二東岳太山洞. 周回一千里, 名曰蓬 玄洞天, 在兗州乾封縣, 屬山圖公子治之.

The third is the cavern in the southern sacred peak, Mount Heng. The perimeter is seven hundred *li*. It is called Zhuling Cavern Heaven. It is located in Hengshan County, Hengzhou, and is governed by the Transcendent Shi Changsheng. 第三 南岳衡山洞. 周回七百里, 名曰朱陵洞天, 在衡州衡山縣, 仙人石長生治之.

The fourth is the cavern in the western sacred peak, Mount Hua. The perimeter is three hundred *li*, and it is called Zongxian Cavern Heaven. It is located in Huayin County, Huazhou, and governed by the perfected one, Huiche zi. 第四西岳華山 洞. 周回三百里, 名曰總仙洞天, 在華州華陰縣, 真人惠車子主之.

The fifth is the cavern in the northern sacred peak, Mount Chang. The perimeter is three thousand *li*. Its name is Zongxuan Cavern Heaven. It is located in Quyang County of Changshan, Hengzhou. The governor is the perfected one Zheng Zizhen. 第五北岳常山洞. 周回三千里, 名曰總玄洞天, 在恒州常山曲陽縣, 真人鄭 子真治之.

The sixth is the cavern in the central sacred peak, Mount Song. The perimeter is three thousand *li*. It is named Sima Cavern Heaven and is located in Dengfeng County of the eastern capital, Luoyang. The governor is the Transcendent Deng Yunshan. 第六中岳嵩山洞. 周回三千里, 名曰司馬洞天, 在東都登封縣, 仙人鄧雲 山治之.

According to the "Dili zhi" 地理志 (Treatise on Administrative Geography) of the *Xin Tangshu* 新唐書 (New Tang History), Hengshan xian "originally was affiliated with Tanzhou. It became a part of Hengzhou in the third year of the Shenlong era (707)" 本 隸潭州, 神龍三年來屬[衡州] (Ouyang 1975, 41.1071). Accordingly, the *Shangqing tiandi gongfu tujing* was written after this date. Therefore, it is conceivable that Sima's statements about the cavern-heavens, the descent of Transcendents and Perfected Ones, and their functions are based on his own work; and that the five Transcendents and Perfected Ones, including Child Shantu and Shi Changsheng, are "Shangqing perfected ones" whom he believed to have descended on the five sacred peaks. Although these five perfected ones have already appeared in Tao Hongjing's work, there is no mention of them governing the five cavern-heavens.16 Therefore, their association with the five sacred peaks is probably Sima Chengzhen's own creation.

Sima also provided specific guidance on the construction of temples and deity images, as is indicated in his biography in the *Jiu Tangshu*. He was able to do this, first of all, because he was conversant with Daoist literature and various institutions. After a long period of development, a wealth of experience had been accumulated in the construction of Daoist palaces and abbeys by the Tang dynasty. For instance, detailed instructions about establishing abbeys and making images are presented in the *Sandong fengdao kejie yingshi* (Jinmingqizhen 1988, pp. 744–49). Sima Chengzhen's "creativity" was thus not just a figment of his imagination, as he must have consulted the experience and achievements of his predecessors. Due to our limited materials, we do not know the architectural plan of the seven shrines of the five sacred peaks and two mountains. However, from the description of the "Jiutianshizhe miaobei", it seems that this temple at least included the Court of Assiduous Meditation (Jingsi yuan 精思院), the Court of Pure Precepts (Jingjie yuan 淨戒 院), a Scripture Tower, a kitchen, and so on. Its design is very close to the regulations in the *Sandong fengdao kejie yingshi* about the setup of Daoist abbeys. Perhaps this was a typical design of Daoist abbeys in the early Tang, which Sima must have known very well.17

Secondly, Sima's creativity is also inseparable from his profound artistic skills. Chengzhen was adept in poetry, music, painting, and calligraphy. For example, he was ordered to "make the 'Daoist Music of Mysterious Perfect'" 製玄真道曲 (Ouyang 1975, 22.476), which made him more compatible with Emperor Xuanzong, who knew music well and had personally composed the music of *Buxu* 步虛 (pacing the void). In terms of calligraphy and painting, he was "erudite and literate, adept in seal script, and had established his own style. His seal scripts were praised as the 'writing of golden scissors'" 博學能文, 攻 篆, 迥為一體, 號曰'金剪刀書' (Shen 2003, 113.2505). He painted the mural in his residence on Mount Wangwu (Zhang 1964, 9.186) and wrote the *Shangqing di shichen Tongbo Zhenren zhentu zan* 上清帝侍晨桐柏真人真圖贊 (Encomium of the Perfect Image of the Shangqing Perfected Tongbai, Aide of the Thearch) in one fascicle (Sima 1988, pp. 157–63). Although Chengzhen was not the painter of the paintings in the encomium, it is undoubtfully that this book contains the paintings. He also composed the *Shangqing hanxiang jian jian tu* 上 清含象劍鑒圖 (Shangqing Chart of the Mirror and Sword of Containing Images) and cast swords for Xuanzong. He simplified the *Zhenxing tu* that mapped the geographic features of the five sacred peaks into an artistic symbol and placed it in the center of the mirror. His creation made a significant impact on later materials of the *Zhenxing tu*. 18

In conclusion, Sima Chengzhen's fundamental ideas for establishing temples of the five sacred peaks derived from concepts of the Shangqing tradition and were combined with the notions in the *Wuyue zhenxing tu*. Thanks to his mastery of Daoist scriptures on the one hand and his artistic skills on the other, he creatively constructed his theories of cavern-heavens and blissful-realms.

#### **4. State Sacrifices, Daoist Beliefs, and Popular Worships**

It is evident that the Tang Daoists put a great effort into participating in and reforming state sacrifices to the five sacred peaks, judging from the Daoist elements in Emperor Gaozong's *feng* and *shan* sacrifices and the establishment of Perfected Lord Temples on the five sacred peaks and two mountains. In fact, the close relationships between Daoism and the state manifested in many other aspects. For instance, when Emperor Xuanzong endowed the title of Jintianwang 金天王 (Gold Heavenly King) on the deity of Mount Hua in the eighth month of the second year of the Xiantian era (713), he commanded "Ye Fashan 葉法善 (616–720), a Daoist priest at the Jinglong Abbey, who enjoys the same status as Chief Minister of the Court of State Ceremonial for Foreigners, and Duke of Yue Kingdom, to prepare for the ceremony and offer sacrifices" 景龍觀道士, 鴻臚卿員外置, 越國公葉法善, 備禮告祭 (Song 1956, 74.418). Confucian ceremonial officials were often involved in the *toulong* rituals that the Daoist priests were ordered to perform, such as the event held on the seventh day of the sixth month in the eighteenth year of the Kaiyuan era (730). At this event, Vice Minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, Wei Tao 韋縚, who specialized in managing the Five Rituals, together with Wang Xianqing 王仙卿, Abbot of the Dongming Daoist Abbey of Chang'an, went to Mount Qingcheng to set up the *jiao* ritual and made the *toulong* sacrifice (Chen 1988, p. 111). Confucian ceremonial officials of the time did not see any fault with the close relationship between Daoism and state sacrifices. What is the historical background of this phenomenon? What was the impact on popular cults in the Tang dynasty?

#### *4.1. The Daoist Opposition to Blood Sacrifice*

According to traditional Confucian rituals, state sacrifices, such as the *sheji* 社稷 sacrifices to the gods of soil and grain, the five sacrifices, and sacrifices to the five sacred peaks should be "blood sacrifices" (*xueji* 血祭). This tradition was honored by past dynasties, and sacrifices to the five sacred peaks in the Tang were no exception. Based on the *Tang liudian*, *tailao* 太牢 (ox, goat, and pig) were to be prepared as the offerings for regular sacrifices, while only *teniu* 特牛 (ox) should be used for praying for rain and a clear sky (Li 1992, p. 128). In the *Datang Kaiyuanli* 大唐開元禮 (Ritual Code of the Kaiyuan Era in the Great Tang), there are very detailed regulations on the types of animals and body parts to be used for sacrifices to sacred peaks and strongholds (Xiao 1972, 35.199).

Popular cults in China were often deemed "illicit cults" (*yinsi* 淫祀) by the officials. The *Liji* 禮記 (Record of Rituals) states: "regarding sacrifices, those who have been abolished should not be promoted; those that have been promoted should not be abolished. Offering worship to those who should not be worshiped is called illicit sacrifice. There will be no blessings for illicit sacrifices" 凡祭, 有其廢之, 莫敢舉也; 有其舉之, 莫敢廢也. 非其所祭而祭 之, 名曰淫祀, 淫祀無福 (Sun 1989, 6.152–53). In the Tang, it was considered that "even if on sacred peaks, seas, strongholds, waterways, renowned mountains, great rivers; even if they are emperors, kings, and past worthies, if temples are built at improper locations, or they are not in the classics, sacrifices to them are deemed illicit. [Sacrifices] to men who have no laudable merits and virtues, nor have done righteous deeds to be awarded, are deemed illicit sacrifices" 雖岳海鎮瀆, 名山大川, 帝王先賢, 不當所立之處, 不在典籍, 則淫祀 也; 昔之為人, 生無功德可稱, 死無節行可獎, 則淫祀也 (Zhao 1991, 5.497). This shows that during the Tang, ordinary people without significant merit and deeds of integrity could not receive offerings. Even sacrifices to great men and significant geographic landmarks were considered illicit if they were performed at improper locations. The most prominent feature of illicit sacrifices is that they were not included in ceremonial codes and were not recognized by the state. However, the boundary between these sacrifices and state sacrifices is rather vague, and they have one major common feature: both require blood sacrifice. Therefore, Terry Kleeman considers state religion and popular worship as two aspects of the same religion which he calls the "blood-eating realm" (Qi 1996, p. 551).

