**Digital and Spatial Studies of Religions**

Editor

**Zhaohui Hong**

MDPI • Basel • Beijing • Wuhan • Barcelona • Belgrade • Manchester • Tokyo • Cluj • Tianjin

*Editor* Zhaohui Hong Fordham University Bronx NY USA

*Editorial Office* MDPI St. Alban-Anlage 66 4052 Basel, Switzerland

This is a reprint of articles from the Special Issue published online in the open access journal *Religions* (ISSN 2077-1444) (available at: https://www.mdpi.com/journal/religions/special issues/ DigitalandSpatial Religions).

For citation purposes, cite each article independently as indicated on the article page online and as indicated below:

LastName, A.A.; LastName, B.B.; LastName, C.C. Article Title. *Journal Name* **Year**, *Volume Number*, Page Range.

**ISBN 978-3-0365-7800-2 (Hbk) ISBN 978-3-0365-7801-9 (PDF)**

© 2023 by the authors. Articles in this book are Open Access and distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license, which allows users to download, copy and build upon published articles, as long as the author and publisher are properly credited, which ensures maximum dissemination and a wider impact of our publications.

The book as a whole is distributed by MDPI under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons license CC BY-NC-ND.

## **Contents**


## **About the Editor**

### **Zhaohui Hong**

Dr. Zhaohui Hong is a professor at the Graduate School of Religion and Religious Education at Fordham University, USA. Dr. Hong's research interests include the digital and spatial studies of Chinese religious sites, Christianity in China, the shortage of churches, and economic history.

## **Preface to "Digital and Spatial Studies of Religions"**

My journey into the realm of the digital and spatial studies of religions began in 2011, when I was a PI, along with Dr. Fenggang Yang from Purdue University and Dr. Shuming Bao from the University of Michigan, receiving a generous grant of USD 300,000 from the Henry Luce Foundation. This funding, supplemented by an additional USD 400,000 during Phase II of our research between 2014 and 2017, allowed us to establish a Spatial Information Network for the Study of Christianity in China. Our goal was to advance research, teaching, learning and training on the studies of Chinese Christianity by developing a spatial information platform that leveraged spatial intelligence technology. This project aimed to integrate diverse data from various sources and formats into a unified system, enabling the creation of dynamic maps and facilitating geospatial analysis. Through the integration of social, economic, demographic, religious and geographical information, we sought to gain new insights into Christianity and its societal impact in China. As a result of this project, I collaborated with my graduate students at Purdue University Northwest and published 12 research articles focusing on the shortage of religious sites in China.

The field of digital and spatial studies of religions has emerged as a prominent research area over the past two decades. This "spatial turn" has reverberated throughout the humanities and social sciences, and digital and spatial perspectives now occupy a central position within religious studies. However, while numerous research endeavors have contributed to the study of religions through digital and spatial lenses, they often lack integrated and synergized connections between digitalization and visualization in religious studies.

Therefore, the purpose of this edited book, stemming from a Special Issue of the academic journal *Religions*, is to foster and promote both digital and spatial studies of religions through interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary perspectives. We welcomed contributions encompassing all historical periods, regions and religions. Collectively, this book demonstrates that digital and spatial studies offer unique and constructive approaches to discovering, developing and delivering insights into the study of religion that may have remained undiscovered or unaddressed through conventional research methodologies.

I am delighted to present this book that explores and reveals the fascinating intersection between digital and spatial inquiries in the field of religious studies. The essays compiled here shed light on various religious traditions and their spatial dynamics, providing valuable insights into the intricate relationship between belief systems, cultural integration and geographic spaces. In an effort to supplement the current digital humanities scholarship in general, and spatial studies of religions in particular, this book presents a collection of theoretical and applied research papers focusing on religious sites in China. Divided into three sections, it covers a broad range of topics and approaches.

The first section explores the general aspects of digital studies of religions. Through spatial analysis and GIS modeling of the distribution of religious sites in Greater China, Jiang Wu introduces the concept of regional religious systems (RRSs), offering a novel framework for understanding and studying the spatial distribution patterns of religious sites and their interconnectedness with social and cultural factors. Kirk Bingaman examines how digital technology is fundamentally reshaping the human experience, particularly in the realm of religion and spirituality, presenting a paradigm shift and an "irreversible process with seismic implications for the lives of "digital natives" who have grown up in an Internet-dominated world. In addition, Meng Cao investigates the strategies employed by popular and institutional religions, such as Buddhism and Daoism, to navigate state regulations in China.

The second part of this book delves into spatial studies focusing on Buddhist and Islamic sites. Jinchao Zhao employs a network analysis approach to visualize and analyze the spatial arrangement of Buddhist images on the surfaces of pagodas in the Shanxi Province, China. Jeffrey Liu and Ziling Wan, on the other hand, utilize local sources to examine the spatial distribution of Buddhist sites in Hangzhou, China, during the Southern Song dynasty (1127–1279). Additionally, Shuanggiao Meng and Peining Li investigate the cultural integration of Indian and Chinese Buddhist arts within the Shandong Peninsula during the Northern Qi Dynasty (550–577). Furthermore, Shangguang Wu and four other authors explore the spatial differences in the distribution of mosques, reflecting the diverse interaction between natural and human elements and Islamic beliefs in the Kashgar region of Xinjiang, China.

The final section of the book brings attention to folk religions in the digital age. Yu Han examines the widely known and believed folk belief of the God of Happiness among the Chinese populace. Drawing on spatial studies of religions and a comprehensive understanding of dynamic space, Han compares and analyzes materials from historical documents, folktales and the practice of sacrifice to the God of Happiness. Yizhen Shi and Xiaoyan Wang employ GIS to visualize relics from tomb murals and analyze their density values. Lastly, Yuqing Liu and Xiaoyan Wang probe the digital exploration of various Gods and other Water Deities in the Pearl River Delta in China. They employ GIS to reconstruct the spatiotemporal evolution of local beliefs, utilizing temple records and quantitative analysis.

This book is particularly relevant for college students and graduate students in digital humanities, religious studies and studies on China. It also serves as a valuable reference for scholars in the fields of religion, history, cultural studies and global studies. The authors have contributed ten outstanding papers that exemplify the depth and breadth of research in this multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary field.

I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to *Religions* for extending the invitation to edit this Special Issue on digital and spatial studies of religions from 2022 to 2023. I am also indebted to Professors Huaiyu Chen, Fenggang Yang and Yi Sun for their invaluable advice and suggestions, which have greatly enhanced the quality of this publication. Finally, I extend my sincere appreciation to all the authors who have contributed their exceptional scholarship to this book.

The study of digital and spatial aspects of religion requires the collaborative efforts of humanities, social scientists and data science specialists. It is my hope that this collection will inspire further exploration and dialogue in this exciting and rapidly evolving field.

> **Zhaohui Hong** *Editor*

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ĵ ǻ
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ǻ ŗşśŚǰ ǯ ŚŖŗDz ŗşŜŗǰ ǯ řŘŚȮŘśǼ

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 ¢ Ȭ¢ ǰ ¢ Ȭ ǰ ¢ǰ

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ĵ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ ŗŝȮŜŝǼǯ

#### **śǯ**

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## *Article* **Religion in the Digital Age: An Irreversible Process**

**Kirk A. Bingaman**

Graduate School of Religion & Religious Education, Fordham University, New York, NY 10458, USA; bingaman@fordham.edu

**Abstract:** Digital technology is fundamentally changing what it means to be human, in particular what it means to be a religious or spiritual human being, as it becomes an "irreversible" process. Indeed, the process is having a seismic impact on the religious and spiritual lives of "digital natives", who have never known a world without the Internet. This paper will seek to determine, by way of the Digital Theology method put forward by Sutinen and Cooper, if the religious-disaffiliation trend among younger populations is connected to the digitalization of society, either causally or correlationally, and what, if anything, religious leaders and faith communities can do about it. Research on the effects of high social media usage will be given special attention, in order to highlight the double-edged nature of digital technology.

**Keywords:** digital theology; digital natives; existential opportunity and threat; irreversible commitment; religious disaffiliation; social media

Nothing vast enters the life of mortals without a curse.

—Sophocles

#### **1. Introduction**

In 1976, more than a decade before the advent of the World Wide Web and the age of the Internet, the famed MIT computer scientist and artificial intelligence (AI) researcher, Joseph Weizenbaum, had noted the possibility if not probability that in the future we would reach the point of no return with the development of computer technology. With extraordinary prescience, the extent to which he himself may not have fully understood at the time, Weizenbaum (1976) would introduce the idea of "irreversibility" into the discussion about our relationship with computers. As he wrote in his seminal book, *Computer power and human reason: From judgment to calculation*, "Some human actions, the introduction of computers into some complex human activities, may constitute an irreversible commitment" (1976, p. 28). Half a century later, the "irreversible commitment" to technology that Weizenbaum had in mind has already become a fait accompli, which is no time at all when viewed through an evolutionary lens. Our "commitment" to digital technology has reached nothing short of a critical-mass dependency, so that even if we wanted to take a "pause" from any further development and usage, even if we wanted to "hit the brakes", our economy, along with our society, would collapse overnight (Harari 2017, p. 51). For example, the global financial markets are increasingly driven by digital algorithms; exponential technology has changed the face of healthcare and medicine; commercial aircraft, big and small, are guided by sophisticated computer systems; regional and national power grids are reliant on AI for maintenance and security; and so on, just to name a few. On an individual level, we are more reliant than ever on our smartphones and digital voice assistants, leading the theologian, Ilia Delio (2008) to conclude that even if we are not yet literal cyborgs, we are at the very least, through our active participation in a digital culture, "metaphoric cyborgs" (p. 162). To that, we could also add the powerful digital tool of social media, which we will be doing later in this paper, increasingly central to the study of religion, theology, and spirituality in a digital world. Indeed, the digital

**Citation:** Bingaman, Kirk A. 2023. Religion in the Digital Age: An Irreversible Process. *Religions* 14: 108. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14010108

Academic Editors: Z. George Hong and Enzo Pace

Received: 22 November 2022 Revised: 3 January 2023 Accepted: 6 January 2023 Published: 12 January 2023

**Copyright:** © 2023 by the author. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

revolution has even prompted Delio (2008) to argue that the integration of computer technology in human life has already reached such a degree that "we must consider the possibility of being techno-sapiens" (p. 13). This may, in fact, sound a bit hyperbolic to the casual observer of digital technology, until we begin to grasp the unprecedented pace and scope of the digital transformation. For when we encounter something as unprecedented as artificial intelligence (AI), "we automatically interpret it through the lenses of familiar categories, thereby rendering invisible that which is unprecedented" (Zuboff 2020, p. 12).

What is important to keep in mind is the rapid advance and proliferation of digital technology, in only a matter of a few decades, which lends considerable support to Weizenbaum's irreversibility hypothesis. But as far as we have come in the development of digital technology, and we have come a long way in a relatively brief period of time, it is worth remembering that we are still in the early stages. We have not, in other words, seen anything yet, compared to what is coming in future years and decades. Elon Musk has famously used the example of the early and *very* primitive video game, Pong, to illustrate this point: "40 years ago, we had Pong, two rectangles and a dot", but today, "40 years later, we have photorealistic 3D simulations with millions of people playing simultaneously and it's getting better every year" (as cited in Kapoor 2019). To repeat, digital technology is getting better and better every year, and as such is "moving at a far faster rate than most of us can grasp" (Harari 2017, p. 50). Musk adds, "Soon we'll have virtual reality and augmented reality, and if you assume any rate of improvement at all, the games will become indistinguishable from reality" (as cited in Kapoor 2019). The same can be said of social media, as it gives way in its current shape and form to a more immersive, interactive, and interconnected social-networking experience within the emerging metaverse, with virtual reality becoming more indistinguishable from the so-called "real world".

The implications for human spirituality are staggering, which we can gather from the very beginning of Wildman and Stockly's book, *Spirit tech* (2021). It opens by quoting the robotics engineer, Mikey Siegel: "There is a depth to the potential of these technologies that is rarely addressed ... What if the deepest aspects of human experience, which are often only accessible through twenty thousand hours meditating in a cave ... , are all of a sudden accessible at the push of a button" (p. 1). This is hardly hyperbole, given that the development of enhancement technologies is already well underway, for example with cognitive augmentation via brain–computer interfaces (BCIs), as well as the genome-editing advances with CRISPR. It has led Buttrey et al. (2022) to suggest that "as enhancement technologies increase, we will be able to make ourselves stronger, calmer, able to think more quickly and sharply, maybe even have more intense and transformative spiritual experiences, and possibly become more virtuous with the help of biomedical moral enhancements (BME)".

In any case, whether it be the smartphone, digital assistants, video games, or, on a much larger scale, financial markets, transportation, energy security, biomedicine, and/or cognitive enhancement, computer technology has now become, to use Weizenbaum's (1976) word, "indispensable" to human society. "The computer", he writes, "becomes an indispensable component of any structure once it is so thoroughly integrated with the structure, so enmeshed in various vital substructures, that it can no longer be factored out without fatally impairing the whole structure". He adds:

It is not true that the American banking system or the stock and commodity markets or the great manufacturing enterprises would have collapsed had the computer not come along "just in time". It is true that the specific way in which these systems actually developed in the past two decades, and are still developing, would have been impossible without the computer. It is true that, were all the computers to suddenly disappear, much of the modern industrialized and militarized world would be thrown into great confusion and possibly utter chaos. The computer was not a prerequisite to the survival of modern society in the post-war period and beyond; its enthusiastic, uncritical embrace by the most "progressive" elements of American government, business, and industry quickly

made it a resource essential to society's survival *in the form* that the computer itself had been instrumental in shaping. (pp. 28–29)

#### **2. The Emerging Field of Digital Theology**

The remainder of the paper will focus on the impact of digital technology on lived experience, including religious and spiritual experience, through the lens of a fairly recent research modality, namely Digital Theology. I will begin with an overview of the Digital-Theology method put forward by Sutinen and Cooper (2021), followed by a discussion of the double-edged nature of digital technologies, giving special attention to the powerful influence of social media, and concluding with a focus on technology's impact on religious and spiritual preferences, in particular those of digital natives. If digital technology has in fact become an indispensable component of human life, becoming thoroughly integrated into society as a whole and therefore enmeshed in various vital structures and substructures, then it follows that the enmeshment would also extend into the world of religion. For example, as Campbell and Tsuria (2022) have found, "the interdisciplinary study of religion and the Internet highlights the growing recognition that digital media have become embedded in our everyday lives and a common platform for spiritual engagement" (p. 7). Or, as Sutinen and Cooper have put it, in their important book, *Digital Theology: A computer science perspective*, "the proliferation of information technology over the past thirty years has driven fast-paced change throughout every aspect of society—the ways in which we work, learn, socialize, date, interact with family and engage in acts of worship have all adapted to embrace a new technology" (p. 1). Note the authors' careful and precise choice of words: the dramatic advance of digital and information technology has driven *fast-paced change* throughout *every* aspect of society, including the way we engage in acts of worship. This, of course, would include more traditional forms of religious practice and worship, as well as the spiritual practices of those not religiously affiliated, the so-called "religious nones" who famously identify as "spiritual but not religious (SBNR)". In either case, digital technology has become an indispensable component of our religious and/or spiritual lives, more thoroughly integrated with and enmeshed in our practices. And yet, "while the role of technology in most walks of life has been well documented, the role of technology in the expression of faith and, conversely, the role of faith in technology, have thus far received surprisingly little discourse" (Sutinen and Cooper 2021, p. 1).