As Kleeman has pointed out, both Buddhism and Daoism rejected the notions of mutual influence and communication between the human and divine realms advocated by state religion and popular worship. Moreover, Buddhism strongly opposed killing and blood-eating due to the concept of sam. sara and retribution, and thus attempted to reform ¯ popular gods who accepted bloody offerings. Yan Yaozhong has shown that Buddhist monks in the Tang dynasty had integrated illicit sacrifices to various gods (such as mountain gods) in the Jiangnan region. He has pointed out that, as a result, Buddhism became much closer to the people, and illicit sacrifices became one of the bonds between the two (Yan 1996, pp. 51–62). Daoists also severely criticized blood sacrifice, for they believed that gods who receive bloody food are the "old *qi* of the Six Heavens" (*liutian guqi* 六天故氣), while the Daoist deities that reside in the heavens of the Three Clarities above the Six Heavens are the orthodox deities formed by the pure *qi* of the Dao. According to the *Santian neijie jing* 三 天內解經 (Scripture of the Inner Explanations of the Three Heavens) completed in the Liu Song dynasty (420–479), Zhang Daoling 張道陵 had an agreement with officials of the Han empire, the Three Officials, and the stellar deity Taisui 太歲: "The people shall not falsely offer illicit sacrifices to other ghosts and gods so as to make them not able to drink and eat ... The people shall only make offerings to deceased relatives, ancestors, and parents on the five auspicious *la* days; in the second and eighth month, they can offer sacrifices in the shrines to the gods of soil and stove. Those not belonging to the orthodox rituals of the Three Heavens and the perfected Dao of various heavens are all old *qi*" 民不妄淫祀他鬼 神 ... 民人唯聽五臘吉日祠家親宗祖父母, 二月八月祠祀社灶. 自非三天正法, 諸天真道, 皆 為故氣 (Xushi Santiandizi 1988, p. 414; see also Ren 1995, pp. 950–51). However, Daoism held a more reserved attitude toward the state sacrifices that required the slaughtered livestock for blood-eating deities. Lu Xiujing 陸修靜 (406–477) in his *Lu xiansheng Daomen kelue* 陸先生道門科略 (Master Lu's Codes of the Daoist Portal, Abridged) states: "[The appropriate rituals] only include the son of heaven offering sacrifices to heaven, the three dukes offering sacrifices to the five sacred peaks, marquises offering sacrifices to mountains and rivers, and commoners giving offerings to ancestors on the five *la* days and to the gods of soil and stove in the second and eighth months. Other than these rituals, one should not make offerings. Giving offerings to ancestors not on the five auspicious *la* days or offering sacrifices to the gods of soil and stove not on the *she* days in spring and autumn are all transgressions of making illicit sacrifices" 唯天子祭天, 三公祭五岳, 諸侯祭山川, 民人五臘 吉日祠先人, 二月八月祭社灶, 自此以外, 不得有所祭. 若非五臘吉日而祠先人, 非春秋社日 而祭社灶, 皆犯淫祠 (Lu 1988, p. 779).

Although Daoism has sought to reform state sacrifices, sacrifices to heaven and earth and those to ancestral shrines are too difficult to reform since they are directly related to the legitimacy of the dynasty. Therefore, it was easier to start the transformation from sacrifices to sacred peaks and rivers. Since the Northern and Southern dynasties, Daoists began to actively participate in the state's sacrificial activities of sacred peaks, and consequently, these rites increasingly adopted Daoist aspects. Sima Chengzhen's proposal to erect shrines for the Perfected Lords of the five sacred peaks was a continuation of this effort. He directly expressed his aversion to the "blood-eating gods" and advocated that Daoist Perfected Ones and Transcendents were superior to the deities of the five sacred peaks who took blood sacrifices, signaling his intention to transform state sacrifices.

#### *4.2. The Toulong Sacrifice for Sacred Peaks and Waterways in the Tang Dynasty*

A deeper reason for Emperor Xuanzong's acceptance of Sima Chengzhen's proposal to establish shrines on the five sacred peaks and two mountains, in addition to his respect for Daoism, was the tendency to Daoisize sacrifices to the five sacred peaks since the Northern and Southern dynasties. This tendency was even more evident in the *toulong* activities in the early Tang. By the time of the erection of the Perfected Lord Shrines, the fruit of Daoisization was ripe for taking.

The earliest *toulong* activity in the Tang was held on Mount Mao by Wang Yuanzhi in the ninth year of Zhenguan following imperial order: "In the fourth month of the ninth year, he arrived at Mount Mao. An imperial edict was issued to dispatch Xue Yi 薛頤 (?–646), Director of the Astrological Office, Zhang Daoben 張道本, Editor of the Imperial Library, Huan Fasi 桓法嗣, Aide of Left Inner Guard Command of the Crowned Prince, and others, to deliver fragrant oils, colored silks, gold dragon figurines, and jade discs to the abbey to pray for blessings for the state" 貞觀九年四月至[茅]山, 敕文遣太史令薛 頤, 校書郎張道本, 太子左內率長史桓法嗣等, 送香油, 鎮彩, 金龍, 玉璧於觀所, 為國祈恩 (Chen 1988, pp. 51–54).<sup>19</sup> Since then, *toulong* activity seems to have become regular. In the second year of the Xianheng era (671), Lu Zhaolin 盧照鄰 (?–689) wrote a stele inscription for Gentleman Li, abbot of the Zhizhen Daoist Abbey 至真觀 in Yizhou 益州, which reads: "Riding the clouds and driving the *qi* day and night on mountain ridges; offering jade discs and casting gold dragons year by year to sacred peaks and waterways" 乘雲御氣, 日夕於關 山; 薦璧投金, 歲時於岳瀆 (Lu 1994, 7.416). This kind of ritual activity had apparently been regularized. By the time of Xuanzong, activities that promoted Daoism reached a climax: "On renowned mountains in the realm, Daoist priests and palace eunuchs were ordered to jointly refine [elixir] and hold the *jiao* sacrifices repeatedly. They cast dragon tokens, offered jades, built temples, and picked herbs. Perfected instructions and transcendent traces increased every month and year" 天下名山, 令道士, 中官合鍊醮祭, 相繼於路. 投龍奠 玉, 造精舍, 採藥餌, 真訣仙蹤, 滋於歲月 (Liu 1975, 24.934). The imperial court even issued special rules for the *toulong* ritual. Dunhuang manuscript P.2354 is an example of such a text. It is noteworthy that jade discs used in traditional state sacrifices to sacred peaks and waterways were added to the *toulong* ritual during the Tang, which demonstrated the convergence of Daoist and state rituals since the original *toulong* ritual in the Six Dynasties only had gold dragons, jade-slips, emerald ribbons, and gold knobs (Zhou 1999).

According to my preliminary statistics, most *toulong* activities were held on the eastern sacred peak. Nineteen of the rites were held on the eastern sacred peak, twice on Mount Song, once on Mount Heng, three times at Ji Waterway 濟瀆, and once at Huai Waterway 淮 瀆 (Lei 2009, pp. 207–10). These are surely not all the *toulong* rituals on the five sacred peaks and four waterways during the Tang, yet evidently, *toulong* rites were considerably frequent by the time of Gaozong. Both the emperor and the public had long been accustomed to this. In this context, Emperor Xuanzong gladly accepted Sima Chengzhen's suggestion, which led to the establishment of the shrines on the five sacred peaks and the two mountains.

#### *4.3. The Interactions between State Sacrifices, Daoist Beliefs, and Popular Worships*

The establishment of the Perfected Lord Shrines of the sacred peaks, the Elder Shrine of Mount Qingcheng, and the Envoy Temple of Mount Lu indicate that the Tang court had partly accepted Daoist theories of sacrifices to the five sacred peaks. Nevertheless, this does not mean that the Daoist system replaced the traditional state sacrificial system of the five sacred peaks. On the contrary, the two coexisted to a certain degree. Each of the five sacred peaks had its own administrative institution, and even after establishing the Perfected Lord Shrines, their functions were never challenged. Moreover, the deities of the five sacred peaks were crowned as kings successively during Emperor Xuanzong's reign. In terms of rituals, sacrifices to the five sacred peaks were still held at the best location, *yuemiao*, and the nature of blood sacrifice remained unchanged. In the *Datang Kaiyuanli*, which was compiled almost simultaneously with the establishment of the Perfected Lord Shrines, the different types of livestock used in sacrifices were still specified in detail. Although the establishment of the shrines was based on Sima Chengzhen's intention of transforming the tradition of blood sacrifice, Xuanzong did not necessarily see it as such. Essentially, the primary function of the shrines was still to set up the *jiao* ritual for the state, the emperor, and the people to pray for blessings.

More importantly, from Sima Chengzhen to Du Guangting in the late Tang and the Five Dynasties (907–960), the notions of cavern-heavens and blissful-realms were instead profoundly influenced by the authority of the state. Du Guangting's *Dongtian fudi yuedu mingshan ji* 洞天福地岳瀆名山記 (Records of Cavern Heavens, Blissful Realms, Sacred Peaks, Waterways, and Renowned Mountains) displays a significant change in the description of the five sacred peaks compared with Sima's *Tiandi gongfu tu*. Sima puts the ten great cavern-heavens at the top of the list while placing the five sacred peaks among the thirtysix lesser cavern-heavens, emphasizing their domination by Shangqing perfected ones. In doing so, Sima implies that Daoist Transcendents and Perfected Ones are superior to the blood-eating gods of state sacrifices. However, Du Guangting's *Dongtian fudi yuedu mingshan ji* treated the five sacred peaks as follows:

The mountain deity of the eastern sacred peak, Mount Tai, is King Tianqi who leads ninety thousand transcendent officials and jade maidens. The mountain's perimeter is two thousand *li,* and it is in Fengfuxian of Yanzhou. Mount Luofu and Kuocang serve as Assistants of the Mandate. Mount Meng and Dong serve as Assistant Managers. 東岳泰山, 岳神天齊王, 領仙官玉女九萬人. 山周回二千里, 在兗州奉符縣. 羅浮山, 括蒼山為佐命, 蒙山, 東山為佐理.