This is more than a little surprising, when we stop to consider how dependent religion was already becoming on technology in the years leading up to 2020, and how much more dependent it has become as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic. In a 2018 book, I addressed the issue of *Pastoral and spiritual care in a digital age*, followed by, in a 2020 article, the issue of "Religious and spiritual experience in the digital age", noting that pastoral and spiritual care providers are now dealing with evolutionary forces of an unprecedented nature. In his review of the 2018 book, David Hogue (2020) had remarked that it "entered an arena where few pastoral theologians have feared to tread", and as such "it is hoped that more pastoral theologians will follow" (pp. 151–52). It is a curious thing that the role of technology in the expression of religious faith, as well as in the field of pastoral theology and the practice of spiritual care, has received such little discourse, when it has become nothing less than a game-changer. Nevertheless, Hogue (2020) reminds us, "pastoral theologians and practitioners who work intimately with suffering persons are in a unique position to make critical assessments of the risks and potentials [of technology] and provide guidance oriented toward healing and wholeness" (p. 151).

There can be no doubt that digital technology is here to stay, even in the context of religious faith communities, whether we want to talk about it or not. It has become so integrated into the fabric of society, so enmeshed in the various substructures of daily living, that it is even now an indispensable and irreversible commitment across the board. And, its growing power and reach have only been extended that much more in the wake of the pandemic, as faith communities make greater use of the digital technology resources at their disposal. As Heidi Campbell (2021) has observed, "religious leaders who had

been technologically resistant in early 2020 have had to rethink their critiques of technology; indeed, many have had to embrace it for their survival". For example, the idea of livestreaming Sunday worship services was not even on the radar of many religious faith communities at the beginning of 2020, but months later had become commonplace via Zoom. Three years later, after most churches have resumed in-person worship, many have decided to continue offering a livestreaming option, as well as a recording of the service posted on YouTube.

"The COVID pandemic which began in 2020", writes David Wilkinson (2021) in the foreword to the book, *Digital Theology*, "has changed our view of the world in many ways", which is something of an understatement. He urges religious leaders to be mindful of the new terrain:

Broadcasting of services on the web became the norm rather than the preserve of mega churches. Small groups no longer met over tea and biscuits in the living room of a house but over Zoom and the constant refrain of "you are on mute". Pastoral conversations were offered by church leaders on digital platforms and the guardians of faith and order had to consider whether communion could be done online. These questions of mission, liturgy, community, and discipleship have been talked about for over a couple of decades by digital enthusiasts and by those who have been excluded from church life on grounds of accessibility. But for many in the church these questions were not seen to be central to our understanding of the mission of God in the world. (p. xv)

Wilkinson (2021) encourages religious leaders and spiritual care providers not to "sleep walk" into the future, because we have an aversion to digital technology, because we are afraid of the advances of AI, and/or because we hope that God will somehow, someway intervene to steer us in the right direction. Put another way, now is not the time for us to "look away", for we are, in the words of the MIT physicist, Max Tegmark (2018), "the guardians of the future of life now as we shape the age of AI" (p. 335). Tegmark's comment, coming from a scientist, almost sounds theological, *is* in many ways a theological statement. How much more is his appeal to be guardians of the future, primarily intended for the scientific community and humankind in general, applicable to religious leaders and faith communities who worship and serve a God of the future? There is obviously an urgent need for more theological reflection and discourse vis à vis digital technologies, and how they are changing everything, including what it means to be human and what it means to be a person of religious faith. Precisely because we still have some choice regarding how we will use the current and emergent technologies, "we had better understand what is happening and make up our minds about it before it makes up our minds for us" (Harari 2017, p. 55).

For pastoral theologians, religious leaders, and faith communities, this presupposes intentional theological reflection and discussion, which, as Sutinen and Cooper (2021) have noted, have thus far been in fairly short supply. Fortunately, there is some hope that this might be starting to change, thanks in large part to the new and emerging field of Digital Theology, which is gaining momentum by "exploring the complex and rapidly evolving relationship between the fields of technology and theology" (Sutinen and Cooper 2021, p. 1). Digital Theology is grounded in the foundational work of Paul Tillich (1973), specifically his method of correlation, "in which religious and theological knowledge and experience is held in dialectical and dialogical tension with the findings of science" (Bingaman 2018, p. xi). To Tillich's correlational method, I would also invite digital theologians to ground their important work in Ian Barbour's (1997) approach to science and religion, which intentionally goes beyond a healthy *dialogue* between two very different conversation partners, toward a more robust *integration* of scientific knowledge and findings into our theological reflection and discourse. Barbour (1997), in his groundbreaking *Religion and science: Historical and contemporary issues,* has stated that it is important for religion to be "open to an extension of what are taken to be the boundaries of acceptable science and religion and to the possibility of new paradigms that are more inclusive" (p. 98).

But what is Digital Theology, and what are its defining characteristics? There is of course some overlap with its predecessor, digital religion; there are also some notable differences. "While digital religion explores the integration of technology within the phenomenon of religion, the perspective of Digital Theology is that of a given faith and its intellectual conceptualization as digital representation" (Sutinen and Cooper 2021, p. 1). The "given faith" could be any faith tradition, although in the case of Sutinen and Cooper (2021), their focus is on Christian theology and the Christian faith tradition. More specifically, their view of Digital Theology "focuses on expression of faith, as do the classic fields of Christian theology: exegetics, systematic theology, church history, and practical theology when they explore and analyze the sources, methods, trends, and practices of the intellectual exercise of expressing and conveying faith as various forms of information" (Sutinen and Cooper 2021, p. 1). The interrelatedness between the expression of faith and the classic fields of Christian theology, "between faith as spiritual belief and its intellectual, tangible, expression as creed, doctrine, or concrete behavior forms the basis for the dialogue of theology and computer science applied in IT, as Digital Theology" (Sutinen and Cooper 2021, p. 1).

This is not to suggest that the authors' approach is exclusively or even primarily theology-driven, as we might assume from the title of their book, *Digital Theology*, which is also the name of the emerging field itself. But the subtitle of the book, *A computer science perspective*, is most telling, and lets us know ahead of time that a central focus of their inquiry will be the application and use of the powerful digital technologies that are at the disposal of clergy, faith communities, and anyone else in today's world who identifies as religious or even "spiritual but not religious". This should not come as a surprise, as both authors are in fact computer scientists. They write:

Thus far, the discussion and debate surrounding Digital Theology has tended to be theology led, with reflections on the applications and uses of technology in faith communities being framed from a theological perspective. The field of computer science has yet to offer a robust response to this discourse and, therefore, the unique perspectives which computer scientists can bring to this fascinating topic have so far not reached the mainstream. This book seeks to ... present a discussion on Digital Theology from a computer science, or more extensively computing, perspective—by exploring what the field might encompass, the types of problems the field might address and the approaches which the field might take, all through the lens of computer scientists. (Sutinen and Cooper 2021, p. 2)

While both authors have a background in computer science, one of them is also an ordained priest, which helps to explain the additional focus on the contextual application of theory and theology to lived experience in a digital age. As the discussion and debate surrounding Digital Theology has thus far tended to be theology led, so has it "also tended, so far, to be academically focused—the debate has largely taken place in academic journals and at research symposia" (Sutinen and Cooper 2021, p. 2), in what some would refer to, colloquially, as the "ivory tower". Here, it might be worth keeping in mind the distinction between religious and theological studies: at the risk of oversimplification and overgeneralization, the former primarily takes an academic and theoretical approach to the study of religion, which is important, whereas the latter, while still academically and theoretically oriented, is also concerned with the practical application of the theory to lived experience in today's world. Similarly, the work of Sutinen and Cooper (2021) "seeks to address a wider audience than the typical academic circles who have tended to be the primary target audience for work published to date" (p. 2), whether in the emergent field of Digital Theology and/or the more established field of digital religion. For example, the authors are very intentional about engaging "readers from a variety of backgrounds—academics, students, technical developers, leaders of diverse churches and denominations, religious laypeople and the curious individual simply intrigued by how emerging technology might shift faith-based behaviors and practice and by how faith might inspire new approaches to technical design and innovation" (Sutinen and Cooper

2021, p. 2). To the list of "readers from a variety of backgrounds", we might want to add the "religious nones" or the "spiritual but not religious", along with the religiously disaffiliated. They, too, could also benefit from learning how emerging technologies are having a profound impact on contemporary religion *and* spirituality, and how spirituality, along with religious faith, might inspire more hopeful, ethical, and humane approaches to the use of very powerful digital tools and platforms. In sum, while Digital Theology, like digital religion, is very much grounded in theory, it is also praxis-based, with a distinct focus on how digital technology is changing what it means to be a human being and, by extension, what it means to be a religious or spiritual person in a techno-driven world.

The importance of developing an in-depth understanding of digital culture cannot be overstated, if we are in fact in the midst of an irreversible evolutionary process. While some of us may have been hoping that the digital age would be short-lived, a temporary thing that would soon be passing, the reality is that it is here to stay, and it is changing everything. Indeed, if we have become metaphorical cyborgs in a sense, so attached to our digital devices that even now we are witnessing the human–machine merger, then as Harari (2017) has said, there is an urgency that we understand what is happening and make up our minds about it before digital technology and AI make up our minds for us. Rarely do we stop to consider the power of our digital devices, for example the smartphone we now carry with us at all times. It has become so commonplace that we take it all for granted, a gadget for filling our calendars, mapping our driving route, making purchases and paying bills, playing video games, texting and emailing, taking pictures and building photo albums, downloading music, surfing the Internet, accessing social media platforms, and so on and so on. And, lest we forget, it is also a *phone*.

When we stop to consider the amount of digital power we have at our fingertips, inside a device that fits inside our hip pocket, it literally staggers the imagination: the smartphone we use today has "more computer power than *all* of NASA when it put two [astronauts] on the moon in 1969" (Kaku 2014, p. 9), millions of times more computing power to be more specific. "This may sound like hyperbole", writes Murray Shanahan (2015), working in the field of cognitive robotics, "but today's emerging technologies have a potency never before seen" (p. xxi). The rapid advance and increasing power of digital technology is an extraordinary development, and to think that it is only the beginning. Only forty years ago, we were happy playing Pong, and before long, as Elon Musk has said, we will have virtual reality and augmented reality, so that the games will become indistinguishable from reality. This is a pivotal moment in human history, in the life of the church, with "a window of time and opportunity to very carefully reflect on how we intend to go about navigating the uncharted landscape before us" (Bingaman 2018, p. 103). Pastoral theologians, religious leaders, spiritual care providers, with the resource of Digital Technology, can be much more intentional about being, in the words of Tegmark (2018), the guardians of the future of life in a digital world, co-creators with God if we put it more theologically, helping to guide the momentous change "towards wholesome and loving ends" (Peters 2007, p. 182).

The need for immediate theological reflection about the growing reach and power of digital technology, and its "wholesome and loving" application within society in general and in religious faith communities in particular, should now be more obvious. But, as Ilia Delio (2008) has made clear, "it cannot be merely a religious way of dealing with technology, as if it were external to who we are; rather, technology has become part and parcel of who we are" (pp. 163–64). Perhaps, to a certain extent, this has always been the case with any technology throughout human history. And yet, there is something fundamentally different about *digital* technology, and the way that "life on the screen", to use Sherry Turkle's (1997) words, has completely altered and transformed human lived experience, in a matter of a few decades no less. The rate of transformation is therefore historically unprecedented. As such, it is not enough for religion and theology "simply to come to terms with the integration of technology in daily life", but rather, "we must begin to see technology as integral to the whole evolutionary process because it has driven us to a whole new level

of culture and consciousness" (Delio 2008, p. 163). We could also say that the digital revolution is driving us, potentially, to a whole new understanding of dynamic divine presence, as God, in keeping with the words of the prophet, is forever doing a *new thing* (Isaiah 43:19, RSV). The "new thing" occurring in the digital age is, once again, historically unprecedented, which raises all kinds of questions about God, religion, theology, and the expression of religious faith. In terms of the study of God and of active divine presence in today's digital world, we will need, according to Sutinen and Cooper (2021), to go "much further than simply *using* technology to study God;" rather, in a methodological move that parallels the theological perspective of Delio (2008), we will need an approach in which digital technology is "*central* to the study of God" (p. 15).

#### **3. Results: A Double-Edged Sword**

In making technology an integral component of our theological reflection, as well as central to the study of God, we will also need to keep in mind the observation of Richard Rogers (2015), who almost a decade ago in his groundbreaking book, *Digital Methods*, had already announced "the end of the virtual/real divide" (p. 38). Moreover, Rogers (2015), a self-described "web epistemologist" and, more formally, director of the Digital Methods Initiative at the University of Amsterdam, had characterized the web, and particularly a search-engine-based web, as "a potential collision space for alternative accounts of reality" (p. 31). Almost ten years later, we can now say that the search-engine-based web in general, and its social-media offspring, are far more than a *potential* collision space for alternative and competing accounts of reality. They have become, in so many ways, the quintessential "collision space" in today's world, a space that can at times reflect the very best of humankind, while at other times reflecting the most disturbing and alarming aspects of human nature. For example, in terms of putting social media and networking to good use toward loving and compassionate ends, "the potential to spread information at breakneck speed in countries where information may be repressed or controlled is a vital tool", writes the neuroscientist, Susan Greenfield (2015), as is raising consciousness about humanitarian and refugee crises, crowdfunding for disaster relief, and helping patients and families locate the best treatment facilities for medical implants and transplants (pp. 148–49). We can even add to this brief list the delivery of religious resources in faith communities, via social media, such as worship services, Bible studies, prayer groups, and so forth, which before the pandemic would have been unavailable to those congregants excluded from church life on the grounds of accessibility. Conversely, "some of the very worst aspects of being all too human ... are now being given free rein throughout the uncharted territory of cyberspace" (Greenfield 2015, p. 268), turning social networking into a breeding ground for misinformation, harassment, bullying, hate speech, and religious and political extremism.

It is important to keep in mind that digital technologies, and more specifically social media platforms, are something of a double-edged sword, or, as Susan Greenfield (2015) has put it, "an unprecedented and complex cocktail of opportunity and threat" (p. 23). Indeed, the emerging field of Digital Theology is attempting to hold the good and the bad, the opportunity and threat in dialectical tension, as it continues to develop. For example, Sutinen and Cooper (2021) refer to *The Social Dilemma* (Orlowski 2020), the critically acclaimed documentary that premiered in 2020, as a powerful resource for better understanding the threat posed by the juggernaut of social media. "An indictment of the tech industry, the film succinctly lays out the damage being done by companies such as Facebook, Google and Twitter through their social media platforms and search engines ... and helps explain so much of the craziness we see right now in the real world" (Crust 2020). Below is what Sutinen and Cooper (2021) glean from the film, for the purposes of Digital Theology:

The movie warns of the [pernicious] role of artificial intelligence that has turned what was expected to be digital tools for enhancing social connections, open participation and global sharing into a manipulation engine that transforms humans into products for sourcing marketing data and addicts of 24/7 connectivity and

recognition by likes. Demonization, a term that theologian Paul Tillich (1973) uses for a process where an idea with a good intention transforms to its evil opposite, has altered technology with an agenda to make the world a better place into an agent for the age of misinformation ... Digital Theology has a mission as a countermovement to digital demonization—sanctification of technology for the prosperity and liberty of humanity. (p. 10)

Sutinen and Cooper(2021) have good reason for highlighting *The Social Dilemma*, which features interviews with tech insiders, those who have worked with some of the major tech companies, including the technology ethicist and founder of the Center for Humane Technology, Tristan Harris. A former design ethicist at Google, Harris testified before the United States Congress in 2020, urging lawmakers to take more decisive regulatory action vis à vis the powerful social-media industry. In my 2018 book, *Pastoral and spiritual care in a digital age: The future is now*, I had argued that "technology, in and of itself and like any other 'raw material,' is not good or bad, but rather a neutral entity; it simply 'mirrors' the very best and the very worst of humanity" (p. 31). But after listening to Harris' testimony before the U.S. Congress, after watching the interviews with him and other tech insiders in *The Social Dilemma,* I no longer believe that digital technology, in the form of social-media platforms, is in any way a "neutral entity". It is much too powerful and influential to be neutral, when it operates on "a business model of commodifying the attention of billions of people per day, sorting tweets, posts, and groups to determine which get the most engagement (clicks, views, and shares)—what gets the strongest emotional reactions" (Harris 2021).