The mountain deity of the southern sacred peak, Mount Heng, is King Sitian who leads thirty thousand transcendent officials and jade maidens. The mountain's perimeter is two-thousand *li*. Mount Huo and Qian are the Crowned Princes; Mount Tiantai and Juqu are the Assistant Governors. 南岳衡山, 岳神司天王, 領仙官玉女三萬人. 山周回二千里, 以霍山, 潛山為儲副, 天台山, 句曲山為佐理. (Du 1988b, p. 56)

Apparently, concerning the identification of the five sacred peaks' deities, Du Guangting not only accepted the titles of the five sacred peaks given by the imperial court (namely the ranks of nobility endowed by Emperor Xuanzong) but also sought to have the socalled "blood-eating gods" of Sima Chengzhen's writings lead transcendent officials and jade maidens. Thus, it is clear that state authority has permeated Du's interpretations of cavern-heaven and blissful-realm. To a certain degree, Du Guangting had given up on transforming the state sacrificial system with Daoist theories, which demonstrated a completely different purpose from that of Sima Chengzhen.

However, the idea that Daoist Transcendents and Perfected Ones were superior to sacred peak deities in the state sacrificial system promoted by Sima Chengzhen made a significant impact on popular worship in the Tang. In some *chuanqi* 傳奇 ("Transmitting the Strange") tales, an ordinary Daoist priest is able to have the mountain deity of Mount Hua wait for and greet him as far as thirty *li* outside of the Tong Pass (Li 1961, 35.221). Even a common Daoist priestess could make the southern sacred peak's deity greet and pay respect in front of her horse (Duan 1981, 8.83–84). A story in Dunhuang manuscript S. 6836, *Ye Jingneng shi* 葉靜能詩 (Ye Jingneng's Poem), also faithfully reflects this idea. In the thirteenth year of Kaiyuan (725), Ye Jingneng, a Daoist priest, prayed for rain following an

...

imperial order but in a manner of commanding the deities of the five sacred peaks (Huang and Zhang 1997, p. 337). Ye can call the deities hither and thither, implying that Daoist Celestial Masters were superior to the sacred peak deities. In a late Tang story titled "Liu Yuanjiong" 劉元迥, a magician persuaded Li Shigu 李師古 (?–806), Military Commissioner of Pinglu平盧, to change the head of King Tianqi, the deity of Mount Tai, with gold in order to defraud him of money. He even said directly: "Although Tianqi is called a noble deity, he actually belongs to the ghost kind" 天齊雖曰貴神, 乃鬼類耳 (Li 1961, 308.2440). This is in line with Sima's idea of "blood-eating gods". There is a narrative pattern in Tang folklore: the son of the sacred peak deity (sometimes the deity himself) snatches a beautiful woman from the human realm, but the woman is saved by a transcendent master or eminent Daoist priest with a talisman (Jia 2000; Lei 2009, pp. 214–15). These stories can be used as footnotes to what Sima stated: "Nowadays on famous mountains, sacred peaks, and waterways, most sacrifices are to blood-eating deities. The Most High worries that they would exercise power arbitrarily to harm the multitude". In addition to Daoist priests, these stories also include "*wuzhe*" 巫者 (sorcerers) or "*shushi*" 術士 (magicians), who eventually perform the magic to save the snatched women from the deities. These people undoubtedly played an important role in the dissemination of popular worship. With the circulation of such stories, sacred peak deities were no longer unreachable and exalted objects of state sacrifice but entered the personal lives of the people and their world of belief, although their relationship was not always pleasant.

#### **5. Conclusions**

Daoism, based on its opposition to blood sacrifice, endeavored to transform state sacrifices. From the Northern and Southern Dynasties to the Sui and Tang, the connection between Daoist *toulong* rituals and state sacrifices was evident. Various Daoist elements were clearly seen in Emperor Gaozong's *feng* and *shan* rituals. This tendency reached its climax by the time of Emperor Xuanzong. Following the suggestion of Sima Chengzhen, the Shrines for Perfected Lords of the five sacred peaks, the Shrine for the Elder at Mount Qingcheng, and the Temple for the Envoy of the Nine Heavens at Mount Lu were constructed. However, they did not replace the state sacrificial system but mainly were utilized as Daoist abbeys to pray for the state, the emperors, and the people. Moreover, from Sima Chengzhen to Du Guangting, the descriptions of the five sacred peaks in the writings about cavern-heavens and blissful-realms changed significantly, demonstrating that the state authority had significantly impacted Daoist ideas. Meanwhile, Daoist Transcendents and Perfected Ones became more exalted than the sacred peak deities in many Tang folktales. The destruction of the superior status of sacred peak deities, lofty gods who were worshipped in state sacrifices, greatly increased their proximity to the lives and beliefs of the masses. Essentially, the state tended to manifest its legitimacy by strengthening its sacrality. The convergence of sacrifices to the five sacred peaks with Daoism and the circulation of related folk tales remarkably reinforced the sacrality of state power, and the sacrificial activities thus took on a strong symbolic significance.

**Author Contributions:** Writing—original draft preparation, W.L.; Writing—review & editing, W.L., L.Z.; Writing-Translation, L.Z. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research received no external funding.

**Institutional Review Board Statement:** Not applicable.

**Informed Consent Statement:** Not applicable.

**Data Availability Statement:** Not applicable.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **Notes**


#### **References**

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### *Article* **Daoism and the Operation of the Eastern Stronghold Temple in the Late Imperial China**

**Zhaojie Bai 1,\* and Teng Yao <sup>2</sup>**


**Abstract:** The sacrificial ritual to Mount Yi (Yishan 沂山) or the Eastern Stronghold (Dongzhen 東 鎮) was included in the traditional Chinese state ritual system to mountain and water gods, and therefore, originally, it was a Confucian ritual. The Eastern Stronghold Temple was operated by officers and clerks appointed by the government. However, during the late imperial period, the situation changed and the Eastern Stronghold Temple became virtually operated by Daoism, mainly because of the government's difficulty in maintaining the temple, the growth and power of Daoism, especially the Complete Perfection Daoism popular in northern China, and the further integration of Confucianism, Daoism, and folk beliefs. Daoist priests, who were named "temple guardians", took responsibilities for guarding temple property, coordinating central and local government's sacrificial rituals, administrating the daily operation of the temple, conducting reconstruction projects, and incorporating local people's beliefs. As a result, the temple not only served as an official place of worship but also gained the functions and identity of a Daoist abbey and folk temple. As the first article discussing the Eastern Stronghold Temple in a western language, this study mainly applies the rediscovered source of stone inscriptions preserved in the temple to describe Daoism's contributions to this religious–political–cultural symbolic site and the complicated relationship between governmental officials, Daoist priests, and local people.

**Keywords:** Mount Yi; Eastern Stronghold Temple; state sacrifice; Daoism; Complete Perfection Daoism

#### **1. Introduction**

Mount Yi (Yishan 沂山), located in today's Weifang 濰坊 city of Shandong 山東 province, was also named the Eastern Stronghold (Dongzhen 東鎮) and included in the traditional Chinese state ritual system to mountain and water gods, namely, the Five Sacred Peaks (Wuyue 五岳), Five Strongholds (Wuzhen 五鎮), Four Seas (Sihai 四海), and Four Waterways (Sidu 四瀆) (Jia 2021). Since the Sui and Tang dynasties (581–907), the Eastern Stronghold Temple (Dongzhenmiao 東鎮廟) was established on Mount Yi and became the sacred site for holding sacrificial rituals to the god of Mount Yi (Zhang 2011; Liang 2013).

The state sacrificial system to mountain and water spirits was originally a Confucian ritual, and, as a national sacrificial temple with symbolic significance of political rule, the Eastern Stronghold Temple was originally operated by officers and clerks appointed by governmental authorities. However, recent studies have pointed out that since the Jin (1115–1234) and Yuan dynasties (1271–1368), Daoists played important roles in the maintenance of the five national stronghold temples (Ma 2011, pp. 15–16; Lin 2017, pp. 105–11), including the Eastern Stronghold Temple. Officially, the temple retained the title of "national sacrifice site", but the daily operations were left to the care of Daoist priests, who were named "temple guardian". The reasons for this important change may be observed from three aspects. First, Daoism had developed strongly and permeated people's daily life, especially the Complete Perfection Daoism in northern China. Second, the imperial government both restricted

**Citation:** Bai, Zhaojie, and Teng Yao. 2022. Daoism and the Operation of the Eastern Stronghold Temple in the Late Imperial China. *Religions* 13: 159. https://doi.org/10.3390/ rel13020159

Academic Editor: Jinhua Jia

Received: 7 January 2022 Accepted: 7 February 2022 Published: 11 February 2022

**Publisher's Note:** MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

**Copyright:** © 2022 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

and used Daoism for political purposes. Third, the religious–cultural integration of Confucianism, Daoism, Buddhism, and folk beliefs had further developed during the late imperial period.

As far as the above issues are concerned, the daily operation of the Eastern Stronghold Temple is an exemplary case study, which provides the opportunity to see the role Daoism played in such a major national sacrifice temple. What kind of position did it occupy? What changes had it brought to the functions of the national sacrifice beyond the expectations of the imperial court? In order to uncover reliable answers to such questions, it is first necessary to retrace the historical details of Daoism at the Eastern Stronghold Temple.