To be sure, the commodification of attention is anything but neutral, when a large target audience is children and adolescents still in their formative years. But it is not only younger populations who are targeted; through less-than-transparent neuromarketing practices, social media companies find ways to commodify the attention of everyone, young and old. "These commodification platforms", writes Harris (2021), "have warped the collective psyche", for they ultimately lead us to "narrower and crazier views of the world". Harris (2021) adds:

YouTube's recommendation algorithms, which determine 70% of daily watch time for billions of people, "suggest" what are meant to be similar videos but actually drive viewers to more extreme, more negative, or more conspiratorial content because that's what keeps them on their screens longer ... Recommendation systems like this have created a downward spiral of negativity and paranoia, slowly decoupling billions of people's perception of reality from reality itself. Seeing reality clearly and truthfully is fundamental to our capacity to do anything. By monetizing and commodifying attention, we've sold away our ability to see problems and enact collective solutions. This isn't new. Almost any time we allow the life support systems of our planet or society to be commodified, it drives other breakdowns.

Harris (2021) analysis of social media's hold on the collective psyche, not to mention the developing brain of "digital natives" during their most formative years, is more than a little sobering, which is why Sutinen and Cooper (2021) explicitly call our attention to *The Social Dilemma* documentary. As religious leaders and educators make greater use of digital technology tools, as well as social media platforms, we need to keep in mind that digital technology is inherently a double-edged sword, a complex cocktail of opportunity and threat, with important implications for religion, spirituality, and mental health. In recent years, there have been important research studies focusing on the impact of social media, and whether there is any correlation with the noticeable decline in human empathy simultaneous with the sharp rise in mental-health disorders. The landmark study of Konrath et al. (2011), director of the Interdisciplinary Program on Empathy and Altruism Research at Indiana University, a meta-analysis of fourteen thousand college students spanning more than thirty years, revealed a significant decline in empathy, with a much steeper drop in the latter years of the study. Why? Konrath et al. (2011) note that the precipitous drop in empathy, in the final years of the study, happens to coincide with "the meteoric rise in popularity of social networking sites ... as younger people more frequently remove themselves from deep interpersonal social situations and become immersed in isolated online environments" (p. 183). Or, as Greenfield (2015) puts it, commenting on the study, it is "a time frame that corresponds well with the advent of social networking among digital natives" (p. 36).

Is it simply a coincidence, the sharp decline of empathy and the rapid and powerful advance of social media? I think not, if we are guided by the evidence before us. This is not to say that social media platforms are necessarily the *cause* of the steep drop in empathy, along with the downward spiral of negativity and paranoia. There may very well be a causal connection, but at the moment we do not know this for sure; more research is needed. What we do know for certain is that there is at least a correlation between the advent and proliferation of social networking sites and a reduction in empathy among college students. "These physically distant online environments", the authors of the study conclude, "could functionally create a buffer between individuals, which makes it easier to ignore others' pain or even at times inflict pain on others" (Konrath et al. 2011, p. 183). Perhaps more fundamentally, they create a buffer within one's own psyche, between more primitive limbic responses and higher-order executive functioning. "There is ample evidence", writes Van Eyghen (2021), "that dispositions rooted in evolved psychology tend to resurface when subjects lack the time or resources for adequate reflection". This is a finding of extreme importance, when viewed in the context of a fast-paced if not frenetic digital world, with life on the screen demanding more and more of our time and attention. It could very well be that we will need the help of biomedical moral enhancements (BME) to ultimately surmount our primitive dispositions, to become more virtuous if not spiritual in a digital world. Apropos to life on the screen, Van Eyghen (2021) adds: "The evidence suggests that although humans can overcome evolved dispositions on many occasions, the dispositions tend to resurface when humans let down their cognitive guard and act unreflectively".

#### **4. Discussion: Beyond the Point of No Return**

In a way, social media is neutral, in the sense that it can be what we want it to be: simply an online photo album and/or memory book, for example, nothing more, nothing less if we so choose. The problem is that we often have less choice than we realize, as powerful neuromarketing forces and algorithms conspire against our ability to think rationally when we are using the sites. Sean Parker, the former president of Facebook, made this very clear a few years ago, when he stated categorically that the goal of the company has been all along, "How do we consume as much of your time and conscious attention as possible?" (as cited in Pandey 2017). At the time, it was a stunningly transparent revelation, albeit post facto, after he had left Facebook after making billions of dollars. Nevertheless, it gives us a clear window into the covert operations of Facebook executives in designing a "social validation feedback loop:" "We needed to sort of give you a little dopamine hit every once in a while, because someone liked or commented on a photo or a post or whatever ... [We're] exploiting a vulnerability in human psychology" (as cited in Pandey 2017). Not surprisingly, the "mission to exploit", for lucrative gain, has contributed to a sharp increase in rates of depression and anxiety for frequent users of social media, adolescents and young adults in particular, even *before* the pandemic. But, once again, while it is not entirely clear at the moment if Facebook and other social networking sites are the *cause* of this sharp increase in mental health disorders, there is plenty of evidence that the association is at the very least correlational. Therefore, "even if social media are not causing this problem, they surely are not helping to solve it" (Bermúdez 2017, p. 68).

What we do know for sure is that there is a causal link between high usage of social media and mental health risk, if the individual is using networking sites for frequent "social comparisons". Media, observes Ronˇcaková (2021), in keeping with Sean Parker's revelation, very intentionally strive to arouse an emotional response in all of us, "bound by a specific media event" (p. 32). A landmark study in 2014, "Seeing everyone's highlight reels: How

Facebook usage is linked to depressive symptoms", made very clear the "specific media event", which has subsequently been confirmed by other studies:

These studies found that spending more time on Facebook and/or viewing Facebook more frequently, provides people with the opportunity to spontaneously engage in Facebook social comparisons (of any kind), which in turn, is associated with greater depressive symptoms. This pattern of higher depressive symptoms after engaging in Facebook social comparisons may be especially true for college students since they may still be struggling to establish their identities apart from their families, and consequently, may be more susceptible to peer influences. Thus, the current research holds important implications for general populations and, in particular, college students who are depressed and might also be addicted to Facebook. (Steers et al. 2014, p. 728)

We can only imagine, for example, what the "social feedback validation loop" does to the psyche of an adolescent girl who is struggling with body image; she becomes trapped in a vicious cycle of social comparison, via Facebook's covert exploitation, from which there is seemingly no exit. Once the initial "dopamine hit" wears off, after receiving a "like(s)" from a friend, the extended time she spends on the screen, engaging in social comparisons, can make her feel worse rather than better, more anxious and depressed than she was feeling before. This scenario, which occurs in the lives of billions of people of all ages every day, in the lives of our congregants, has important implications for pastoral theologians, religious leaders, and spiritual care providers; it is very much an ethical *and* theological issue, a matter of justice when the social-networking system is "predicated on constant social comparison and systemic hijacking of the human drive for connection" (Harris 2021). It is also an issue of power, given the enormous asymmetric power that social networking companies have over our lives in general, and over the lives of vulnerable congregants in our care. "Any asymmetric power structure", Harris (2021) rightly argues, "must follow the fiduciary or 'duty of care' model exemplified by a good teacher, therapist, doctor, or care worker—that is, it must work in the service of those with less power". To this, we could add the duty of care exemplified by pastoral leaders, who are sometimes quintessentially equipped, by way of a particular faith tradition, with an overt justice orientation when confronted with the exploitation of those most vulnerable and less powerful.

This is clearly a pivotal time to be a pastoral leader, a religious educator, a spiritual care provider, as we witness firsthand, on the "front lines" as it were, the alarming rise in mental health disorders simultaneous with a steady decline in human empathy and compassion. As Jamil Zaki (2019) has noted, with the social networking platforms foremost in mind, "The modern world has made kindness harder" (p. 7). Few, if any of us, would disagree with his assessment, if we have been paying attention to the erosion of social cohesion in today's digital world. Zaki (2019) adds:

News organizations and social media platforms profit from our divisions. Outrage is one of their products, and it is a growth industry. Modern society is built on human connection, and our house is teetering. For the past dozen years, I've researched how empathy works and what it does for us. But being a psychologist studying empathy today is like being a climatologist studying the polar ice: Each year we discover more about how valuable it is, just as it recedes all around us. (pp. 8, 10)

As much as the world of digital technology presents us with an array of formidable and unprecedented challenges, as much as we may have mixed feelings about it or not even like it, we will need to keep in mind that it is not going anywhere anytime soon, if ever. It has become an indispensable component of everyday life throughout the world, an irreversible commitment as Joseph Weizenbaum (1976) predicted almost half a century ago. Once it is so thoroughly integrated into the fabric of human society, so enmeshed in vital substructures, it cannot, as he said, be factored out without the world being thrown into utter chaos. Nor would we, even if we could, want to factor it out, for digital technology, artificial

intelligence, even social media for that matter also constitute an existential opportunity *IF* we can find ways to guide the process toward loving and compassionate ends for all people, rather than to profit a powerful few. Moreover, to view the digital world onesidedly as a toxic culture with little if any redeeming value, "is to risk alienating the 'digital natives' among us", young adults and younger who have no experience and memory of a former time before the advent and proliferation of digital technology (Bingaman 2018, p. 24). "Digital natives", writes Greenfield (2015), "know no other way of life other than the culture of Internet, laptop, and mobile" (p. 6), which is a fact of extreme importance for religious leaders and faith communities.

Gary Small, in his research more than a decade ago at the UCLA Brain Research Institute, discovered that as a consequence of the "overwhelming and early high-tech stimulation of the digital native's brain, we are witnessing the beginning of a deeply divided *brain gap* between younger and older minds—in just *one* generation" (Small and Vorgan 2009, p. 3). This dramatic leap in human brain evolution reflects the epistemological framework of digital natives: their fundamental way of knowing has always been technodriven. He goes on to say, with words that capture very well the double-edged nature of digital technology:

What used to be simply a *generation gap* that separated young people's values, music, and habits from those of their parents has now become a huge divide resulting in two separate cultures. The brains of the younger generation are digitally hardwired from toddlerhood, often at the expense of neural circuitry that controls one-on-one people skills. Individuals of the older generation face a world in which their brains *must* adapt to high technology, or they will be left behind—politically, socially, and economically ... During this pivotal point in brain evolution, [digital] natives and immigrants alike can learn the tools they need to take charge of their lives and brains, while both preserving their humanity and keeping up with the latest technology. (Small and Vorgan 2009, pp. 3–4)

This helps to explain the religious orientation of many digital natives, or more accurately the lack thereof, as religious disaffiliation has taken firm hold among millennials and younger. Life on the screen has fundamentally altered what it means to be religious or spiritual, what it means to be human for that matter, and the process I would argue is becoming irreversible. This is obviously a significant, perhaps even insurmountable problem for religious faith communities, as many congregations, already with declining church membership, now face the prospect of disaffiliation becoming the norm among younger populations. In terms of religious disaffiliation numbers in the United States, it is worth noting that younger Americans are disaffiliating earlier than older Americans: "Among young adults (age 18 to 29) today, roughly three-quarters (74 percent) report that they were age 17 or younger at the time they no longer identified with their formative religion, including about one in four (26 percent) who say they left before their teenage years", whereas "for older Americans who have disaffiliated, it was much more typical to leave when they were of college age or older" (Cox 2022). Some still hold out hope that this merely reflects what Friedrich Schweitzer (2004) has called "life-cycle effects". The children and grandchildren of the baby boomers, so the thinking goes, who are leaving the religion of their youth in ever-increasing numbers, will inevitably return later when they are all grown up, just like their baby boomer parents and grandparents (Bingaman 2020, p. 292). I would urge extreme caution with this overly optimistic assumption, for it is quite possible, maybe even likely that digital natives leaving the church today and, in the future, may never return. Recall that digital natives, with a digitally hardwired brain, see the world in a fundamentally different way, which would include different ways of knowing when it comes to religion. More specifically, as Ronˇcaková (2021) has found, people who are drawn to online religion and spirituality, which is ever the case with digital natives, are "typically averse to authority; they want to choose their own symbols, values, associations and ideas in order to construct their own identity and their own spirituality" (p. 30). It remains for

future researchers to see if there is a clear causal link between this digital hardwiring, from one's earliest formative years, and the growing trend in religious disaffiliation.

In the meantime, pastoral theologians, religious leaders and educators, and faith communities would do well to follow the research focusing on the correlational link between high usage of digital technology, in particular social media, and religious disaffiliation. For example, one study conducted at Baylor University, which has been corroborated by subsequent studies, found that frequent Internet use is "associated with increases in being religiously unaffiliated and decreases in religious exclusivism" (McClure 2017, p. 481), certainly reflective of the lived experience of digital natives. Put another way, "being online increases the likelihood of being religiously unaffiliated, and regardless of one's affiliation, Internet use also reduces the likelihood of maintaining an exclusivist posture toward one's own religious tradition" (McClure 2017, p. 494). When it comes to religion and spirituality in the digital age, particularly that of digital natives, there is a distinct shift away from religious exclusivism toward greater openness to a multiplicity of different religious and spiritual perspectives, clearly a reflection of life on the screen. "Because of the overwhelming variety of worldviews, beliefs, and religious ideas that are part and parcel of one's online experience, the Internet encourages tinkering with an assortment of spiritual options, and rejecting the exclusive truth claims of any one particular religious tradition becomes more likely" (McClure 2017, p. 494). To the image of "tinkering", we could also apply the "supermarket" metaphor put forward by Wildman and Stockly (2021): digital natives, having the freedom to "mix and match" from a wide variety of religious and spiritual perspectives, to "explore and customize", can if they want "shop from any aisle" (p. 4). Perhaps it might seem foolhardy for religious leaders and faith communities to become more digitally invested, paradoxically embracing that which is helping to erode the foundations of religion. Indeed, this is something of a dilemma, in light of the Baylor study, for "while the Internet may be used beneficially to express or receive a particular religious message, Internet technology may also undermine the exclusive truth of that very message" (McClure 2017, p. 494).

Sutinen and Cooper (2021), while aware of the risks involved, are nonetheless undeterred in encouraging religious leaders and faith communities to take the risk, to work in the dialectical tension between opportunity and threat. They believe it is possible, if we consider how various churches worldwide in 2020 managed to move quickly, out of necessity, to an online and/or hybrid ministry:

Rapid research conducted to explore the response to the COVID-19 pandemic of churches in the UK, Finland, and Namibia (Cooper et al. 2021) found that the churches moved quickly and enterprisingly to embrace a wide range of new technologies to quickly provide for their congregations. Not only did the churches surveyed offer up Sunday services online, but many extended the wider offering of their church communities using online technologies including, for example, small group meetings, children and youth activities, prayer meetings, and quizzes. This enterprising response is interesting to observe and might also reflect the adoption of a "startup mentality", whereby the digitally literate might quickly apply technological solutions to a range of application fields, thus renewing the fields themselves ... Clearly, such online Christian communities have the potential to evolve over time as technology improves and develops, enhancing the experience of users (e.g., using virtual or augmented reality or other remote presence technology to create an increased sense of physical colocation). A key challenge for now is the ability to design technology which changes the experience from that of being a remote participant to that of being a teleparticipant. (pp. 18, 20) **Funding:** This research received no external funding.

**Data Availability Statement:** Not applicable.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The author declares no conflict of interest.