There have been some studies of the Eastern Stronghold, but mostly they have focused on the official ritual system and sacrificial practices, and few scholars have devoted their time to the subject of guardian Daoist priests. Presumably, the main reason for this is the lack of first-hand successive references and the available sources are too fragmented. The records of Daoism at the Eastern Stronghold in local chronicles are quite scattered. Thus, given the insufficiency of available materials, it is necessary to find new materials to get a fresh perspective in the study on Daoism. Fortunately, in recent years, new findings and compilations of the stone inscriptions preserved in Mount Yi have made it possible to further study the history of Daoism in the Eastern Stronghold (Zhao and Gong 2011). These stone inscriptions were mainly inscribed during the Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties. It is believed that there were more than 360 ancient steles in the temple until 1904, but there are now only about 145 left (Zhang 2009, pp. 14–15; Zhang and Wang 2001, pp. 41–42). Still, compared with other available materials, these inscriptions reveal a lot about Daoism of the Eastern Stronghold. Based on the evidence of these inscriptions, combined with local chronicles and official histories, this paper first discusses the essential situation of Daoism in the Eastern Stronghold Temple during the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties. It then uses the construction and reconstruction cases of the Eastern Stronghold Temple as examples to demonstrate the contributions of Daoism to the maintenance of the temple and its manifold influence in general.

#### **2. Overall Situation of Daoism in the Eastern Stronghold Temple**

At sacrifice sites of sacred peaks, strongholds, seas, and waterways in the Tang and Song dynasties, temple directors or other post-holders were instructed on duty, and the sacrificial works were carried out by county magistrates, retired state officials, or county directors. However, according to the current information available, the daily affairs of the Eastern Stronghold Temple were managed by Daoist priests from the Jin Dynasty. In 1173, the temples of the mountain and water gods were then converted to be left under the care of Daoist priests (Liang 2013, p. 50; Zhao 2020, pp. 51–55). The Daoist management of these temples originated from a reform carried out in the Zhongyue 中岳 Temple (Middle Sacred Peak, Mount Song 嵩山) to prevent low-ranking officials from misappropriating the charitable donations of common people intended for blessings and prayer. From then on, "The sacrificial rituals of the Middle Sacred Peak Mount Song follow the old way and order of Daoist priests from Chongfu Palace to preside over" 嵩山中岳祈依舊令本處崇福宮道士看守, according to an official reaction of the imperial court, which later became an example for any other temples of mountain and water gods "supervised by two prominent Daoist priests selected by the local government from where the temples belonged" 委 所隸州府選有德行名高道士二人看管 (Ren 2019, 34.337). During the Mingchang 明 昌 period (1190–1196), the central Government bestowed the gods of the strongholds and waterways with the titles of king after accepting the advice of the Daoist priest Yang Daoquan 楊道全. (In particular, the God of the Eastern Stronghold was titled Donganwang 東安王, the East-Protection King). Yang was from Mount Yi (Toqhto¯ 1975, 34.810) whose cave the stele partly quoted in the "Shenyougong ji" 神祐宮記

(Account of Divine Protection Palace) of the Eastern Stronghold Temple. In this quotation, the Daoist priest was signed as "Yang Daoquan, the Daoist priest and preaching master who was in charge of the Temple" 知廟道士傳度師楊道全 (Zhao and Gong 2011, p. 8). Therefore, we know that the Eastern Stronghold Temple was indeed handed over to the Daoist priests by this time. In 1173, there were only two Daoist priests entrusted with guardian positions, but the number was soon allowed to be expanded because of the overloading of affairs (Ren 2019, 34.337). According to the record of stele inscriptions, it is known that the number of Daoist priests in the temple increased rapidly after the establishment of the Temple. For example, inscriptions such as "Dongzhen Yishan Yuande Donganwangmiao Shenyougong ji" 東鎮沂山元 德東安王廟神佑宮記 (Account on the Divine Protection Palace of the Temple of Prime-Virtue Eastern-Protector King of Mount Yi the Eastern Stronghold, and abbreviated as the "Account of Divine Protection Palace"), carved in 1322, "Chongxiu Dongzhen Yishan miaoji" 重修東鎮沂山廟記 (Account on Reconstruction of Mount Yi the Eastern Stronghold Temple), carved in 1614, the "Chongxiu Dongzhenmiao luochengji" 重修東鎮廟落成記 (Account on the Completion of the Reconstruction of the Eastern Stronghold Temple), carved in 1663, and the Yellow Booklet (Registration Manual of Populations) during the Qianlong 乾隆 period (1736–1795) of the Qing Dynasty, and so forth (Qin 2014, p. 193), all serve to illustrate this point. There were at least 36 Daoist priests in the Eastern Stronghold Temple from 1573 to 1620 during the Ming Dynasty. However, the number of Daoist priests continuously decreased during the Qing Dynasty. In the early years of the Qianlong period, there were at most 16 Daoist priests, but only a few were still there after the Guangxu 光緒 period (1875–1908). The obvious fluctuation in the number of Daoists reflects the historical trend of the rise and fall of Daoism in the Eastern Stronghold Temple. At the same time, it also indicates the rise and fall of the court's attention to the local temples that once symbolized its dominance.

#### *2.1. Sect Affiliations of the Daoists in the Eastern Stronghold Temple and Their Relationship with Local Daoist Bureaus*

Zhao Weidong 趙衛東 has paid attention to the Daoist inscriptions in the Eastern Stronghold, especially those referring to a master–apprentice relationship, such as Tang Jiaoyu's 唐教玉 tombstone and Zhao Shoushen's tombstone. After he compared the sect-names with the Daoists of the Complete Perfection Dao (Quanzhendao 全 真道) recorded in the *Zhuzhen zongpai zongbu* 諸真宗派總簿 (General Book of All Daoist Sects), Zhao believed that the Eastern Stronghold Daoists during the Yuan Dynasty belonged to the Complete Perfection, but their sub-branching sect is still unknown. From the end of the Jiajing 嘉靖 Period of the Ming Dynasty (1522–1566), it was obvious that the Mount Hua Sect (Huashanpai 華山派) and Patriarch Qiu's Extra Sect (Qiuzu youpai 丘祖又派) coexisted in the temple, and the latter was established by Tang Jiaoyu, who was once a disciple of the former sect (Zhao 2014b, pp. 274–89).

According to the information aforementioned, during the Jin Dynasty, the Daoist priest Yang Daoquan from the Eastern Stronghold was titled as a "preaching master" (chuandushi 傳度師). Therefore, it is reasonable to predict that the Eastern Stronghold Daoists belong to Zhengyi Dao 正一道 and that the Complete Perfection Daoists came to the Eastern Stronghold Temple probably from the time of the Yuan Dynasty. The "Account of Divine Protection Palace", dated from 1322, is rich in information and worth close attention. According to the inscription, Mei Daoyin 梅道隱 once served as the Abbot (tidian 提點) of the Eastern Stronghold Temple. After the Official Sacrifice in 1298, Mei was rewarded as the Arch-Abbot of the Extreme Void Palace (Taixugong 太虛宮) of Yidu 益都 Circuit (in present-day Qingzhou 青州, Shandong). When he was promoted, Mei recommended Zhang Dexian 張德顯 to be the abbot of the Eastern Stronghold Temple and to hold his previous position (Zhao and Gong 2011, p. 8). The next year, the Grand Master President of National Daoism (zhangjiao dazhenren

掌教大真人) formally appointed Zhang Dexian as "Daoist on Duty of the Divine Protection Palace in Eastern Stronghold of Mount Yi, in Charge of the Temple of Prime-Virtue Eastern-Protector King" 東鎮沂山神佑宮提點勾當, 知元德東安王廟事. During his official term, Zhang Dexian actively built the Divine Protection Palace, but died soon after. As his successor, the abbot of the Extreme Void Palace, Tang Zhiqian (唐志 遷), took charge of temple affairs and presided over the completion of the construction project. After his promotion to Extreme Void Palace, Mei Daoyin, who once served as an abbot in the Eastern Stronghold, was bestowed with the titles of Master of Tranquil Perfection and Pure Virtue (zhenjing chunde dashi 真靜純德大師), the Provincial Daoist Magistrate (benlu dudaolu 本路都道錄), and both the Abbot of the Eastern Stronghold and Extreme Void Palace. However, Mei's name can still be found in the inscription of "Tuohuan Cai Wenyuan zhaogaobei" 脫歡, 蔡文淵昭告碑 (Tuohuan and Cai Wenyuan's Proclaiming Stele) dating from 1313, which hints that after he was promoted to the Extreme Void Palace in 1298, Mei once again served as a guardian Daoist in the Eastern Stronghold Temple for some time (Zhao and Gong 2011, p. 6). As Zhao Weidong said, this inscription shows the close relationship between the Divine Protection Palace, the Extreme Void Palace, and the Eastern Stronghold Temple (Zhao 2014a, p. 3; 2014b, p. 285). Based on the inscription "Qingxu chunde fujiao zhenren citang ji" 清虛純德輔教真人祠堂記 (Account of the Ancestral Hall of the Realized Person of Clear Void, Pure Virtue, and Doctrinal Promoter Daoist), the Complete Perfection Daoist Patriarch Qiu Chuji 丘處機 once performed his monastic practice in the Extreme Void Palace of Qixia (present-day Qixia 棲霞, Shangdong), while the Extreme Void Palace of Yidu 益都 Circuit (present-day Qingzhou, Shandong) was built by Qiu Chuji's disciple Fan Quansheng 范全生, who purchased Magistrate Xu's residence and reconstructed it into a Daoist temple. Accordingly, the two Extreme Void palaces might have formed a relationship between the superior and subordinate (Wang 2005, pp. 40–41). Since the reign of Kublai Khan (1260–1294), a customized system of Daoist management had been in place, including the Daoist Registration Bureau (daosusi 道錄司) set under the circuit (lu 路) government, the Daoist Direction Bureau (daozhengsi 道正司) at the prefecture level, and the Prestige Bureau (weiyisi 威儀司) under the county (Cheng 2012, pp. 122–30). Based on the information seen so far, it is speculated that the Daoist Registration Bureau of the Yidu Circuit during the Yuan Dynasty was likely located in the Extreme Void Palace. Given the administrative relationship between the Extreme Void Palace of the Yidu Circuit and the Eastern Stronghold Temple, this palace could send Daoist priests to the Eastern Stronghold Temple, and even entrust Daoists to run the National Sacrifice. However, the Eastern Stronghold Temple was a national-level sacrifice site, and it was impossible for the Extreme Void Palace to be formally accepted as its own subordinate temple; consequently, the construction of an exclusive Daoist Hall in the temple had become a convenient measure for Daoist priests to live and manage.