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### **DZ ¡ ě ¢ £**

 ǰ ¢ ¢ǰ ŘŜŜŖŖŖǰ Dz ŖŜŘřȓŗŜřǯ

**DZ** ǰ ě Ȭ Ȃ ǯ ¢ £ ¢Ȃ ¢ Ȭ£ǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ǯ ǰ ǰ Ĵ Ȃ ¢ ¢ Ȯ¢ ¡ ǯ £ ¢ Ĝ¢ ǯ ¢ ¡ ě ǰ Ȭ¢ ¡Ȭ ¢ ¢ ě ǯ £ ¡ ǰ ę ¢ ¢ ǰ Ě ǯ

**¢ DZ** ¢Dz Ĝ¢Dz ¡Dz

#### **ŗǯ**

 ¢ ǰ ¢ Ȃ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǰ ¢ ǻѝዣǼǰ ǯ ǰ ȃǰ Ȅǯ ȃǰ ǰȄ Ȭ ǰ ȃ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǻ ǼȄǯ ǰ ¢DZ ȃ ¢ ¢ ¢ǯ ¢ Ȭ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǰ ¡ ǯ ¢ ¢ǯ ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ǯ Ȃ ǻ¢ Ǽ ǯ ¢ ¢ Ȃ ǯ ¡ ¢ǰ Ȅǯ

 ¢ ¢ ¢ ę ¢ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ǯ ǯ ǰ ¢ ŗşŞŖǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ǰ ¢ Ȯ¢ ¡ ¢ǯ ǰ ǰ

**DZ** ǰ ǯ ŘŖŘřǯ DZ ¡ ě ¢ £ǯ ŗŚDZ ŗŞŝǯ ĴDZȦȦǯȦ ŗŖǯřřşŖȦŗŚŖŘŖŗŞŝ

 DZ ǯ 

DZ ŘŚ ŘŖŘŘ DZ ŘŜ ¢ ŘŖŘř DZ Řŝ ¢ ŘŖŘř DZ řŗ ¢ ŘŖŘř

**¢DZ** Ț ŘŖŘř ¢ ǯ ǰ ǰ ĵǯ Ĵ ǻ Ǽ ǻĴDZȦȦ ǯȦȦ¢Ȧ ŚǯŖȦǼǯ

 ¢ ǰ Ȭ DZ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ȃ ǯ ¡ ǯ ¢ Ȅǯ ǰ ǰ Ȅ Ȃ ǰ ǯ ě ę śŖŖŖ Ȅǯ ǰ ¢ ǵ Ȃ ǰ ǯ ǰ Ȃ ¢ £ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¡ £ Ȃ £ ¢ǯ

#### **Řǯ**

 ǰ ŗşŞŖǰ ȃ ¡ ǻ¢ Ĝ ǼȄ ǻ ŘŖŗŗǰ ǯ ŘřŚǼ ȃ ȁ¡Ȃ Ȭ ¢Ȅ ǻ ŘŖŗśǼǯ ¢ ǰ Ě Ȭ ǯ ŘŖŖřǰ Ȭę ¢ Ĝ ǻ ŘŖŖřǼǰ ¢ ǯ ǻŘŖŗśǼ Ȭ ¡¢ DZ ǰ Ȯ¢ ¢ ǯ ȃ ¡ Ȅ ǻ ŘŖŖŜǰ ǯ ŜǼǯ ǰ ǰ ǻŗşşŖǼ ǰ ¢ ȃ¢ ě ¢¢ Ȅ ǻ ŗşşŖǼǵ

 Ȯ¢ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗśǰ ǯ ŗŜśǼǯ ě Ȃ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǻǰ ǯ ŗŜŜǼǯ Ȃ Ȭ ǰ ¡ǯ ¢ ǻ Ȧ Ǽ ¢ ȃ ¢Ȭǰ Ȅ ǻ ŘŖŖŜǰ ǯ şşǼǯ ǰ ǻ ŘŖŖŜDz ŘŖŗŚDz ŘŖŗŝǼǰ ǻ ŘŖŖŜǼ ǻ ŘŖŗŚǼ ¢ ę Ĝǰ ¢ ǯ

 ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ȃȄ £ ǰ ¢ Ĝ ¢ ǯ ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǰ ǻ仾≤Ǽ ǰ ǰ ǻǼ ǰ ǯ ¢ǰ Ȭ ¢ ǰ ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢ǰ ¢ ǯ Ȭ ě Ȭ  ǻ ŘŖŗŗǰ ǯ śŚŞǼǰ ¢ Ȃ ǯ

 ¢ Ȭ ǯ ǰ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǰ ȃ ǵȄ ǻŘŖŗŗǼ ǰ ȃ Ȅ ǰ ȃȄ ȃȄ ¡ ǯ ¢ǰ ¡ Ĝ¢ǯ ¢ ǰ ǯ ǰ ǰ ¢ Ě ¢ ǻ
 ŘŖŖŗǰ ǯ řŘǼǵ

 ¢ ǻ¢ ¢ǰ ≁䰤ؑԠǼ ǻ£ǰ ᇇᮉǼ ǰ ¡ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¡ Ȭ ę ǰ ę ǯ ǰ ǯ ǰ ȃ Ȅǰ Ȭ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ Ȭ ¢ǯ ¢ǰ ¢Ȃ Ȭ ǰ Ĝ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǰ Ĝ¢ ¢ǯ ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¡ǰ ŗŖŖ ¢ ŗŝŚřǰ ¢ǰ ǰ ǰ ǰ ǰ ǰ Ȭ ǰ  ǻ¢ £Ĵ ŗŝŚřǰ ǯ ŞŘȮŞśǼǯ ǰ ŘŖŖśǰ ¢ ŗŞ ŗŝ ǰ Ś ǻ⾆ᐸᓉǼǯ Ȃ ǰ Ĝ ǯ Ĝ ǯ

 ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ ǯ ¢ǰ ¢ ǯ Ȃ ǯ ǰ ǯ ǰ Ȃ ǰ ¢ ǯ

 £ ȃ Ȭ ¢Ȅ ǯ ¢ǰ Ȃ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǯ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŖşDz ŘŖŗśDz ŘŖŗŗǼ ȃ Ȅ ǻ ŘŖŖŜǰ ŘŖŗŗǼ ¢£ Ȃ ǯ Ȭ Ĝ ¢ ǰ ¡ ¢ǰ ǯ ¢ ȃ Ȅ ǻ ֶᖰǼ ǻ¡ 䰌ײǼǰ ǻ ŘŖŗŗǰ ǯ śśŘǼǯ ě ¢ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗşDz ŘŖŗŞǼǯ ¢Ȃ ǰ ¢ ¢ǯ ¡ ¢ ǻ¢ ę ę ¢ ¢ Ǽǰ ¢

 ǯ ǯ

 ȃ ¡ ¢ Ȅ ǻ ŘŖŖşǼǰ ¡ ¢ £ ¢ǯ ǰ ǰ £ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¡ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗśǼǯ Ȯ¢ DZ Ȃ ǰ ¢ ǵ ǰ Ȃ ǵ

 ¡ Ȯ¢ ¡DZ ¢ǰ ȯ ¢ ȯ ¡ ǻ ŘŖŗŗǼǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ Ȭ ǯ ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ Ȃ ǰ ¢ ¡ Ȭ Ĝ¢ǵ £ Ě ȃ Ȭ ¢ Ȅ ǻ ŘŖŗŞǰ ǯ ŘŖśǼǯ £ǯ

 ǰ ǰ Ȃ ǻ ŘŖŗŘǼǯ ǻŘŖŖŜǰ ǯ ŝǼ Ȭ £ǰ Ȭ ǰ ǯ £ǰ Ȭ ě ǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǯ

 ¢ ǻǼ ¢ ¢ £ £Ȭ ǰ ě ¢ǯ Ȭ ǰ ¡ǯ ǰ ¢ ě ¢ ¢ ǯ ŗŖ ę ŘŖŗŝ Ȭ ŘŖŘŗ ŘŖŘŘǰ ŘŖŘŗǯ

¢ ¢ ǯ ŘŖŗŝǰ Ĵ ŘŖ Ȭ Ȃ ǯ ¢ ¡ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ ŘŖŘŗ ŘŖŘŘǰ ¢ ǰ Ȭŗş ǰ ¢ ¢ Ȭ ǯ ǰ Ȭ ŗŘ Ĵ ǰ Ȭ ǯ ¢ ę Ȭ ǯ ǰ ¡ Ȭ ǯ Ȃ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗŜǼǯ ǰ ǯ

 ¢ £ǯ ǰ ǰ ǰ ǯ £ ǯ  £ ę ǰ ȃ ¡Ȅ ǻ ŘŖŖŖǼ ǻ ŘŖŗŜǼǰ £ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗŜǼǯ ǰ ę ȯ¡ ȯ ǰ £ Ȃ ǯ DZ ¢Ȃ ǯ ǰ £ ǰ ¢ ¢ǯ

#### **řǯ £**

 ¢ ǰ ǰ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǰ ǰ ¢ Ȃ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗŚǼǯ ¢ ě ¢ ŗşŞŖǰ Ȭ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ę Ȃ ǻ ŘŖŗŚǼ ¢ Ȭ Ȅ ¡ ę¢ Ȅ ǻ ŘŖŗŖǼǯ ŗşŞŖǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǯ

 ǰ ě ¢ ǯ Ȭ ǯ ¢ ǰ Ĵ ¢ ę ǻ ŘŖŖŜDz ŘŖŗŖDz ŘŖŖŜǼǯ ǰ ǯ Ȭ Ȃ ǰ Ȭ ǻ ŘŖŖŜǼǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗŖǼ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŘŗDz ŘŖŗŞǼǯ

 ǰ ǵ ě ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ DZ ǻ Ǽ ¢ Ȭ ¢ ǯ ę Ȃ ¢Dz ¢ ǰ Ĝ ǯ ǰ ǰ Ȃ Ȭ ǰ ǯ ě Ȭ Ȃ ǰ Ȃ ǯ ¡ ǰ ¢ Ĝ ¢ ǰ Ĵ ę ǻ ŘŖŗŚǼǯ ¢ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ǰ ŗŖŞ Ȭ ŗŖŖ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ǰ ŖǯŘŞ ǯ ǰ ŗŚŖ ǰ ¢ ¢ ę ǯ ¢ ś ŘŖŖś ǻ¢ £Ĵ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ ŚŜŖǼǯ ¢ Ĝǯ ǰ Ȃ ǰ ę

Ȃ ǯ ǰ ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǯ

 ǯ ¢ ¢ ȃ Ȅ ȃ Ȅǯ ǻŘŖŗŞǼ ¢ ĵ ǰ ǯ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǰ Ȃ ǰ Ȃ £ǯ ǯ ¢ Ĵ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǰ ȃ¢ ǵ ǵȃ Ȃ ǻ¢ ¢ ȂǼ Ȭ ¢ǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǰ Dz ¡ǰ ě ŗǯ ǰ ¢ ǯ ǰ ǯ ǯ ¢ ȃ Ȅ ǯ ȃ Ȅ Ȭ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ǯ Ĝ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ ę ¢ ǯ

 ¢Ȃ ǰ ¢ ǻᓉǼ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ ěDZ ǻሪǼ ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ǰ ǰ ǰ ȃ ěǯ ǰ ¢ Ȅǯ ¢ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ě ¢ ǯ ¢ǰ ě ǯ

 ¢ Ȭ ¢ Ȃ ǯ ¡ Ȃ ě Ȅ ¡Ȭ ¡£ Ȅ ǻ 
 ŘŖŗŝǰ ǯ ŗśǼǯ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ŗşŝŖ ŗşŞŖ ǯ ŗşşŖǰ ȃȄ ȯ ȯ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ǯ ¢ǰ ǰ ȃ ǯ ǵŘȄ ŞřȬ¢Ȭ ¡ ¢ Ěǯ

 ǰ £ ǯ ¢ Ȭ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǯ Ȭ ǰ £ǯ ¢ǰ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ǰ Ȭ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǯ Ĵ ǰ ¢ ǯ

 Ȃ ę ǰ ¢ Ȭ ¢ ¢ řǯ Ȃ ¢ Ȃ ǰ Ȃ ¢ Ȃ ǯ ¢ Ȃ ¢ǰ Ȃ ¢ǰ ǰ ¡ ¢ǯ ¢Ȭ ŗşŜŖǰ Ȭ ¢ Ȅ Ȅ Ȅ ¢ Ȭ Ȅǰ ǰ ǰ ȃ ǻĜ¢Ǽ Ĵ Ȅ ǻ ŘŖŖŗǰ ǯ ŘŚǼǯ Ȭ ǰ ę ę ǻ ŘŖŖŜǼǯ

 ¢ ǰ Ȃ ǰ Ȃ ¢ǯ ę ǻ ⾝⽰സǼǰ Ȭ ǰ ę ǯ ¢ ¢ǰ ¢ Ȭ ¢ǯ ¢Ȃ ¢ Ȃ ęǰ ǯǯǰ ǻ ŘŖŗŜǰ ǯ ŘśŚǼǯ Ȃ ¢ ¢ǯ ¢ Dz ¢ ¢ ¢ ě ǯ

 ǰ ¡ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¡ ǯ ¢ Ȃ Ȃ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ Ȃ ǯ ¡ Ȃ Ĝ¢ ě ǯ ¢ ǰ ę Ȭ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗŗǼǯ ǯ ǰ ¢ Ȭ ę Ȭ ¢ ¢ǰ ǯ

 ǰ ȃȄ ǰ ¢ Ȭ Ĵ ǯ Ȃ ȃȄ Ȭ ¢ǯ ¢ǰ ¢ǰ ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ǯ ǰ ǰ Ȭ ǰ ¡DZ ǰ ǯ ¡ ¢ ǯ ¢ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ Ĵ ǰ ¢ǯ ¢ǰ ¡Ȭ ¢ ǯ ¢ǰ ¢ ¢ǯ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǯ ¡ ¢ǯ ¢ ¡ ¢ ¡ ¢ Ĝ ǯ

 ǰ ¢ǰ ȯ ¢ ȯ ¡ǰ Ȭ  ǻ ŘŖŗŗǼǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǯ ¢ ě Ȃ ǰ ¢Ȃ ǯ ¡ Ȃ Ȯ ¢ ¢ǯ ¢ ǯ ¡ǰ ę Ĵ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǰ Ȃ ěǯ Ĵ ǰ Ĵ 
щ ę ¢ ǯ ě ¡ ¢ Ȃ ǯ ȃ Ȭ Ȅ ǻǰ ǯ śŝşǼǰ Ȃ ǯ ǰ ĴȬ ǻ *¡* ᗧഎੁǼǰ ǯ

 Ě £ ¢ǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ 
 Ȭ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ £ǰ ǯ ¡ ¢ ȃ ȬęȄ ǻ ŘŖŗŘǰ ǯ ŗŘŚǼǯ Dz ǻŘŖŗŗǼ ǰ ¢ Ĝ¢ ¢ ¡ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ǯ ¢ Ȭ ¢ǯ ǰ ǰ ¢ ¡ ¢ ǰ Ȭ Ĵ ǯ Ĝ¢Ȭ ¢ ę Ȃ ǯ ǰ ǯ ¢ Ȭ ¡¢ ǰ ¢ǯ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ǰ Ĵ ǰ Ȅ ǯ ¢ ǯ ¢ǰ ǯȃ ¢ ¡ Ȧ ¢ Ȧ ¢ǯ

#### **Śǯ**

 ȃ Ȅ ǰ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŘŗǼǯ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǯ ǰ  *Ĵ ę ě*  ǻŘŖŘŖǼǰ ę ŘŖŖ ǰ ŗŖŖŖ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŖŗǰ ǯ ŚśǼǰ Ȭ Ȃ ¢ǯ ę £ ¢ ¢ ǯ Ȭ  ǰ

 ǻ ŘŖŖŞǼǯ ǰ Ĝ ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǯ Ȃ ¢ǯ

 ǻŘŖŖŞǼ Ȭ ǻŘŖŘŗǼ Ȭ ¢ǯ ǰ ¢ǰ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŖŖǼǯ ¢ ¢ ǻ 䱸ခǼ ǯ ¢ ǯ ¢ǰ ¢ ¢¢ ¢ ¢ ęǰ ¢ ę Ĵ ǯ ¢ ŗşŜśǰ Ȭ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ě ǯ ŘŖŖŗǰ ¢ ¢ ǰ ǰ ŘŖŗŞǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǯ

 ǰ ¢ £ ǯ ŘŖŗŝǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ ę ǯ ŘŖŗşǰ ¡ ¢ ǯ ¢ǰ ¢ ǰ é ǯ Ȃ ¢ £ ǯ ¢ǯ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¢ Ĵ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ Ĝ ǯ ǰ ¢Ȭ¢Ȭ ǰ ¢ DZ ǰ ǯ ¡ǯ Ȭ ȃ ę¢Ȅ ǻǼ Ě ¢ ǻ ŘŖŖŜǰ ǯ ŘŗǼǯ