Therefore, the intervention of the Extreme Void Palace and Daoist Registration Bureau of the Yidu Circuit could be seen as a watershed in the history of the development of Daoism in the Eastern Stronghold Temple, while the establishment of the Divine Protection Palace could be regarded as a symbol of the extensive development of Daoist groups in the Eastern Stronghold Temple. The institutional relationship between the temple and the palace was the necessary foundation that allowed the Complete Perfection Daoism of the Extreme Void Temple to spread smoothly in the Eastern Stronghold Temple, which ultimately led to the conversion of the Eastern Stronghold Temple to Complete Perfection Daoism. After 1369 (the second year of the Hongwu 洪武 period of the Ming Dynasty), the existing Eastern Stronghold inscriptions show that the temple was no longer related to the Extreme Void Palace. According to the *Jiajing qingzhoufu zhi* 嘉定青州府志 (gazetteer of Qingzhou compiled in the Jiajing Period), the Extreme Void Palace had already been changed to a Confucian temple (Feng 2014, 7.32). From 1406 to 1465, during the early Ming Dynasty, the priests from the

Daoist Assembly Bureau (daohuisi 道會司) took the place of Extreme Void Palace to participate in the official sacrificial activities of the Eastern Stronghold Temple.

The Daoists Assembly Bureau was a county-level Daoist administrative organization established in 1382 (Liu 2017, pp. 73–84). The Daoists Assembly Bureau of Linqu County, during the early Ming Dynasty, was placed in the Ziwei Guan 紫微 觀 (Purple Sublimity Abbey), built in the Zhongtong 中統 period (1260–1264) of the Yuan Dynasty, and the local Daoist Bureau was set up inside it during the Yuan Dynasty. From the Ming Dynasty to the Qing Dynasty, the Daoists Management Bureau of Linqu had been settled in this abbey for a long time (Wang 2002, 2.14 and 4.27; Yin 2002, 1.50 and 2.54). By the end of the 19th century, during the reign of Guangxu (1875–1908), there was not a permanent temple of operations for the Daoist Assembly Bureau of Linqu (Yao 2002, 5.147). Moreover, no signatures of the Daoist Assembly Bureau priests can be found in the stone carvings of the Eastern Stronghold Temple from 1467 (the third year of the Chenghua 成化 period of the Ming dynasty) to the end of the Qing Dynasty. The absence of the signatures, however, does not mean that the Daoist Assembly Bureau of Linqu County disappeared completely; rather it shows that the Bureau's power had declined in influence and status, while at the same time the Daoist priests in the Eastern Stronghold Temple had restored their self-governing positions.

#### *2.2. Political Status of Daoist Priests in the Eastern Stronghold Temple*

From the Yuan Dynasty to the Qing Dynasty, the political status of Daoist priests in the Eastern Stronghold Temple gradually declined. As mentioned previously, from the Yuan Dynasty to the Hongwu period (1368–1398) of the Ming Dynasty, the Eastern Stronghold Temple may have been entrusted to the Extreme Void Palace, and some of the Daoists in charge of the Eastern Stronghold Temple had a relatively high political status. Take Mei Daoyin as an example, whose name appears in numerous carved records of the Yuan Dynasty, including two stele inscriptions in particular, "Chongjian haotiangong bei" 重建昊天宮碑 (Rebuilding the Haotian Palace) (Zhao and Zhuang 2010, p. 349) and "Dayuan jiang yuxiang zhiji" 大元降御香之記 (Account of Bestowing Incense by Great Yuan) (Zhao and Zhuang 2010, p. 350), both of which were memorial monuments to the Eastern Stronghold. In addition, Mei also participated in the Daoist activities in Qingzhou as the Daoist Judge (daopan 道判) and the Daoist Register (dudaolu 都道錄) of Yidu Circuit. Throughout the Ming Dynasty, although there are no material records of the Eastern Stronghold Daoist priests being local Daoist officials, the Eastern Stronghold abbots could still formally participate in the official sacrificial activities and engrave their names on the relevant inscriptions. During the reign of Emperor Kangxi 康熙 (1662–1722) of the Qing Dynasty, Daoists in the Eastern Stronghold Temple could still keep their positions as they had during the Ming Dynasty. In any event, after Kangxi's reign there were no longer Daoist priests of the Eastern Stronghold Temple who signed their name on a large number of official sacrificial inscriptions. This phenomenon reflects the intention of the rulers of the Qing Dynasty to exclude Daoism from the national sacrificial rites and suppress the power of Daoism more generally.

As is well known, the Daoist priests had a certain obligation to maintain the Eastern Stronghold Temple but could not get direct economic benefits from official sacrifices. In 1335, Liu Sicheng 劉思誠 recorded that on the eve of offering sacrifices to the Eastern Stronghold, "(The government officials) ordered Daoists to ring bells and drums, to arrange the ceremony with setting sacrificial utensils and presentations" 遂命道士鳴鐘鼓, 列樽俎醮事焉 (Wang 2003, 4.138). Since there are some sacrificial utensils, such as iron pots, tables and chairs, preserved in the Eastern Stronghold Temple (Wang 2003, 1.124), it is reasonable to speculate that Daoist priests had been involved in the national sacrifices for a long time. However, taking as an example the prescribed cost of sacrifice in the Eastern Stronghold given by the local chronicles of

Linqu in the Qing Dynasty, we find that the annual expenditure on sacrifice allocated by the county government was only about 10 taels of silver (Qingzhou Prefecture Authority, Shandong Province 2003, p. 228; Yao 2002, 6.157). Obviously, based on such a small amount, the Daoist priests in the Eastern Stronghold Temple could not have gotten any profit from it. From the point of view of the governmental authorities, the Daoist priests mainly acted as the voluntary guardians of the official temple of the mountain.

Based on the evidence above, the evolution of Daoism in the Eastern Stronghold Temple and the attitude of the central government towards this Daoist group in different periods have both been sufficiently demonstrated. The new information is essential for understanding how the Daoist group operated the Eastern Stronghold Temple. Divergent from the rising trend of Daoism in the Eastern Stronghold Temple during the Yuan Dynasty, the lack of daily management and marginalization of Daoists during the Ming and Qing dynasties prompted the move toward self-operation. While the Daoists assumed more and more responsibility for the temple, they also gained the power and ability to freely interpret and practice Daoism in this temple. This point has been partially demonstrated in several important construction activities in the history of the Eastern Stronghold Temple.

#### **3. Government, Daoists, and Local People: Guardian Daoist Priests and Constructions of the Eastern Stronghold Temple**

As the most important official sacrifice in Linqu and even Qingzhou, the Eastern Stronghold Temple should have been paid special attention to by local governments, but it was often unable to be preserved for various reasons. Words similar to those in "Linquxian chongxiu dongzhenmiao ji" 臨朐縣重修東鎮廟記 (Account on Rebuilding the Temple of the Eastern Stronghold in Linqu County) in 1569 are common:

Our Ming dynasty has bestowed Yishan with an appropriate title, offered sacrifices with piety, reconstructed the temples and made them magnificent in scale. However, after many years, the wooden buildings began to brake and were hard to repair. Since *xinmao* year of Jiajing (1531), the temple has been nearly in ruins, and the orthodox regulations were also abandoned. Because of the lack of finances, it remains only a small room for the god, which is far from fitting the regulations. 我明厘正封號, 虔祀有加, 廟貌崇嚴, 規制大備. 第時久就廢, 修建維艱. 入嘉靖辛卯以來, 廢殆極矣, 而正典亦廢. 絀 于財力, 僅成類小室者以奉主位, 大不稱制. (Wang 2003, 4.144–145)

According to *Linquxian fuyi quanshu* 臨朐縣賦役全書 (Comprehensive manual of Linqu taxes and corvée; 1657) and the *Linqu xianzhi* 臨朐縣志 (Chronicles of Linqu County; 1884), the financial revenue of Linqu County did not have a budget specifically used to maintain the construction of the Eastern Stronghold. One reason for the lack of efforts on the part of the Linqu government may have been that the location of the Eastern Stronghold Temple was too remote. The Eastern Stronghold Temple is located in the foothills of Yi Mountain, which is nearly a hundred *li* 里 (Chinese miles) away from Linqu city. For the Linqu government, this national sacrifice temple was not only located on the outer edge of space but also on the edge of society. Negligence had become a reasonable strategy to save on the cost of governance. In fact, during the Ming Dynasty, according to "Chongxiu weisushan dongzhen xinggong ji" 重修 委粟山東鎮行宮記 (Account on Rebuilding the Residence of the Eastern Stronghold on Weisu Mountain), it was precisely because the Eastern Stronghold Temple was so far away that the people of Linqu County built the Eastern Stronghold Residence on Weisu Mountain, approximately three *li* northeast of the county town, around 1580, to avoid undue the hardship of a long journey (Wang 2003, 4.145–146). As it was far away from the protection of the county government, the Eastern Stronghold Temple was often harassed by bandits who gathered in Yishan. The fear of bandits who often appeared in the Yishan area and that temples might be ransacked and destroyed also deepened the local government's misgivings about subsidizing the Eastern Stronghold Temple.

Obviously, the maintenance of the Eastern Stronghold Temple needed to rely on other forces outside the government. In fact, the people most concerned about the appearance of the Eastern Stronghold Temple were likely the temple-guarding priests who lived there. Judging from the inscriptions of the steles in the temple, the Daoists certainly hoped that the authorities would give enough support to ensure the integrity of the temple, but when the authorities were unable to meet their requirements, it became more pragmatic to join forces with the local folk forces, including the elders and gentry. At the same time, the local people had a belief in the God of Mount Yi and were willing to participate in the maintenance of the temple as much as they could, so as to win divine protection for themselves and their community, strive for honor and "semi-official" power, and achieve the goal of strengthening community cohesion and local power.

As a result, the Eastern Stronghold Temple, where Daoist priests maintained the operations, had become a field of intertwined relationships between the central government, local governments, and Daoist and folk organizations, and the temple construction activities themselves had become a typical situation representing these complex relationships. The following examples show how Daoist priests played an important role in the construction of the Eastern Stronghold Temple.

#### *3.1. The Construction of the Divine Protection Palace in Yuan Dynasty*

According to the "Account of Divine Protection Palace" of 1298, the god of Yishan was bestowed with the title of Prime-Virtue Eastern-Protector King by the central government. Those who participated in the bestowal-sacrifice are found named on an old stele in the temple, which records that "the Divine Protection Palace on the right of the temple, is the place where Daoist priests of the temple attend and worship" 廟 之右神佑宮者, 乃知廟道士參禮之所也 (Zhao and Gong 2011, p. 8). In the next year, 1299, Zhang Dexian was officially appointed to be responsible for the management of the Eastern Stronghold Temple and Divine Protection Palace. This appointment was by Zhang Zhixian 張志仙, the President Daoist (zhangjiao 掌教) in charge of National Complete Perfection Daoism (1224–ca. 1308; his term of office was 1285–1307) (Cheng 2012, p. 29). The President Daoist in the Yuan Dynasty was privileged to offer sacrifices to mountain and water gods as the deputy of the monarch and also obtained the power to appoint the person in charge and the temple abbots (Cheng 2012, p. 127). After his appointment, Zhang Dexian started the restoration of the Eastern Stronghold Temple and the construction of the Divine Protection Palace, but unfortunately died soon after. Then, Tang Zhiqian 唐志遷 was appointed to become his successor and eventually led the reconstruction to its completion.

According to the main content on the front of the stele, although this repairing activity got a little support from local officials, it was mainly a project conducted by Daoists in the Eastern Stronghold Temple and the Extreme Void Palace. On the back of the stele, numerous local common people's names were engraved following the signatures of the stonemason and calligraphy writers whose names should be at the end of this stele. It suggests that the inscriptions on the stele were carved at least twice, and the local people, inspired by Daoists, actively participated in the construction of the Divine Protection Palace and the Eastern Stronghold Temple. Moreover, on the steles of "Li Mu daisi bei" 李木代祀碑 (Sacrifice Hosted by Deputy Li Mu), of 1465, "Chongxiu Dongzhenmiao jibei" 重修東鎮廟記碑 (Account of Reconstruction of the Eastern Stronghold), of 1467, and "Li Xi'an daisi bei" 李希安代祀碑 (Sacrifice Hosted by Deputy Li Xi'an), of 1470, the term "abbot of Divine Protection Palace" 神佑宮住 持 was replaced by "abbot of this temple" 本廟住持 (Zhao and Gong 2011, pp. 32, 35, 37). In light of the fact that there was no longer any mention of the Divine Protection Palace appearing in the local chronicles and stone inscriptions of Yishan and Linqu

during the Ming and Qing dynasties, it could potentially be concluded, or at least speculated, that the Divine Protection Palace was abolished before the Chenghua period (1465–1487) of the Ming Dynasty.

#### *3.2. The Constructions in 1556–1561 and 1614 of the Ming Dynasty*

The bandit problem in Yishan was serious, so it became a special function of Yishan God to help the official forces in suppressing the bandits with divine power. The "Dongzhen xiuwadian ji" 東鎮修瓦殿記 (Account of Building the Brick Hall in the Eastern Stronghold), in 1159, recorded a miracle: during the Fuchang 阜昌 period (1130–1137) of the Puppet-Qi Administration, the fierce outlaw Lei Zhen 類臻 gathered his bandits in the mountain. However, after the local official Tian Shaozu 田 紹祖 wrote a poem on the wall of the Eastern Stronghold Temple, the bandits were defeated by local forces (Yao 2002, 9.179). A similar story inexplicably occurred once again during the Ming Dynasty and may have been what led to the reconstruction of the Eastern Stronghold Temple.

According to Wang Juyi's "Dongzhen miekou ji" 東鎮滅寇記 (Record of the Destruction of Bandits in the Eastern Stronghold), Zhao Ci 趙慈 and his bandits raised a rebellion in 1552. Zhao had consulted the divination lottery in the Eastern Stronghold Temple before attacking the city of Linqu, but all three lots presaged a disastrous result and he went away angry. No further than five kilometers from the temple he encountered government forces. During the battle, the wind changed suddenly, which was beneficial for the officials, and the bandits were roundly defeated. Later, the official army interrogated the captives, who said they saw the God of the Eastern Stronghold help the official army fight and this was the reason for their defeat (Wang 2003, 4.143; Fu 2003, 8.57). Perhaps the revelation of God on Mount Yi inspired the local people to rebuild the Eastern Stronghold Temple to repay his grace. For this reconstruction, Wang Juyi wrote the "Chongxiu Dongzhenmiao yuan buyin" 重修東鎮廟緣簿引 (Accounts of the Reasons for the Reconstruction of the Eastern Stronghold Temple). In this record, Wang said that the Eastern Stronghold Temple at that time was falling apart, the main hall, the dormitory, the corridor, and even the steles were in a dilapidated state (Wang 2003, 4.143–144). In fact, *Linqu biannianlu* 臨 朐編年錄 (*Chronicle of Linqu*) mentions that a small hall had been built for the Eastern Stronghold Temple seven years before (1549) by Wang Jiashi 王家士, the Magistrate of Linqu County (Zhang 2003, 6.197). Wang Jiashi's *Jiajing Linquxian zhi* 嘉靖臨朐縣 誌 (*Linqu County Gazetteer*, complied in the Jiajing period) also recorded his repair activities, saying that the Eastern Stronghold Temple was "decadent for a long time" 歲久傾頹, "but since giant wood is rare to find, and the sacrificial ceremony of the Stronghold Temple is different from other constructions, to renovate the temple has to wait for cooperative completion with neighboring counties in a harvest year" 但巨 木難得. 鎮廟祀典非他興作可擬, 煥然鼎新, 固有待於豐年鄰邑共成之力也 (Wang 2002, 2.13). It is clear that the Eastern Stronghold Temple was dilapidated, yet the local government was unable to maintain it, and this was a difficult problem that had existed for a long time. Wang Juyi attributed the crippling of the Eastern Stronghold Temple to the inaction of the government: "Likely those above were conservative in accordance with the rules, and thus those below abandoned their duties" 盖上既狃于 因循, 斯下遂成夫玩愒. "Although the grains in sacrificial utensils are pure in spring and autumn, the building no longer appears magnificent and glorious" 粢盛雖潔於 春秋, 壯麗難憑乎輪奐 (Wang 2003, 4.143–144). Obviously, Wang Juyi was criticizing the official use of the Eastern Stronghold Temple as an occasional place of sacrifice but did not care about the operation and renovation of the Temple. Disappointment with the local government made Wang Juyi and other local gentry who felt concerned about the temple turn to common people for help:

To accumulate little by little, we must ask for help from neighboring towns; to cut the long to amend the short, we have to rely on people of all directions. Therefore, we wholeheartedly pray for mutual assistance. No matter you are rich or poor, please contribute according to your own possessions; no matter wise or foolish, please help according to your own heart. 但積少成多, 必旁 求乎列邑; 而絕長補短, 須仰賴於十方. 為此, 竭誠專祈共濟. 或貧或富, 量所有 以相周; 無智無愚, 隨其心而協助. (Wang 2003, 4.143–144)

As recorded in the *Kangxi Linquxian zhi* 康熙臨朐縣誌 (*Linqu County Gazeteer*, complied in the Kangxi Period), the reconstruction of the Eastern Stronghold Temple in 1676 received a variety of sponsorship from the "righteous people" of Linqu County (Yin 2002, 4.87). The reconstruction began soon after Zhao Ci and his bandits were defeated by the local government. In any event, since the local government was still under pressure in terms of finances to maintain stability, it might have been unwilling to pay a high price to organize the engineering activity. However, the prevarication of the Linqu County government gave an opportunity for folk groups to enter the Eastern Stronghold Temple in an organized and large-scale manner. It is easy to understand that when the government was absent in its temple-managing responsibility, it transferred its privilege to the public. However, this reconstruction might not have been a substantial one because of the financial restrictions and the temporal proximity of the bandit disasters. Since the reconstruction happened only one year later, the local societies that had experienced outlaws attack also needed time to heal their wounds.