 ¢ Ȃ ¢ ¢ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢Ȃ ¢Ȃ ¢ǯ ǰ ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¡ ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢ Ĵ ŗşŚřǯ ǰ Ȭ ǯ ǰ ¢ Ĝ ǻǰ ǯ ŜŚǼǯ ¡ ¢ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢Ȯ ¡ ¢ ¢ ǰ ǰ ¢ ě ǯ ¢Ȃ Ĝ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¡ ę ¢ ǻ ŗşŞŞǰ ǯ ŗŚŞǼǯ ǰ ¢ Ȃ Ȃ ǯ ¢Ȃ ǯ

 Ȃ ǰ ǰ ǰ ě¢ǯ ¡ǰ  *Ȃ* ǽŘŖŘŘ ǯ śŗǾǯ ŗǰ Ȃ ę ǰ ¡ ǻ᮷ᓉǼ ǯ Ȃ Ȭ Ȧ ę Ĝ¢ ęǯ ǰ ¢ Ȃ ě ǯ ¢ ¢ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ ŗşŖŖǯ ĵ ǻŘŖŗŚǼ ¢ Ȭ ŗşŘŝǯ ę Ȭ £ ǰ ǯ ¢¢Ȃ ȃ ę Ȭ ǰ ǻ ŗşşŖǰ ǯ ŞŜǼȄǯ Ŝǰ ¢ ǯ Ȭ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗŞǼǰ ¡Ȭ ¢ǯ ŗŜǰ £ ě ǰ Ȃ ǯ

 ǰ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǻ¢ ŘŖŗşǰ ǯ ŞȮşǼǯ ǰ £ǰ ¡ ę Ȃ ę ǰ ǯ ȃ Ȅ ǻ ŗşşŖǰ ǯ ŘŞǼ ¢ ǰ Ȃ £ǯ ǻŘŖŗŘǼ ¢Ȭ ȃ ¢ ¢ Ȅ ȃ ǻ Ǽ ǻǼȄ ǻǰ ǯ ŗŘŗǼǯ

 ¢ £ ¢ ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ ę Ĝ ǻ ŗşŝŝǰ ǯ śŞŗǼǯ ǰ ě ¢ £ǯ ǰ ¡ǯ ¢ ¢ ǰ ȃ¡Ȅ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗśǼǯ ǻŘŖŗŞǼ ǰ ¢ ¢ £ ¢ ǯ £ǰ ¢ ¢ £ ¢ǯ ǰ ǯ

 ǻŘŖŗŞǼ £ ¢ ¢ ¡ǰ ¢ ǯ ě ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗŞǰ ǯ ŚşǼǯ Ȭ ǰ ę Ȃ ǯ ¢

 ¢ ¡ Ȃ Ĝ¢Ȭ ¢ǯ Ȭ ǰ ¢ ě ǯ ǰ ¢¢ǰ ŗŞŘŞǰ ¢ ŗşŜŜ ǯ ¢ǰ ¡ǯ ¢ Ȭ £ ¢ ŘŖŗřǯ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǰ Ȭ ǻ ŘŖŗŗǼǯ ¢ǰ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ ę ǰ ǰ ¡ ¢ ǯ Ȭ řş ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǯ

 ȃ Ȅǰ ¢ Ȭ ǯ ¢ ¡ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǰ ¢ Ȃ ¢ǯ ¢ ŗŞŘŞ ǰ ě ęǯ ¢ ¢ ¡ǰ ȃ ¢ ǰ ǰ ǻ ŗşŞŞǰ ǯ ŝŞŖǼȄǯ ¢ Ĵ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ǰ ǻŘŖŗŗǼ ǰ ȃ ¢Ȅ ǻ ŘŖŗŗǰ ǯ śśŘǼ Ȭ Ȃ ǯ

 ¢ £ ¢ Ȭ ǰ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗŞǼǯ Ĝ ę ¢ £ ¢ Ȭ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŖŗǼǯ ¢ǰ ǻŘŖŗŞǼ ¡ ¢ǰ ¢ ę ǰ ¢ǯ ě ¢ ǰ ȃ ¢ǰ ǰ ¢ ě ¢ Ȭ ǰ ǰ Ĵǰ ę ¡Ȅ ǻ ŗşŜŗǰ ǯ ŘşśǼǯ Ȯ¢ Ȭ DZ ¡ ¢ǰ ¢Ȃ Ĝ¢ ęǰ ǯ

ǰ Ȃ ¢ ǯ ¢ ě ǰ ¢ ȃ ǰ ǰ ěȯ ȯ Ȅ ǻ ŗşşśǰ ǯ řŞŜȮŞŝǼǯ ¢£ Ȃ Ȃ ǯ ¢ǰ ¡Ȭ ǰ ¢ Ĵ ǰ ǰ ¢ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¢Ȭ ǰ ¡ ě ¢Ȭ ǯ ¡¢

 ¢ǰ Ĵ ¢ £ ǻ ŗşşşǼǯ

 ǰ £ǰ ¢ DZ ¢ Ȭ ǰ ǵ ¢ ¡ ¢ ¢ Ȭ ¢ Ȭ £ ǯ Ě Ȃ £ ǯ ǻŗşŚśǼ ŗşŚŜǰ Ȭ ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢Ȃ ǰ Ȃ £ ǰ ¢ ǯ Ĝ¢ ę ¢ǯ

 ǰ ǰ ě Ȃ ǯ £ ǯ ǰ ¢ǰ ǰ £ ¢ ě ǯ £ǰ ¢ ¢ ǰ ǰ ǯ ¢ ǰ £ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŖŖǰ ǯ ŗŖŚǼǯ Ȭ ǻҙㄕǼ Ĵ ǻ ᢦҙǼ Ȃ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǰ ¢ ǯ ǰ ǰ Ȯ¢ £ǯ

#### **śǯ Ȯ¢ ¡**

 ¢ ȃ ¢ ¢ Ȭ ¢Ȅ ǻ ŘŖŖŜǰ ǯ ŝŜǼǰ Ĝ¢ǯ Ĝ¢ ǻ ⚥Ǽ ę Ȃ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŖŗDz ŘŖŖŜDz ĵ ŘŖŗŚǼǯ ǰ Ȭ ǰ Ĝǰ ¢ ęǯ ¡ Ȃ ǰ ę DZ ȃ ǻ ǼȄ ǻ ŘŖŖŜǰ ǯ ŜŜǼǯ ę ¢Ȃ ¢ǯ ¢ ĜȬ Ȧ Ĝ¢ǰ ȯ ȯ ¢Ȃ Ĝ¢ǰ ¡ ¢ Ȧ Ĝ¢ǯ Ȯ¢ ¡ ¢ £ ¡ǰ ǯ

 ǰ ǰ ¢ ěȬ ¢ ǯ Ȃ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǰ ę ǰ ¢ ę ¢ ǯ ¢ Ȭ Ȃ ǯ ¢ ę ¢ ǻ ŗşŞŞǰ ǯ ŞşȮşŖǼ ǰ ǰ ȃ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¡ Ȅ ǻ ŗşŜŗǰ ǯ ŘşǼǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǰ ¢ ǰ ȃ ¢Ȅ ǻ ŘŖŖŗǰ ǯ ŘŚǼǯ ǰ Ȭ £ǰ ę ¢

 Ȃ ¢ǯ ¢ǰ ę ¢ ǯ ŗşŜŘȬ Ȭǰ ǯ Ĵ Ĵ ¢ ¢ǰ ¡ ǰ ¢ ¢ Ȃ ě ¢ǯ

ǰ ¢ ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢ Ȃ ǯ ¡ǰ ǰ Ȃ ¢ ǯ ¡ ¢ ǰ Dz ǰ ǻ¢Ǽ ǰ ¢ ǯ ȃ ¢ ¢ Ȅǰ ¢ǯ £ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ ę Ȃ ¢DZ ¢ ǯ

 Ȃ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¢ ¡ ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢ Ȭ £ǯ ¢ ǰ ¢ Ȃ ¢DZ ¢ ěǯ ¢ £ ę £ǰ ȃ ¢ Ĝ ¢Ȅ ǻ ŗşŞŞǰ ǯ ŜǼǯ ǰ ¢ ę Ĝ¢ ǯ ¢ ǰ ¢ǯ ¢ǯ

 ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ ěǯ ¢ ě ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ǰ ę ¢ǯ ǰ ¢ǰ ǯ ¡ ǰ ¡ ǰ ȄȄ ę ǯ ¡ ǯ Ȭ¢ ¡ Ĝ ǯ ¡ ¢ Ȭ ǰ ¢ ¢ ¡ ę ǯ ǰ Ě¡ǰ Ȃ ǯ

 Ĝ¢Ȭ ¢ Ȃ ¢ ǯ ǰ ȃ¢ Ĝ¢Ȅ ǻ*¡ £*  ᗳ䈊ࡉ⚥Ǽ ¢ Ȃ ǰ ȃ¢Ȅǯ ǰ ¢ Ȃ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¡ ǯ ¢ £ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǰ

 ǯ Ȃ ǰ ¡ ¢ǰ ¡ ǯ ¢¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ Ȭ ¡ DZ Ĝ ǯ

 ¢ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ǯ ¢ Ȃ ¢ǯ Ȭ Ě ¢ ǻ ŗşşŘǼǯ ¢ǰ ¢ ǰ ę ¢ ¢ǰ Ȭ ¢ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ 
 ¢ ǰ ¢ǯ ǯ ȃ ¢ ¢ǰȄ Ȭ ǰ ȃ Ȅǯ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¢ǰ Ȭ ǯ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ Ȃ ǯ ¢ ¢ ȃ ǰ ȁ Ȃ Ȅ ǻ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ ŚŗŞǼǯ ǰ ǰ ¢ǰ ¢ ǯ ę Ȃ ¢DZ Ȧ ǯ ǰ Ȭ DZ ȦĜ ǰ ęȦ ę Ȧ ǻ ŘŖŖśǼǯ

 ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ǯ ¢Ȃ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¡ ¢ ǰ ȃ ǯ ¢ ěȄǯ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ǯ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗşǰ ǯ ŗşǼǯ ǯ £ ǯ ǰ ǯ

 Ȃ Dz ¡ǰ ¢ £ ¢Ȭ ǻ ŗşŞŞǼǯ ǰ ǰ ǯ ǯ ¢Ȭ £ ě Dz ǰ ¡ ǰ ¢ Ȭ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗŘǰ ǯ ŗŘśǼǯ ¢ Ȭ ǯ ǰ DZ ǯ ¡ ¢ ǻǼ ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ Ȭ £ Ȃ ǯ ¢ ǰ Ȃ Ȭ ¢ ¢ǯ

 ¢ ¢ ǰ ǰ ȯ ǰ ǻⵏ↖Ǽǰ £ ȯ ǻ ŗşşŖǰ ǯ řŗǼǯ ǰ ¢DZ ǰ ęǯ ǰ ě Ĝ¢ ǵ

 Ȃ ¢ ę ¢ Ȃ ǰ Ȭ Ȯ ǯ £ǯ Dz Ȭ ¢ ǯ Ȭ ǰ ¢ ǯ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǰ Ȃ ȃȄ Ȭ ǯ

 ǻŗşşřǼ ¢ ǻ ŗşşřǰ ǯ ŗŜŜǼǯ ¢ǯ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ Ȭ£ Ĝ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗŞǰ ǯ śřŘǼǰ ǯ ¢ǰ Ȃ ǯ

#### **Ŝǯ**

¢ Ȃ ǰ £ Ȃ ¡ £ǯ £ ę Dz ǰ ǯ ǰ £ ¢ ¢ǯ ¢ ¢ Ȃ ǯ ¢ ǰ ǯ ¢ ¡ ȃ Ȅ ¡£ Ĝ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗŗǼǰ ę ǯ ęǰ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǰ ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¡ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ Ĵ ě ę ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¡ǰ ¢ ęǰ ǯ

¢ ǰ Ȭ ǯ ǰ ę ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ǯ ¢ Ȧ ěǰ ǻŘŖŖŗǰ ŘŖŗŖǼ ǰ ¢ǯ ǰ ě ǯ ¢ ǰ ǻ㘱⇽Ǽǰ ¢ ǰ ǰ ǰ ǯ Ȭ  Ě ěDZ ¢ ǻྸ⾆Ǽǰ ǰ £ǯ ǰ ¢ Ȭ ǰ ¡¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ ę ǯ ǰ Ě Ȯ Ȃ ¢ǯ Ȭ £ ¢ ¢ǰ ¢ǯ Ȃ ¢ ¢ǯ

**DZ** ¡ ǯ

 **DZ** ǯ

 **DZ** ¢ǯ

 **¢ DZ** ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ ę ¢ǯ

 **DZ** ¢ ǯ

**Ě DZ** Ě ǯ

#### 


#### 


ǰ ǯ ŘŖŗŜǯ £ǰ £ DZ ¡ £ǰ ǯ  *ǭ ¢* ŗŞDZ śřŖȮśŘǯ

 ǯ DZ ǯ
ǯ ŘŖŗŝǯ ǯ ǯǵ ¢ ¢ǰ Ȭ ¢ 
ǯ  *DZ ¢*  řŜDZ ŗȮŗşǯ ǽǾ
ǯ ŗşŜŗǯ  *¢DZ ¢ ¢* ǯ ¢DZ ¢ ǯ

ǰ ¢ǯ ŘŖŖŖǯ Ĵ DZ ¢¢ǰ ǰ ¡ǯ  *¢* ŚŗDZ ŚŝŝȮśŖşǯ ǽǾ

ǰ ¢ǯ ŘŖŗŚǯ  *DZ* ǯ £DZ ¢ ǯ

ǰ ¢ǯ ŘŖŗŜǯ Ȭǰ ¢ ¢ǰ ¢ DZ ¢ ǯ  *DZ  ¢*  ŗřDZ ŘŚŖȮŞŝǯ ǰ ¢ǰ  ǯ ŘŖŗŝǯ ¢Ȭ¢ ¢ ǯ  řśDZ řŜȮśŘǯ

ǰ ǯ ŘŖŗŚǯ ¢ ¢ ǯ  řDZ ŗŖŗȮŝǯ ǰ ǯ ŘŖŗŞǯ £ ǯ  ŗDZ ŜŗȮŝŘǯ

ǰ ǰ ǯ ŘŖŗŚǯ ¢ ǯ  ŗDZ ŗŚŚȮśŗǯ

**ȦȂ DZ** ǰ ¢ Ȭ ǻǼ ǻǼ Ȧ ǻǼǯ Ȧ ǻǼ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǰ ǰ ǯ

## **DZ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¡**

 ǰ ǰ ¢ǰ ŘŖŖŖşŘǰ Dz £ŗŘřȓǯǯ

**DZ** ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ Ȭ ¢ ǰ ǰ ǰ ǰ ¢Ȃ ǯ ¢ ¢ £ ¢£ ই⎵≤ǰ ¡ ኡ㾯 ǯ ¢ Ȭ ě¢ ǰ ¢ ¡ ǯ

**¢ DZ** Dz ¡Dz ¢Dz ¢

### **ŗǯ**

 ই⎵≤ǰ ¡ ⊱㑓ǰ ¡ ኡ㾯 ǰ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŗǼǯ Ȭ £ ǰ ¢ ǯ<sup>ŗ</sup> ¢¢ǰ ¢ Ȭ¢ǰ Ȭ ǻ ŘǼǯŘ ¢ ę ǰ ǰ ǯ ¢ ¢ǰ ¡Ȭ £ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ

 ǰ ǰ ǰ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¡ ǰ ǯ ¢ ¢ ę ¢ Ȭ ǯ ǰ ǰ ǰ ǯ

¢ǰ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¡ Ȭ ¢£ ¢ ǯř Ȭ ¡ ǰŚ ǰ<sup>ś</sup> Ȭ ǯ<sup>Ŝ</sup> ǰ ř ¢ǰ ¢ ¢ ¡ ¢ǯ<sup>ŝ</sup> ǰ ¢ ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢

**DZ** ǰ ǯ ŘŖŘřǯ DZ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¡ǯ ŗŚDZ ŜŘśǯ ĴDZȦȦǯȦŗŖǯřřşŖȦ ŗŚŖśŖŜŘś

 DZ ǯ 

DZ Ş ¢ ŘŖŘř DZ ŗś ŘŖŘř DZ Řř ŘŖŘř DZ Ŝ ¢ ŘŖŘř

**¢DZ** Ț ŘŖŘř ¢ ǯ ǰ ǰ ĵǯ Ĵ ǻ Ǽ ǻĴDZȦȦ ǯȦȦ¢Ȧ ŚǯŖȦǼǯ

 ǯ ǰ ę ě ¡ ¢ǰ ǰ ǰ ¡ǯ

 **ŗǯ** ¢ ¡ ǰ ¡ ǯ DZ ǰ ǯ Řǰ Śǯ

 **Řǯ** ᴩཙᓖ ǯ £ǰ ¡ ǯ ŚŜŜ ǰ ¢¢ǯ ǯ ǯ Řŗŗǯŝ ǻ Ĵ Ǽǯ ¢DZ ǰ ǻ*Ĵ* ¢ǰ ¡Ǽǯ ¢ Ȭ¢ ǯ

 ǰ ¢ ¡ ǯ ę ǯ ǯ ¢ ¡ ¢ǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǰ ǰ ǰ ¢ ǯ

 ¡ £ ¢ Ȭ ŚŖŖ

 ŘȮŚ ¡ ¢ ¢ ¡ ǯ ¢ Ĵ Ȭ £ ¢ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ ę ǯ ¢ Ȭ ¢Ȭ ę ǰ ¢ǯ ¢ ¡ǰ ǰ ě ǰ Ȭ ǯ<sup>Ş</sup> Ȭęǵ £ ę ǵ ¢ ¡Ȭ¢ ¢ǵ ǰ Ȭ ǰ ǰ ¢ǰ ¢ ǯ

#### **Řǯ**

 ŞŖŖ ǰ ǰ ę ǰ ŚŖŖ £ ǰ ŗşśŝ ¢ ¡ ǻǯ ŗşśşDz ǯ ŗşŝşDz ¡ 
 ŗşşŚDz *£ £* ŘŖŖřDz ŘŖŖŚDz ŘŖŖśDz ǯ ŘŖŖśDz ŘŖŗŗDz ŘŖŗŘDz ŘŖŘŗDz ¡ 
 ¢ ¡ ŘŖŘŘǼ ǻ řǼǯ ŚŖŖ ¢ £ ǯ Ĵ ¢ ¢ǰ ¢ ¡ ¢ ǻ ŗǼǯş ¢ ¢ ¢¢ ǻşŜŖȮŗŘŝşǼ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǰ Ĵ ě ǰ ǰ ⭈㚵 ǯŗŖ

 **řǯ** ǯ ǯ DZ ǰ ǯ ŗǰ ŗȮřǯ

 ¢ ¢ǰ ¢ ę ¡ ǰ ¢ े兿 ǻřŞŜȮśřŚǼǰ ᶡ兿 ǻśřŚȮśŖǼǰ  㾯兿 ǻśřśȮśŝǼǰ े啺 ǻśśŖȮŝŝǼǰ ेઘ ǻśśŝȮŞŗǼǯ ¢ Ȭ ǰ Ȭ Ȃ ǯ ǯŗŗ ǯŗŘ

 ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ *¡* ഋ䶒ۿ ǻ Ȭ Ǽǰ *£¡Ȭ* 䙐ۿ ⸢ǻ Ǽ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¡ ǯ ¡Ȭ ¢ ǰ ę ǰ ę ǰ ¢ǰ ǯ ¡ ǵ ¢ ę Ȭ Ȃ ǰ ǰ ¡ǵ ¢ ě ǵ ǰ ¡ ¡ ǯ ¢ǯ

 ¢ ¢ ǵ Ȭ ǰ ȃ£ ¢Ȅ ǰ ȃ ¢Ȅ ǰ ǻ ŘŖŗřDz ŘŖŘŖǰ ǯ ŘǼǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ǰ ¢ £ ǰ ř ǰ ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢£ £ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǯ

 ¢ ŚŖŖ ¢ǯ ¢ ǯ ǰ Ȭ ǰ ǰ ę ǯ ¢ ¡ ¢ ¡ ¢ǰ ¡ ¢ ǰ ę ǰ ¢ ę ǯ

#### **řǯ**

 ŗśŚŚ řŞŜ ǰ ¢ ¡ ǯ Ȭ ¡ ę ǻ ȃȄǰ ¢ Ȭ ęǼ ¢ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǰ ¡ ǯŗř ¡ ę ǯ ¢ £ Ȭ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢

 ¢ǰ ¡ Ȭ Ĵ ǰ ǰ ǻ ŘŖŗŞǰ ŘŖŘŖǼǯ

 ¢ ǰ ǰ ¢£ Ȭ ¢ ¢ Ȭ ¢ǯ ¢£ ǰ ǰ £ ǯ ¢¢ Ĵ Ĝ ǯ

 ǰ ¢ Ě ǰ ę¢ǰ ę ¢ ¢ ęȬ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǻ Ǽǰ Ȭ ę £ǰ ǯ ¢ǰ ę ¡ ǰ ¢ ę ě ǯ ¢ Ȭ¡ ¢ ǯ ¢ǰ Ȭ ǰ ¢ ¢ǰ Ě ǰ ě Ȭ ǰ ǰ ǰ ¢ ȃȄ ȃȄ ǯ

 ǰ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ǻ ǯ ŘŖŖşDz ¢ ǯ ŘŖŗŚǼǯ ¡ ¡ ǯ ǰ Ȭ ŚŗŖ ŞŚŗ ǯ řŞŜ ŘŚ ě ǻ ǰ Ĵǰ ǯǼ ǻ ŚǼǯŗŚ ¢ ǻ śǼǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ǰ ¡ ǰ ǰ £ ǰ ¢ ǯŗś

 ¢ ǰ  *Ř* ǯ  *Ř* ¢ ǰ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŜǼǯ Ȭ ¢ ǯ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ę ¢ ǯ

 Ȭ ǰ ǯ Ȭ ȃ¢Ȭ Ȅ ¢ ǯ Ȭ ǯ ǯ ǰ £ ¢ ¢ ě ǻ Ǽǯ £ ě ě £ ¢ǯ

 ǻǼ ě¢ ¢ Ȭ ǯ Ȭ ¡ ŚǯŖǰ ǯ £ ¢ ¢ǯ


 **Śǯ** ǰ Ĵ ǯ ŘŚ Ȭ ę ę¡ Ȭǯ ŖŖŗ řŞŜǰ ǯ


 **śǯ** ǰ Ĵ ǯ

 **Ŝǯ** ¢  *Ř* ǯ DZ ǻ DZ Ȭ Dz ¢ DZ Ȭ Dz DZ Ȭ Ǽǯ DZ ǻ ¢Ǽǯ £ ¢ ǯ

 ¢ ¢ǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ǯ ǰ ě ǻ DZ Ȭ Dz ¢ DZ Ȭ Dz DZ Ȭ Ǽǯ Ȭ ǯ ǯ ǰ Ĝ ¢ £ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ Dz ¢ǯ ¢ ¢ Ȭ ǻřŞŜȮśŘśǼǰ ǻśřŚȮśśŖǼǰ ǻśśŖȮśŝŝǼǰ ¢ ¡ǯ Ĵ ¢ ǯ

 £ ¢ǯ ¢ ę Ĵ ǯ

#### **Śǯ**

 £ ě ǯ £ Ĵ  ǰ ǯ

#### *Śǯŗǯ ¢ Ĵ*

 £ ¢ ǻ ŜǼǯ ě ¢ǯ ¢ Ȭ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ ǰ ¢ ǯ Ȭ¢ ¢ ǯ Ě ǰ ¢ Ȭ ǯ

 ǰ ǰ ȯ ȯ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǯ

 Ĵ ¡ǰ ¢ ǯ ǰ ǰ ȯ ȯ ¢ ǯ ǻ Ǽ ǻDž Ǽǯ

¢ǰ ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŝǼǯ Ŝ ¢ ǯ Ȭ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǯ Ȭ¢ Ĵ ǰ ę ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǯ ě ¢ ¢ ę ǯ

 Ĵ ¢ ę ǻ ŞǼǯ ǰ ę ǰ ŗŘ ǯ ¡ ǯ ǰ ¢ǰ ¢ǰ Ĵ ǻ şǼǯ ¢ ¢ ěǯ ě Ě ¢ ¢ ¢ ǯ

 **ŝǯ** ǯ

 **Şǯ** Dz ŖşŖ ¡ǯ

 **şǯ** şŖǰ ǯ ǯ řśȮřŞ Dz ǯ řŞ ǯ ǯ DZ *Ȭ* ǰ ǯ Řǰ ŗŖŜǯ

 ěǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ Ĵ Ȭ ǯ Ȭ ǯ ¢ Ȭ ⎞െ *¡* ۿ Ȭ *¡* ¡ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŘŗǼǯ Ȭ *¡* ę Ȭ ǰ *¡*ǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ *¡ ¡* ǯ

#### *ŚǯŘǯ ¢*

 ¢ Ě ¢ Ȭ ǯ Ĵ ¢ Ȭ ǻ ŜǼǯ ¢ǰ ¢ Ȭǯ ¢ǰ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ Ĵ Ĵǰ ¢ Ȭ ǯ ¢ Ĵ ǯ ǰ Ȭ ǻ Ǽ ¢ ǯ ¡ ǰ ǰ ¢ ǯ ǰ

ǻ ŗŖǼǯ ¢ǰ ǯ

 **ŗŖǯ** Řŝśǰ ǯ ǯ ŘŘȮřř Dz ǯ ŚŖȮŚŗǯś ǯ ǯ DZ ǰ ǯ Řǰ řŝŗǯ

 ¢ ¢ ǰ £ ¢ ǯ ¢ Ȭ ǯ ¢ ǵ ę ǵ Ȭ ǵ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ £¢ǵ ¡ ¢ ǯ

 ǰ ǰ ŘśŜǰ ¢ śŘŝ ǰ ᆍ᰼ ǰ ǻ ŗŗǼǯ ǰ ŘśŜ Ĵ ǻ ŗǼǰ Ĵ ǻ ŘǼǰ ǻ řǼǰ ¢ ǻ ŚǼǯ ¢ Ř ŘśŜ- ¡ ǰ £ řǯ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǻ ŘŖŘŗDz ¡ 
 ¢ ¡ ŘŖŘŘǼǯ ǰ ŜŞǰ ę ŘśŜǯ ǰ ¢ ŜŞ śśŖ śŜŖ ǯ ǰ ǰ ŜŞǰ ŘśŜǯ

 **ŗŗǯ** ŘśŜǰ ǰ śŘŝ ǯ ǯ ŘşȮŚŖ Dz ǯ ŜŚȮŜŜ ǯ ǯ DZ ǰ ǯ Řǰ řśŖǯ

¢ǰ Ĵ ¢ ¢ ¡ ¡ ¢ǯ ¡ ¢ ŘśŜ ŜŞǵ Ĵ ǰ ǰ śŚŖ ¢¢ǯŗŜ ¢ Ĵǰ ¡ ĴȂ ǰ Ĵ ǻ ŗŘǼǯ

 Ĵ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǯ ¢ǰ ǻ ŚŖǰ şşǰ ŗŖśǼ ǰ ǻ ŗşř řŚŞǼ ¢ Ȭ ¢ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¡ ǯŗŝ ǰ ǻ Ǽ Ĵǰ ǰ ǰ ǯ ǰ ǰ Ĵǰ ǰ ǯ

 **ŗŘǯ** Ĵ ǯ ǯ

 ¢ Ĵ ǰ Ĵ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¡ ŜŞ ŘśŜǰ ǯ ¢ ¡ ¢ ǯ

ǰ ¡ ¢ Ĵ ǰ Ě ǯ Ĵ ¢ ¢ ¡ǵ ¡ Ĵ ǰ ę ǯ ě ǯ ǰ Ĵ Ĵ ǯ

 ¡ ę ¢ ¢ǯ Ȭ¢ ¡¢ ǰ ¡ ě ǯ ǰ ¢ Ȭ ¡ ǰ ǯ ¢ Ĵ Ě ¡ ǰ Ȭ ¢ Ě śřŖǵ Ĵ Ě ¡ ¢ǰ ¡ ¡ ¢ǵ ¢ ¢ǰ ¢ ¡ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǯ Ȭ ¢ǰ ¡ ¢ ¢ ¢ Ȭ ǻǯ ŗşśşDz ǯ ŗşŝşDz ¡ 
 ŗşşŚǰ ǯ řŗřȮŗŞDz ǯ ŘŖŖśǰ ǯ śŗȮŜŞǼǯ

#### *Śǯřǯ DZ*

 ǰ Ĵǰ ¡ ě ǰ ǰ ï ¢ǰ ¢ Ĵǰ Ĵ Ĵ ǻ ŞǼǯ ǰ ï ¢ Ĵ ¢ ę ǰ ¢ǯ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ ę ǯ ǰ Ĵ ¢ Ě ę Ȭ ¢ ǯ

 ¡ ¢ Ĵ ǯ şŖ şǰ Ĵ ǰ ę ǰ ǯ Ĵ ¢ Ȭ Ĵ ǻǯ ᙍ㔤 Ǽ ¢ ¢ ॺ䏿 ǻȃȄ ȃȄ ǼǯŗŞ ¢ ¢ Ĵ ¢ǰ Ĵ ě ǯ ¢ ǰ Ȭ ¬ ę ǰ g¬¢ ǰ Ĵ ¢ǯŗş

 ¢ Ĵ ę ǰ ¬ ¬ ǰŘŖ Ȭ¢ 
£ ǯŘŗ ǰ ę ¬ ę ǯ ¡ Ĵ Ě ę £  ¢ ¢ǯ ¢ ȬęȬ¢ ¡ Ĵ ǰ ¢ǯŘŘ

 ǰ ¢ ę ¢ ǰ ę ¢ǰ Ȃ ¢ǯŘř Ĵ ¢ǰ ǰ ǰ ǰ ǯ Ĵ Ȭ Ĵǰ Ĵ Ĵ ǯ ¡ ¢ǰ ¢ Ĵ ǯ Ĵ ǰ ¢ ǰ ę¢ ǯ ǰ Ĵ ¢ ę ¢ Ȭ ǯ ᒣǰ ǰ ǰ ¢ 䛪 ǰ Ĵ ǯ

¢ ¢ Ĵ ¢ ęȬ ¡Ȭ¢ ǰ ę ¢ ¬ ę Ȭ ǯ ęȂ ǰ ï ¢ǰ ¢ ǰ ǯ Ȭ ¢ ¢ǯ ¢ ǰ

 ę ǯ Ȭ ¢ Ȭ ǰ ǻǰ ǰ Ǽ ¡ ¢ ¡Ȭ¢ ¡ǯ

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## ①㶛冐⬱⽿ *Article* **The Making of a Sacred Landscape: Visualizing Hangzhou Buddhist Culture via Geoparsing a Local Gazetteer the** *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* 咸淳臨安志

**Jeffrey Liu \* and Ziling Wan \***

Department of East Asian Studies, The University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ 85719, USA **\*** Correspondence: liuwei0159@arizona.edu (J.L.); ineswan@arizona.edu (Z.W.)