In 1558, the thirty-seventh year of the Jiajing period, the Daoist priest of the Eastern Stronghold Temple played the leading role in the year's restoration. The "Chongxiu Dongzhenmiao timing ji" 重修東鎮廟題名記 (Record of the Names Signed on the Stele of Rebuilding the Eastern Stronghold Temple), which was established in 1561, indicates the fact of the event:

In recent years, the buildings in the Eastern Stronghold have been devastated by wind and rain, and the gods' statues exposed to air. The Daoist abbot of this temple, Tang Jiaoyu, and other related Daoists once presented the situation to the county government, and the local government also informed the Military Defense Circuit Office, who issued the order to allow Daoists to raise donated money and food from people of all directions. And the two county governments of Linqu and Yishui served as supervisors and dispatched laborers to rebuild the residence hall of five columns using glazed tiles with forged beasts, two porticos of ten columns, and one Lingxing Gate. The reconstruction began in the thirty-seventh year and was completed in the fortieth year of Jiangjing Period. 東鎮廟宇, 近年以來, 風雨摧殘, 神像暴 露, 本廟住持唐教玉等, 具呈到縣, 轉申本府兵備道給印信, --緣募四方錢糧. 臨朐沂水二縣城, 夫役督工, 修理寢殿五楹,具用琉璃瓦獸, 兩廡十楹, 靈星門一 座. 自嘉靖三十七年起工, 至四十年落成. (Zhao and Gong 2011, p. 78)

The local governments, including Linqu County, Yishui County, and even the Qingzhou Superior Prefecture, seemed to encourage and support the restoration of Daoist Tang Jiaoyu. However, in addition to allowing the fund-raising behavior of Tang Jiaoyu, the local government mainly exercised the obligation of "supervision," and those who authentically put their energy in the restoration were the group of Daoists, such as "Daoist Chen Chongjin, fund-raising abbot Tang Jiaoyu, Donators Du Jiaoyong, Huan Yilin, Wang Jiaohong, Li Jiaoyun, Meng Daosheng, Shen Daogui" 道士陳崇進, 募緣住持唐教玉, 助緣杜教用, 郇一林, 王教洪, 李教允, 孟道勝, 申道貴 and "abbot Cui Chongyou"住持崔崇祐. The independent fund-raising behavior of Tang Jiaoyu showed that the Daoist priests in the Eastern Stronghold no longer placed all the obligations of maintaining their temple on the local government, but the official who "issued the order" could overlay the essentially non-governmental fund-raising activities with some sense of official support, and it was helpful to win the generous support of local officials and gentry. According to the inscription on this stone, the strategy achieved

the desired results, and many local officials participated, making donations in their personal capacity, while at the same time villagers in Linqu, Yishui 沂水, and Changle 昌樂 also unpacked their bags to donate.

Unfortunately, the four-year reconstruction still failed to completely solve the problems of the dilapidated Eastern Stronghold Temple. Meng Yangxing's 孟養性 "You Yishan ji" 遊沂山記 (Account of Visiting Yishan) recorded that, in 1562, the Eastern Stronghold Temple was "small and not fit for a divine residence" 殿宇狭小, 不 称神居. Regarding this situation, the Daoist priest in the temple explained: "according to the regulation, this temple should be a high-level building with big and wide space, and of construction almost equal to the temple of the sacred peak Taishan, but it has been dilapidated for a long time. Although the site is preserved, huge woods are hard to come by, and the labors needed are so large that it would be hardly restored without provincial level cooperation" 庙制高阔, 原见视泰岳, 岁久圮废. 遗址虽 存, 巨木难觅, 工役之大, 非通省协力莫能复也 (Wang 2003, 4.144). In any case, the reconstruction activities from 1558 to 1561 still reveal important information about the Eastern Stronghold Temple. Firstly, from an institutional view, the temple guardian Daoists had no obligation to make excessive efforts for the maintenance of the Eastern Stronghold Temple and it was to be the officials' duty to repair the national sacrifice temples. In reality, though, the government was often uninterested and incapable of properly dealing with the temples, so the Daoist priests who lived in them had to bear some of the responsibilities. While assuming responsibility, these guardian Daoist priests also reasonably gained the power to operate the Eastern Stronghold Temple with flexibility, as can be seen in their control over holding ritual offerings 醮 in the temple, which will be further discussed later. Secondly, the completeness or decay of the temple directly affected the living situation of the Daoist priests in the temple, but they did not have sufficient funds to maintain such a huge temple, so it was inevitable to strive for the sponsorship of the government and non-governmental forces. When there was no official support, the cooperation between temple guardians and folk forces became particularly important in maintaining the temple. At the same time, the folk forces—represented by the gentry and rural elders—also obtained an opportunity to enter the Eastern Stronghold Temple and made a far-reaching impact on the temple. It must be admitted: the reconstruction activities led by Tang Jiaoyu revealed that none of the officials, Daoists, or folk forces could provide proper protection for the Eastern Stronghold Temple for long, and for this reason the normal operation of the temple was barely maintained after the middle of the Ming Dynasty. The cooperation and prevarication among the three parties in the renovation effort and the change of actual control contributed to the uncertain identity of the Temple. For the purposes of different groups, the Eastern Stronghold Temple was not only a national temple to enjoy the institutional sacrifice of the court but also a legitimate Daoist abbey and a folk temple of local beliefs.

Since the reconstruction project at the end of the Jiajing period (1522–1566) of the Ming Dynasty, it had become regular practice for the government, Daoists, and folk elites to cooperatively repair the Eastern Stronghold Temple. Here, we can take the reconstruction record in 1614 as a case study. According to the "Chongxiu Dongzhen Yishanmiao ji" 重修東鎮沂山廟記 (Account of Rebuilding the Yishan Temple of the Eastern Stronghold) by Zhao Bingzhong 趙秉忠, the Eastern Stronghold Temple had once again fallen into a state of disrepair for an extended period of time (Zhang 2009, pp. 186–87; Zhao and Gong 2011, p. 87). In 1611, Ma Youchun 麻友椿 served as the governor of Linqu County, and when he offered sacrifice to the Eastern Stronghold Temple in autumn of that year, he found the temple dilapidated and hoped to repair it, but he was unable to support the production by himself and the county office alone. Later, under the petition of the local Confucian scholar Chen Zhigong 陳致 恭, the elder aristocrat Wang Laipin 王來聘 and some other local gentry, the Linqu government and the local forces launched the fund-raising and reconstruction work

together. Due to a fortunate acquisition of giant woods for construction, the main hall was rebuilt within three months, and then the dormitory, bell, and drum towers, and other buildings were also restored. The reconstruction of the Eastern Stronghold Temple from this time is most obviously seen from the signatures on the back of the stele, which acknowledge the successful tripartite cooperation of local officials, Daoists, and folk forces. On the back of the stele, there are several clear categories on the donor list including the names of local aristocrats, Confucian scholars, officials, local elders, craftsmen, three temple abbots, and 33 ordinary Daoists.

#### *3.3. The Constructions in 1663 and 1701 of the Qing Dynasty*

When the Qing Dynasty replaced the Ming Dynasty, the temples of sacred peaks, strongholds, seas, and waterways were made into a symbol of the Qing Empire's ruling legitimacy and orthodoxy and their sacrificial rituals were paid attention to by the new government. As far as the Eastern Stronghold is concerned, from the description of "Li Rui daisi Dongzhen Yishan bei" 李蕊代祀東鎮沂山碑 (Stele of Sacrifice to Mount Yi the Eastern Stronghold Hosted by Deputy Li Rui), we can see that by the third year of Shunzhi 順治 (1646) at the latest, the Qing court began to send envoys to worship Yishan at the Eastern Stronghold (Zhang 2009, p. 429). However, the first large-scale renovation of the Eastern Stronghold Temple during the Qing Dynasty did not begin until the second year of Kangxi (1662), and the temple-guarding Daoist priests once again played important roles in the project.

There are two original accounts of reconstruction activities in that very year, both written by Zhang Yinli 張印立, a Presented Scholar of Linqu County, namely, "Chongxiu Dongzhen Yishanmiao ji" 重修東鎮沂山廟記 (Account on the Reconstruction of Mount Yi the Eastern Stronghold Temple) and "Chongxiu Dongzhenmiao luocheng ji" 重修東鎮廟落成記 (Account on the Completion of the Eastern Stronghold Temple). The "Account on Reconstruction" might have been written before the reconstruction project in 1662. It was emphasized in the stele that "the duty of the local government is to govern the people and sacrifice to the gods" 治民事神, 司土之责. That autumn, when the county magistrate Xie Cimu 謝賜牧 offered sacrifice to the Eastern Stronghold, the main hall of the temple began to leak and was drenched in rain, so the magistrate summoned the Daoist Zhu Quanzhou 朱全用 to propose a plan to rebuild it. At this time, they found that not only the main hall but also the dormitory hall and two affiliated halls needed to be repaired, and the Dragon Pavilion and Pavilion for Killing Sacrificial Victims had both been ruined as well (Yin 2002, 4.95). "Account on the Completion", written after the reconstruction, also mentioned the wish of Xie Cimu to renovate the temple in the autumn of 1662. The following spring (1663), Xie Cimu sacrificed in the Eastern Stronghold Temple to pray for rain to alleviate the drought. As soon as he finished the ritual, it began to rain. On this occasion, Xie Cimu formally proposed the reconstruction plan and took the lead in donating one-hundred-and-thirty gold coins, while other officials and the local elder gentry also responded positively to the call for donations. The reconstruction was proposed in the ninth month of 1662 and ended in the tenth month of 1663. According to the inscription, more than 50,000 tiles were added to the old temple, 70,000 *jin* (Approx. 4178 kg) of mud were used, and more than 1000 roof rafters were replaced. Finally, the temple became as clean as the Confucius Temple. The Dragon Pavilion and the Pavilion for Killing Sacrificial Victims were also renewed. The statue of the Sea God (haishen 海神) was restored and now solemnly stands in the hall with neat clothes and holding a ritual scepter (Zhao and Gong 2011, p. 92).

The following records describe in detail the efforts made by the Daoist priests in the temple to rebuild the Eastern Stronghold Temple and at the same time show the complex relations between these Daoist priests. According to Zhang Yinli, a Daoist priest surnamed Cao 曹 in the Eastern Stronghold Temple hired people to dig outside the temple gate and found thousands of kilograms of lime. Cao in vain tried

to keep this a secret, but eventually the news leaked to everyone, yet none of the Daoists dared to be the first to reveal it. As a result, in the third month of 1663, the constructing supervisor ordered to dig the lime out, even though Cao denied it. Cao was probably Cao Zhenwei 曹真惟, whose name appeared in the Daoist signatures of "Chongxiu Dongzhen Yishan miao ji" 重修東鎮沂山廟記 (Record of Rebuilding the Temple of Yishan the Eastern Stronghold) in 1614. In Zhang Yinli's record, there was another episode: in Niujiagou 牛家溝 village, Linqu County, a villager called Niu Si 牛四 had a big poplar tree in his own cotton yard. Daoist priests advised him several times to donate the tree for the reconstruction of the Eastern Stronghold Temple but Niu refused. Soon thereafter, Niu became seriously ill and his family donated the big poplar tree, but Niu did not recover in the end. From the above records, the temple-guarding Daoists raised funds through local folks to support the reconstruction projects.

Thirty-eight years later, the Eastern Stronghold Temple was renovated again. According to "Chongxiu Dongzhen miao beiji" 重修東鎮廟碑記 (Stele Record of Rebuilding the Eastern Stronghold Temple), written by Chen Tingwan 陳霆萬 in 1701, the Temple was in a dilapidated condition once again. In 1697, Zhang Zengyu 張 曾裕, the county magistrate of Linqu, planned to repair the temple and "summoned Daoists to raise money" 召黃冠為疏以募資 (Zhao and Gong 2011, p. 101). However, Zhang left office soon after in order to observe the mourning rites for his deceased mother. His successor Chen Tingwan, was the one who completed the project. According to Chen Tingwan, the essential works can largely be attributed to the director Daoist Wang Zhengwei 王正位. According to this stele, Wang was the abbot of the Eastern Stronghold Temple at this time. In 1702, there was another building activity in the Eastern Stronghold Temple. According to the "Chongxin Dongzhen shenxiang ji" 重新東鎮神像記 (Record of Remaking the Statue of the Eastern Stronghold God) by Chen Weiyin 陳維寅, the local Education Supervisor, when the idol figure in the temple was found to be defective, someone proposed to use the wooden name tablet to replace it. However, most of local people had a negative view of this plan because they believed that only a new statue could arouse the piety of ordinary people. So, under the leadership of two elder aristocrats, Zong Kai ᇇ⚼ and Zhang Jie 張捷 of the local folk association, the idol statue was rebuilt (Zhao and Gong 2011, pp. 103–4). By the end of the record, the signatures show that, in addition to the local community, those who participated in the construction of the statue also included Xu Hefeng 徐 和風, Liu Wuxiang 劉無祥, and other Daoist priests. A passage in this inscription provides us with a clue for local forces to enter the temple. It reads:

The god of Mount Yi presided in the East, the sons of Heaven (the emperors) always send officials to offer sacrifices, and the relevant governmental institutes greet him every Spring and Autumn. No matter whether there are floods, droughts, or epidemics, the god always answer prayers' requirements. Thus, the temple is crowded with those who come here for incensepraying and ritual offering from near and far. 況沂山之神-鎮東方, 天子遣 官致祭, 有司春秋告祀, 水旱-疫, 有禱必應, 遠近進香設醮者, 絡繹而至. (Zhao and Gong 2011, p. 103)

Regarding how the Eastern Stronghold Temple was to be used, not only did the government have a set of etiquette regulations for offering sacrifices but the folk groups, also, always kept their own rituals with regular belief practices, including incensepraying and ritual offerings. Some materials show that spring and autumn temple fairs appeared in Mount Yi during the Qing Dynasty or even earlier (Pan 1998, p. 19). While according to the remaining steles of "Renshouxiang Panyangshe xiujiao canbei" 仁壽鄉盤羊社修醮碑 (Fragmentary Stele of Offering Ritual by Panyang Community in Renshou Township) (Zhao and Gong 2011, p. 132), "Quqiu Bolizhuang beiji" 渠丘 泊里莊碑記 (Stele Record of Quqiu Boli hamlet) (Zhao and Gong 2011, p. 96; Zhang 2009, pp. 205–7), and *Notes of The Eastern Stronghold* (Zhang 2009, p. 205), during the

Kangxi reign, at the latest, the folk people were led by Daoist priests to set up festival offerings within the Eastern Stronghold Temple.

According to integrated studies on the constructions of the Eastern Stronghold Temple in generations (beyond the above cases), it is known that the central courts always showed some enthusiasm for the reconstruction and maintenance of the Eastern Stronghold Temple at the beginning of the establishment of the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties. This was probably because the Eastern Stronghold, as one of the sacrificial sites, symbolized the ruling legitimacy of the new dynasty. The measures to revitalize the Eastern Stronghold Temple were directly involved in the public performance promoting the destiny of the new dynasty. However, with the downward movement of the dynasty, official maintenance of the Eastern Stronghold Temple became less and less adequate, as can be noticed most prominently in the Ming and Qing dynasties. Although there were objective reasons for the neglect of the Eastern Stronghold Temple by the authorities (whether central or local), a deeper cyclical reason might be that when dynastic rule stabilized, the court would naturally pay less attention to the beliefs about the legitimacy of its governance. At the same time, the Daoist priests in the Eastern Stronghold Temple encountered the awkward situation of neither getting full support from the authorities nor easily being able to give up such a large-scale temple. Finally, they were forced to bear the responsibility for the daily operation of the temple to a large extent on their own. In order to maintain the Eastern Stronghold Temple and to maintain their own livelihood, the Eastern Stronghold Daoist priests sought more resources and cooperation from local society. As a result, the Daoists in the Temple gradually lost their "official identity" but transformed into the representatives of "local society".

When official power diluted in the management and control of the Temple, Daoists obtained and expanded the operational authority of the Eastern Stronghold Temple by constantly participating in and presiding over the construction of it. From then on, the temple was not only a place for the spring and autumn sacrifices of the imperial court, and a place for local officials to ask for rain, it also became a general worshiping space for Daoism and folk shrines. It seems that there was a game of "rights and obligations" between the imperial officials and the "folk forces" represented by Daoist priests guarding the temple and giving up obligations was tantamount to the transfer of rights. As a result, the Eastern Stronghold Temple had the dual function of being both a place of official sacrifice and a Daoist–folk temple where the official etiquette in the temple went hand in hand with Daoist–folk rituals, although the two kinds of ceremonial activities did not occur simultaneously.

#### **4. Conclusions**

Through meticulous research of the literature, the true history of an important national temple in northern China was retraced by analyzing a number of stele materials. The daily state of the Eastern Stronghold temple presented in the study was completely different from the general expectation of this kind of temple as a "pure place of national sacrifice". We find that under the operation of Complete Perfection Daoist priests, the Eastern Stronghold Temple as a national sacrificial temple had complex entanglements with the local society and beliefs.

As shown in this article, the multiple nature and functions of the Eastern Stronghold Temple had not yet appeared when the temple was first established but were the result of gradual coordination throughout the developing history with the exchange and operation of different people. In the context of the changes from the Yuan Dynasty to the Qing Dynasty, the Eastern Stronghold Temple is intertwined with a variety of opposing relations: national sacrifice and Daoist guarding, officials in the background and folk operation, etiquette regulations and local expediency, and so forth. As different people had different intentions when it came to care, operation, and participation, the temple presented a variety of cultural significance and social functions. As a result, these seemingly opposing phenomena could be presented separately in the same temple.

Through interpretation of the existing steles and other materials, we have completed the reconstruction of the historical changes of the Eastern Stronghold Temple, and some cases which were most closely related to the guardian Daoists have been presented. It is not difficult to discover that, although disputes and struggles between different discourse and power systems might have arisen over the retention or abolition of an idol, more often than not, cooperation could still be reached among the officials, Daoists, folk people, and other forces, each taking what they needed. At the same time, under the superficies of cooperation, there was a game of transferring obligations and power between the Daoists and the authorities. In such a staggered interaction, the Daoist priests played various roles. Obviously, Daoists were not "outsiders" who had nothing to do with this world but rather acted as "pragmatic" religious groups who spread their influence to all levels of society through various ways and means. They not only had a special network of religious life and social relations special to them as Daoists, they also became the actual executors of the daily operation of the Eastern Stronghold Temple through faithful actions.

In the dynamic communication, the authorities and the local forces represented by Daoists reached a tacit consensus that the government owned this sacred temple at the level of the imperial ritual system and symbolism, but Daoists and local people gained greater power of interpretation and use of the temple at the practical level. The national sacrificial temples, which were originally set up by the imperial government, could only be maintained with the support and collaboration of folk forces. The local forces, including Daoists and the common people, did not fully accept the interpretation of the temple system and meanings stipulated by Confucian and state ideology but tried to incorporate other beliefs and practices while participating in temple activities. Thus, the nominal national sacrificial temple also became at the same time a Daoist abbey and a folk temple in the local society.

Finally, it is worth noting how the actual operation of national beliefs were promoted by the imperial governments at the local level. This study has relevant reference value for understanding the central–local government relationship in ancient China, the political–religious relationship between the national belief and Daoism, and relations among the local society more generally. That having been said, for all the progress that has been made, further questions regarding the Eastern Stronghold Temple remain open and will require further efforts in the future.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, Z.B. and T.Y.; methodology, Z.B.; validation, Z.B. and T.Y.; formal analysis, Z.B.; investigation, Z.B.; resources, Z.B.; data curation, Z.B.; writing—original draft preparation, Z.B.; writing—review and editing, T.Y.; supervision, Z.B. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research received no external funding.

**Institutional Review Board Statement:** Not applicable.

**Informed Consent Statement:** Not applicable.

**Data Availability Statement:** Not applicable.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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