**Abstract:** This project uses local sources to visualize and analyze the spatial distribution of Buddhist sites in Hangzhou 杭州, China, in the Southern Song dynasty (1127–1279). It aims to highlight regional religious features in Hangzhou as a locality—the interactions between Buddhism and sociocultural factors—from the visualization and analyses. With the advent of the spatial turn in the field of humanities, numerous endeavors have been undertaken to collect data from religious sites in East Asia. However, the collections are aimed at a nationwide-level scale rather than targeted at regional aspects. Studying religion by using the data of large-scale areas often prevents us from observing regional characteristics such as how religion interacted with local factors. Hence, this project draws spatial data from a Hangzhou local gazetteer titled the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* 咸淳臨安志 (*Records about Lin'an from the Xianchun Reign*, a 100-fascicle local chronicle that depicted the Lin'an Prefecture in the Southern Song dynasty) to create a visualization for all Buddhist establishments in Hangzhou. We observe how a religious landscape within a locality is portrayed when it was renowned as a political, cultural, and economic center at a given time. Starting as a project led by him in 2020, Jiang Wu's team converted all Buddhist temple locations recorded in the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* into geographical coordinates. Based on the dataset, we analyze the distribution of Buddhist temples with the application of GIS via three methods: average nearest neighbor, quadrat analysis, and kernel density to highlight localism and regionalism in Chinese religious studies. Our results of GIS distant reading indicate a highly clustered congregation of Buddhist temples in Hangzhou. Corroborating the results of distant reading with factual information (recorded in historical materials) from close reading, we discover that the spatial pattern of Buddhist temples is correlated with socio-political factors including *fengshui*, state power, politics, and commercial exchanges. With the combination of distant reading and close reading, we can highlight the interactions between Buddhism and socio-political factors that are not easily spotted via traditional textual approaches or using data that is scaled nationwide.

**Keywords:** Buddhist temple; Hangzhou; GIS; visualization; religion; Spatial Humanities; Regional Religious System; local gazetteer

### **1. Introduction**

Hangzhou 杭州, located in southeast China (approximately 120 km southwest of Shanghai 上海), a cultural center of the Jiangnan 江南 region, was the former imperial capital (previously known as Lin'an Fu 臨安府, Lin'an Prefecture) in the Southern Song dynasty (1127–1279). It was also one of the most prominent pilgrimage destinations for the Buddhist and Daoist communities, and home to a robust popular religion. Hangzhou, as pointed out by Albert Welter, is the center for reimagining East Asian Buddhism—in that Indian Buddhism was translocated to Hangzhou and manifested in various ways. It was then recognized as a new homeland for Buddhism (Welter 2022). In the Song dynasty, when Hangzhou was one of China's largest international trading hubs, the trading

**Citation:** Liu, Jeffrey, and Ziling Wan. 2022. The Making of a Sacred Landscape: Visualizing Hangzhou Buddhist Culture via Geoparsing a Local Gazetteer the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* ૨␣㠘ᆹᘇ. *Religions* 13: 711. https://doi.org/10.3390/ rel13080711

Academic Editor: Z. George Hong

Received: 23 April 2022 Accepted: 25 July 2022 Published: 3 August 2022

**Publisher's Note:** MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

**Copyright:** © 2022 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

network successfully spread Buddhism. Buddhist establishments can reflect this highly esteemed status of Buddhism in Hangzhou—since those establishments delineate the cultural landscape within a locality. Moreover, Buddhist sites are highly dependent on sociocultural phenomena that are capable of telling us much about society.

With the advent of the spatial turn in the field of humanities, numerous endeavors have been undertaken to collect data from religious sites in East Asia. The projects include the Buddhist Geographical Information System Project (BGIS, The University of Arizona), Atlas of Religion in China (ECAI, Berkeley), China Historical Geographic Information System (CHGIS, Harvard University), Buddhist Temples in Taiwan (Academia Sinica, Taiwan), Chinese Civilization in Time and Space (Academia Sinica, Taiwan), Buddhist Studies Authority Database Project (Dharma Drum Buddhist College, Taiwan), and Spatial Religion Information Network (Purdue University). Data collected in these repositories provides us with great potential to conduct further analysis on the sociocultural aspects of religion.

Although the data collected in these projects offers much insight, the collections are aimed at a nationwide-level scale rather than targeted at regional aspects. Studying religion by using the data of large-scale areas often prevents us from observing regional characteristics, such as how religion interacted with local factors—including but not limited to imperial and local powers, commercial activities, urbanization, etc. These regional features can be best investigated in Hangzhou, for it is a political, economic, and religious epicenter in the Southern Song dynasty (it earned the appellation of *dongnan foguo* 東南 佛國, which means a southeastern Buddha land). Hangzhou, as stated by Jacques Gernet (1921–2018), was considered the richest and the most populated city in the world during this time period. (Gernet 1962). This project uses the spatial data of Buddhist temples, drawn by Wu's team from a Hangzhou local gazetteer titled the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* 咸淳 臨安志 (*Records about Lin'an from the Xianchun Reign*)—a 100-fascicle local chronicle that depicted the Lin'an Prefecture in the Southern Song dynasty, to create a visualization and conduct synchronic spatial analysis for all Buddhist establishments in the Southern Song. Our visualization and interpretation expect that we can observe how a religious landscape is portrayed when a given region was renowned as a political, cultural, and economic center at a given time—Hangzhou in the Southern Song in this case. Furthermore, by adapting GIS analysis to the temple distributions and corroborating the results with factual information (recorded in historical materials), including imperial power, urbanization, and commercial exchanges, we can highlight the interactions between Buddhism and sociopolitical factors that are not easily spotted via traditional textual approaches or using data that is scaled nationwide.

#### **2. A Regional Approach to Religion**

How should we proceed when investigating religion within a locality? Or perhaps a more important question, why should we focus on the aspect of religion at a regional rather than national level? As pointed out by Jiang Wu, the study of religious sites can be approached from the following three methodological perspectives: (1) a religious understanding of sacred space, (2) the geographical study of religion, and (3) a postmodern interpretation of social space (Wu 2022). The common ground between the methods is regionalism in the study of religion—all of them address the notion of space, a delimited space dependent on the data being chosen. For instance, the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* axiomatically limits its regional boundaries within the Southern Song dynasty Lin'an (present-day Hangzhou) region. These boundaries confine the scope of the study within a locality (and a specific time frame) without significant digression. This regional approach is promoted by the Huanan School 華南學派 led by David Faure and Zheng Zhenman 鄭振滿, who believe that we should not acknowledge a region as a portion of a larger-scaled area and discuss its dynamics. Instead, a region should be examined as a whole to achieve a comprehensive understanding.

Wu claimed that this regional approach fuels the method of microhistory in Chinese regional studies, as it has the potential to reconstruct our understanding of historical and religious developments within a locality (Wu and Wang 2021). Many scholars with their expertise in Chinese studies have advocated the approach of regionality from different perspectives. For William Rowe, a region means more than a zone with specific features within a larger state, but a locality system that should be studied on its own (Rowe 1993). In Naito Konan's 內藤湖南 (1866–1934) theory of the Tang–Song Transition 唐宋變革論, he pointed out that the advent of early modernity in China was fueled by social-intellectual changes that are better observed within a region (Fogel 2003). For social linguists such as Willem Grootaers and Ray Iwata, dividing the whole study area into smaller grids or units is best for defining regional characteristics. (Grootaers et al. 1995; Iwata 2010).

Studying religious sites within a region is beneficial for investigating the complex dynamics between religion and the local community (commercial exchanges, urbanization, or state power vs. local power) because religious sites are one of the elements that construct the sociocultural landscape in China. As suggested by the religious theorist and anthropologist E. E. Evans-Pritchard (1902–1973), "They [religious facts] must be seen as a relation of parts to one another within a coherent system, each part making sense only in relation to the others, and the system itself making sense only in relation to other institutional systems, as part of a wider set of relations...." (Pals 2009). Religious facts become meaningful only if they are accounted for in light of the totality of the culture and society in which they are found.

To exemplify religion in line with a regional coherent system, on the relation of religion with the administrative system, for instance, Albert Welter visualized the distribution of Buddhist stupas constructed by emperors of the Wuyue kingdom (907–978) within Hangzhou religion. He pointed out that this endeavor indicates the regime's ambition to establish power and religious legitimacy in a region, hence forming a spatial pattern that is unique to this particular area (Welter 2022). Moreover, on the relation between religion and the local socioeconomic system, Zhang Weiran mapped out the spatial structure of Guanyin pilgrimages in the Yangtze Delta. He discovered the spatial pattern of religious activities is related to economic nodes in local areas—pilgrimage activities brought about commercial exchanges such as trading in markets along the pilgrimage routes (Zhang 2022). It thus indicates that religious institutions in China depend much on the local economy. The information on pilgrimage routes and trading markets is drawn by Zhang from a variety of historical sources, not only including poems, prose, newspapers, records, and novels; but mostly from local temple and official gazetteers, which indicates how resourceful gazetteers are when studying religion from a regional perspective.

#### **3. Geoparsing Source of This Study, the** *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* **and Some References**

One of the most inclusive sources of regional historiography is the genre of gazetteers, especially local gazetteers. Gazetteers (including officially commissioned, local, and private ones) are cumulative records within a locality, usually published in a book format, and arranged by topics such as topography, institutions, religion, population, taxes, economic exchanges, biographies, and literature (Dennis 2015). The spectrum of gazetteer content is vast—it can be based on provinces, prefectures, counties, villages, temples, mountains, schools, and prominent figures. In terms of religion, gazetteers often dedicate sections that provide detailed descriptions focusing on religious venues, including temples, shrines, mountains, caves, etc., recorded in an entry-by-entry format similar to what a dictionary presents. The religious venues are usually named establishments, and gazetteers would tell us their names, date of establishment, location information, and some other peripheral information that the compiler felt necessary to record.

The primary source of the spatial data of Buddhist temples in this study is the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi*, a local gazetteer of the Lin'an prefecture 臨安府 (Hangzhou, Zhejiang), which was the capital of the Southern Song dynasty (1127–1279 AC). It is a government-published gazetteer, compiled and supervised by a *zhifu* 知府 (Lin'an prefect) Qian Shuoyou 潛說友 (1216–1277 AC). The *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* and the two older gazetteers of the Song-dynasty Lin'an—the *Qiandao linanzhi* 乾道臨安志 (Records about Lin'an from the Qiandao Reign, 1165–1173) and the *Chunyou linanzhi* 淳祐臨安志 (Records about Lin'an from the Chunyou Reign, 1241–1252)—are the earliest existing local gazetteers of Hangzhou. Among the three Lin'an gazetteers from the Song period, the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* is the best in quality and preservation (Lin 1990). Qian compiled a 100-fascicle-long *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* (95 fascicles extant), an updated and expanded version based on the older two Lin'an gazetteers. The first 15 fascicles recorded the capital city and the seat of the imperial government, and the remaining fascicles (fascicles 16–100) documented the surroundings of the capital city, with detailed information on topography, literary works, customs, local products, eminent persons, temples, and shrines. The *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* is a rich source for studying the history of Hangzhou, and it inspired later texts such as the *Menglianglu* 夢粱錄, where the author of the *Menglianglu* referenced more than half of the contents of the latter from the former (Zeng 2012). Fascicles 76–85 of the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi*, dedicated to the entries of Buddhist temples located within the Lin'an prefecture, are the primary sources for geoparsing.

The geoparsing project was led by Jiang Wu in 2020, his team<sup>1</sup> (including the two authors of this article) extracted the information of temple name, historical location, construction date, description, and geographical region into a spreadsheet. They converted all historical locations of Buddhist temples to modern coordinates by consulting more than 60 historical and contemporary sources. Historical sources include local gazetteers, miscellaneous notes, anthologies, and biographies. Contemporary sources include academic publications, maps, dictionaries, contemporary gazetteers, academic research databases, and governmental websites.

#### **4. GIS Results with Distant Reading**

However, while historical sources such as gazetteers give us a great deal of information about religious sites, they do not offer a comprehensive overview of all sites. With the application of GIS, we can examine more clearly how religion is portrayed in a locality within a sociocultural context by distant reading. GIS tools and analytical approaches are beneficial to visualize the geographical elements of religious establishments that cannot be seen through reading texts—they enable us with new mapping techniques to religious texts that were not possible, or too laborious to be practical (Protass 2016). One of the major advantages of GIS approaches in this regard is the freedom to manipulate datasets to generate very specific results catered just for the researcher. For instance, if we performed a spatial query in ArcGIS Pro, we could answer questions such as "which county/counties in Hangzhou have/has more Chan temples than Pure Land temples?" or "are the temples built within 500 m of the Grand Canal established earlier than the ones that are not?" More evidential work is needed to make conclusions to those hypothetical questions, but it gives us opportunities to explore beyond the texts.

Recently, scholars are taking advantage of GIS distant readings to generate new questions and results. For example, Peter Bol stated that while gazetteers did inform readers of a clear description of religious sites, they seldom include records that directly pertain to the personnel involved in religious activities. In Bol's study, he categorized religious sites by sorting them through construction dates and religious affiliations provided in gazetteers and utilized GIS analysis to map the distributions of the sites. He attempts to explore how those visualizations can bring about new kinds of analyses—including urbanization, state control of religion, lay patronage, and commercialization—that may not be apparent by reading the gazetteer entries about religious sites (Bol 2022).

Marcus Bingenheimer discovered a pattern of pilgrimage routes that are not easily observed from reading local sources. In his study, Bingenheimer georeferenced more than one thousand pilgrimage waypoints in a local record and visually conceptualized that the Chinese Buddhist pilgrimage is a network of routes. On the north side of the network is an enclosed quadrilateral that he coined as a "pilgrimage square"—a term not mentioned and not recognizable from reading the source. Such patterns are constructed via overlaying multiple routes in ArcGIS Pro, and the patterns were discussed by Bingenheimer from literary, historical, political, and commercial perspectives. (Bingenheimer 2022).

Observing the spatial patterns of Buddhist establishments, this article aims to investigate Buddhism as a phenomenon in the Southern Song dynasty and how it expanded its influence into many aspects of sociocultural settings. For this study, all our data are confined within the study area of what is now Hangzhou, with some additional layers including the administrative border of Hangzhou in the Southern Song dynasty that demarcates all counties in Hangzhou, and the city walls surrounding the city that encloses the Hangzhou Prefecture, both of which are in an enclosed polygon format.2

We collected 505 Buddhist temple entries (495 temples and 10 stupas/steles)<sup>3</sup> that were recorded in the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi*. We distinguish each temple entry in our source into six different segments—location of the temple, time and people involved in the construction, miscellaneous information pertaining to the temple, scenic depiction either of the temple or its surroundings, literature written for the temple, usually by famous literati, and amalgamation records of Buddhist temples. A paradigmatic entry can be deconstructed into the following:

Buddhist temple name (Temple X):


Segments (1) and (2) are the main attributes—location and time—that we use for visualizing Buddhist temples since they are pure numeric data, the most straightforward for quantitative analysis. Figure 1 below is the visualization of all Buddhist temples recorded in the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* as follows:

**Figure 1.** Record of Buddhist temple distribution in the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* 咸淳臨安志 (*Records about Lin'an from the Xianchun Reign*).

The base map of choice in Figure 1 (and the remaining figures with base maps) is the Qing-dynasty Hangzhou prefecture map (*Hangzhoufushu quantu* 杭州府屬全圖) in the *Historical Atlas of Hangzhou* (*Hangzhou gujiu dituji* 杭州古舊地圖集), published by the Hangzhou Archives Bureau 杭州市檔案館 in 2006. It was georeferenced by the authors in ArcGIS Pro with a second order polynomial by adding 63 control points.

The following two trends can be observed from the map: (1) Buddhist temples in the study area are unevenly distributed, and (2) there is a noticeable cluster in the bottom right corner of the study area. However, the scale of the map is too large for us to define the degree of its spatial distribution—we do know that, from its appearance, the data seems to be clustered, but to what degree? More importantly, where are those temples clustered? Hence, we need to perform a series of quantitative analyses to identify the data on a smaller scale in a logical order as follows: (1) Average Nearest Neighbor (ANN) analysis that testifies to the tendency of data distribution, ruling out the possibility of a random distribution, (2) quadrat analysis for studying the spatial arrangements of the point locations, and (3) kernel density to find out where precisely the points are located.

#### *4.1. Average Nearest Neighbor (ANN)*

The ANN analysis can determine whether the data is dispersed, clustered, or distributed randomly by calculating the average distance between all data and their nearest data points to determine the degree of distribution. Its formula is shown as *ANN* = *Do De* while *Do* <sup>=</sup> <sup>∑</sup> =<sup>1</sup> *d* and *De* <sup>=</sup> <sup>√</sup>0.5 A . In the formulas above, *Do* is the observed average distance and *De* is the expected average distance for a hypothetical randomized distribution. *Di* is the distance in between the data point and its nearest points, is the number of all points within this dataset, and A is the study area that encloses all the temple points. The result of the ANN analysis generates a graph to indicate the distribution as in Figure 2 below as follows:

**Figure 2.** ANN analysis of Buddhist temple distribution recorded in the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* 咸淳臨安 志 (*Records about Lin'an from the Xianchun Reign*).

From the extremely low z-score and *p*-value, we can see that there is less than a 1% chance that the distribution is random. Hence, we can claim that Buddhist temples are very clustered in our study area. However, this result only tells us about the tendency of the clustered data points, but not how and where the points are clustered.

#### *4.2. Quadrat Analysis*

Given the results from ANN indicating clustered points, we can determine how the data points are arranged in the study area in a two-step process. First, we superimpose a fishnet constructed of rectangular cells (59 square kilometers per cell) onto the study area and calculate the number of points in every cell. This superimposed fishnet can also tell us how the points are arranged in the study area; see Figure 3 below:

**Figure 3.** Quadrat analysis (59 square kilometers per cell) of Buddhist temple distribution recorded in the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* 咸淳臨安志 (*Records about Lin'an from the Xianchun Reign*).

Building upon the results from ANN that the data points are clustered, we can see that the temples are clustered within the darkest cells from the image above. Second, we calculate the frequency of points in all cells. This frequency value, VMR (variance-mean ratio), represents the variability of data points in cells in terms of the observed frequency and the mean frequency. Then, we calculate the pattern of data distribution based on the numbers in each cell.

From Table 1, we can see that 338 Buddhist temples (72.1% of the total number) inhabit the top-three populated cells within the study area. They are heavily clustered in only three cells out of one hundred cells—within 3.33% of the landmass in our study area lies 72.1% of Buddhist temples. Coincidentally, 72% of the cells are empty without Buddhist temples. The results indicate a significantly uneven distribution but without a clear indicator of the exact locations.


**Table 1.** The variance of the Buddhist temple data point.

#### *4.3. Kernel Density*

We have narrowed the scale to three cells with the highest frequency of temples, but the clustered locations remain unclear. The result of kernel density for Buddhist temples is represented by kernels with a cell size of 0.0001 square kilometers and the search radius is left blank. It is to this analytical approach of kernel density that we can add a feature (as shown in Figure 4 below) for further clarification—city walls. The Lin'an city walls of the Southern Song were reconstructed based on the groundwork of the city walls built in the Wuyue kingdom period for military purposes. The Southern Song city walls were pulled inwards on the northwestern and southwest sides; the total area that was enclosed shrank and became smaller than the Wuyue city walls. The Lin'an city walls in the Southern Song did not have a large-scale expansion compared with the past. The Lin'an city walls only expanded once at the southeastern corner in the early times of the Southern Song, for the convenient commute of imperial officials to enter the palace.

There are the following five noticeable hot zones (marked with blue numbers) on this map with higher temple density: (1) the middle-left spot located at Mt. Tianzhu 天竺山, (2) the bottom left spot at Mt. Yuhuang 玉皇山, (3) the upper left spot at Yuhang Gate 餘杭門 (present-day Wulin Gate 武林門), (4) a meridional path-like zone connecting Mt. Yuhuang and Yuhang Gate, and (5) the center east area on the edge of the city wall. However, acknowledging the clustered zones is not enough to construct a narrative that fulfills the thesis of this article—to view religion at a regional scale and observe its interactions. To achieve this goal, we will now turn to the interpretation of those digitized mapping results via corroborating with historical materials in the upcoming section.

**Figure 4.** Kernel density of Buddhist temple distribution recorded in the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* 咸淳臨 安志 (*Records about Lin'an from the Xianchun Reign*).

#### **5. Interpretation via Close Reading**

As mentioned previously, GIS approaches provide the opportunity to use distance reading in studying Chinese religious texts. The advantage of employing distant reading is being able to discover whatever patterns are already present in texts but cannot be observed by close reading, a traditional textual approach. Distant reading is assisted with GIS in processing a large quantity of texts and further mapping the texts out. This term was proposed by Franco Moretti as a counterpart of close reading, where he intended to argue against the "narrow" pursuits of area studies and national literatures and to renew the study of world literature (Moretti 2013). Later, scholars employed distant reading to discuss the application of GIS and received beneficial results.

However, the results from GIS distant reading often lack the evidential interpretation gained from close readings. We need to corroborate the results with religion-related facts recorded in historical sources, which provide a new insight into socioreligious manifestation within a locality. For example, Jason Protass examines how religious lineage changed over time in China by studying the spatial pattern of the Northern Song Chan lineage recorded in *Lamp Records*. He mapped out the five Chan sects and corroborated the pattern with textual records (Protass 2016).

#### *5.1. Explanation of Distribution*

#### 5.1.1. *Fengshui* 風水

From our results, three of the five zones of the distribution of Buddhist temples— Zones 1, 2, and 3—were built surrounding the West Lake. The seclusion and the tranquil atmosphere attracted monks and practitioners to conduct Buddhist practices, a description of the Yunqi Temple 雲棲寺 coincides with this statement, "[The temple] ... being separated from the urban activities ... the enclosing mountain and riverine system ... is the perfect and only place for a person with the Way (*youdaozhe* 有道者) to stay at." (Wu 1780). Apart from the scenic views, the *fengshui* tradition is an important reason for its distribution. The

temples that are situated with the mountains at the back and overlooking the river are ideal for accumulating "*qi* 氣," and thus are in good *fengshui* conditions.

Take Zone 1 for example, the mountainous and riverine landscape surrounding Mt. Tianzhu 天竺山 makes it ideal for constructing Buddhist temples with good *fengshui*, such as the Lingyin Temple 靈隱寺, the three Tianzhu temples 三天竺寺, and the Gaoli Temple 高麗寺. A passage from the *Gazetteer of the Lingyin Temple* 靈隱寺志 recorded as follows:

"for ancient saints who practice the Buddha's teachings, it was always the case for them to leave the urban areas and dwell in the mountains and woods. Such a place serves best for 'venue of the Way (*daochang* 道場).' A venue of the Way is a place for practitioners to concentrate; it is not to mix with the profane! Hence, ancient temples must be located at famous mountains, so that practitioners can absorb the '*qi* 氣' from the mountain and the water." (Sun and Xu 1888)

In Zone 2, the stele erected at the Hupao Temple 虎跑寺 also stated that "the surrounding mountain and river are filled with auspicious aura (*lingqi* 靈氣), and the Hupao Spring is the best location to construct a temple." (Wu 1780). Hence, since Hangzhou is naturally endowed with mountain and river landscapes, it is not surprising that a cluster of Buddhist temples is located here.

The fame of the temples around the West Lake also attracted travelers for pilgrimage and sightseeing fueled the tourism industry—in Zhou Mi's 周密 (1232–1298) *Old Affairs of the Martial Grove* (*Wulin jiushi* 武林舊事), a comprehensive record of Hangzhou in the Southern Song, had a chapter specifically titled "Spectacular Scenes of Lakes and Mountains (*hushan shenggai* 湖山勝概)" to record religious sites as popular tourist sites. In Xiaolin Duan's *The Rise of West Lake: A Cultural Landmark in the Song Dynasty*, she calculated the percentage of religious sites amongst all the sightseeing routes recorded in the *Wulin Jiushi* and discovered that the routes of three Tianzhu temples, Southern Mountain 南山, and Ge Hill 葛嶺 (Zone 1, Zone 2, and Zone 3 respectively) are the most popular (Duan 2020). Moreover, the high temple density in Zone 5 made it popular amongst pilgrimage travelers in future dynasties. For instance, the Zhenhai Chan Temple 鎮海禪院 (also known as the Haichao Temple 海潮寺), was a major hub for pilgrimage in the Ming dynasty—it served as a facility filled with pilgrimage-related services for travelers, and it also received government support to promote Buddhism. (Zhang 2022) Hangzhou was one of the waypoints for the Guanyin pilgrimage at Mt. Putuo, and it received travelers from multiple directions as follows: north from Huzhou 湖州, northeast from Jiaxing 嘉興 and Suzhou 蘇 州 (also from the Grand Canal), and southeast from Ningbo 寧波. Although the distribution of Buddhist temples around the West Lake was not solely influenced by pilgrimage and tourism, the temples directly resulted in the rise of pilgrimage and excursion that showcases the interaction between religion and leisure activities.

#### 5.1.2. State Power

Besides the *fengshui* tradition, the hot zones are also a manifestation of state power in the form of religion, especially from the Wuyue kings' ambitions to transform Hangzhou into a Buddha land. We mapped out the distribution of the Buddhist temples that were constructed by the Wuyue kings, as shown in Figure 5 below. This piece of information was extracted from the temple description in the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* (fascicles 76–85). We then performed a spatial query via ArcGIS Pro to identify which temples were constructed by the Wuyue kings. We can clearly see from the map that the temples built by Wuyue are mostly situated around the hot zones (apart from Zone 1).

Ever since the Wuyue kingdom, the Hangzhou region has undergone an initiation of transformation into a Buddhist sacred space. The Wuyue kings endeavored to define their Buddhist regime through "expansion and promotion of the Buddhist clergy, printing and publication of Buddhist texts, production of Buddhist images and sculptures, and, above all, the building of monasteries, temples, and pagodas." (Welter 2022) Buddhist temples and stupas were erected to serve as markers to represent the rulers' power, illicit harmony, and translocate Buddhism from its Indian roots into China. For example, the

Jingci Temple 淨慈寺 in Zone 2 was constructed by the Wuyue king Qian Hongshu 錢弘俶 (929–988) for the famous monk Yongming Yanshou 永明延壽 (904–975), which then became prominent within the Five Mountain and Ten Monastery (*wushan shicha* 五山十刹) system in the Southern Song.

**Figure 5.** Distribution of Buddhist temples constructed by the Wuyue 吳越 kingdom overlapped with the hot zones (from the result of kernel density analysis).

Besides receiving influence from the Wuyue court, Zones 4 and 5 can also observe the state's power during the Southern Song. The Southern Song court built many official Buddhist temples (*guansi* 官寺) in Zones 4 and 5 for the sake of establishing state power and serving the imperial correspondents—royal families and government officials often partook in Buddhist festivals and rituals in those official Buddhist temples. For instance, the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* recorded that in the Mingqing Temple 明慶寺, one of the official Buddhist temples in Zone 5, "whenever the emperor is holding a ritual, all of his subordinate officials will be present." (Qian 1970).

Although Zone 1 has fewer temples that were constructed by the Wuyue kings, we can still observe the impetus of state power in its temple developments. For instance, though the Lingyin Temple was not initially constructed by the Wuyue kings, its prominence is highly associated with imperial courts in different reigns. In Wuyue's regime, king Qian Liu 錢鏐 (852–932) expanded the Lingyin Temple by building 1300 rooms and halls. In the Northern Song, the temple became an empress's merit temple (*gongde miao* 功德廟, a temple built to accumulate merits for the afterlife for whom it was built for). The emperor thus bestowed the temple with a large mass of farmland. The prestige of the Lingyin Temple was sustained until the Southern Song and it was also established as one of the temples of the Five Mountain and Ten Monastery system.

#### 5.1.3. Politics

The policy of the empress/concubine family temple system, unique to the Southern Song dynasty, also played an essential role in the distribution of Buddhist temples in Zones 1, 2, and 3. The system was established and institutionalized in the Southern Song, being unprecedented and not seen in later dynasties in Chinese history. In this system, almost every established empress can have their own merit temple or burial temple (*fensi* 墳寺) (Hong 2012). Many of the imperial merit temples were built around the West Lake (in Zones 1, 2, and 3) because the Lin'an city (especially within the city walls) was too crowded to construct temples (Mou 2008). Zone 1, for instance, includes the Jiqing Temple 集慶寺, which was built by the Southern Song emperor Lizong 宋理宗 (1205–1264) for Concubine Yan 閻氏, with records that "the halls and shrines are even greater than the Lingyin Temple and the Tianzhu Temple." Other examples of Zone 1 include the Zifu Temple 資福寺 built for Concubine Feng 奉妃 as her merit temple, and the Jianfu Temple 薦福寺 for the Empress Dowager as her burial temple. There were also temples in Zone 2 newly constructed in the Southern Song that served the function as merit temples or burial temples for empresses, as recorded in the *Silent Records by Zhanyuan* (*Zhanyuan jingyu* 湛淵靜語), "After bounding south, all seven emperors are buried at Dongyue 東粵, and all five empresses are buried at Chishan 赤山 (present day Chishanfu 赤山埠) in Hangzhou." (Bai 1985). Hence, the empress/concubine family temple system and the ties with state power are reflected in the influence of politics on temples.

#### 5.1.4. Commercial Activities

The three sections above explained how factors including *fengshui*, state power, and politics directly influence the distribution of Buddhist temples. In this section, however, we would like to turn to discussing how the distribution of Buddhist temples became factors that influenced other spatial patterns. In our observation from the visualized maps, the distribution contributes to a cluster of certain commercial activities—or the term "sacred economy"—used by Michael Walsh to describe the situation in which humans endeavor to "conduct communal actions and transactions within a monastic setting." (Walsh 2010).

In Zones 4 and 5, the meridional pathway between the two zones coincidentally highlights a unique feature that is recorded in the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* as follows: the Imperial Street (*yujie* 御街, sometimes also recorded as *Hangcheng dajie* 杭城大街 or *Hangzhou dajie* 杭州大街). We highlighted the pathway in Figure 6 below. The location of Imperial Street is georeferenced with Shiba Yoshinobu's historical map of Lin'an city in his *Chugoku toshi shi ¯* 中國都市史. (Yoshinobu 2002).

**Figure 6.** The Imperial Street (*yujie* 御街) and hot zones from the result of kernel density analysis.

Both sides of the Imperial Street were called the Imperial Corridor (*yulang* 御廊), it was a national trading hub filled with regional goods from all over the country. Recorded in Nai Dewong's 奈德翁 (date of birth and death unknown) *Splendor Records of a Capital* (*Ducheng jisheng* 都城紀勝), "pearls and jewels, treasures and rarities, fresh flowers and fruits, seafood and wild food, marvelous implements and utensils, all the unique commodities in the world are assembled here in the morning." (Nai 1982; Xie 2016). There were more than 150 stores on the Imperial Street that the historian Lin Zhengqiu 林正秋 divided into the following seven categories: daily groceries, restaurants, clothing, books and stationaries, medicine, pawnshops, and entertainment centers (Lin 1990). Almost half of the population within the city lived along this path—324 people per acre as estimated by Gernet, which approximately delineates Zones 4 and 5. (Gernet 1962).

According to the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi*, the Imperial Street is explicitly built for the emperor's seasonal ancestor worship (4 times per year) from the imperial palace to the Jingling Temple 景靈宮. The route of the emperor's worship began from the imperial palace (on the southern end of the city) and ended at the northwestern corner of Lin'an city. In addition to the emperor's ancestral worship, there were also many Buddhist festivals, birthday celebrations for the emperor or the empress, and rituals that royal members, government officials, and commoners participated in at Buddhist official temples. As mentioned in earlier sections, many official Buddhist temples were newly built by the Southern Song court along the Imperial Street (Zones 4 and 5) for the sake of serving the imperial family or government officials. For instance, the *Mengliang lu* 夢梁錄 documented that the Qianqing Guanghua Temple 千傾廣化院 was the venue for "praying for merits in the Lin'an Prefecture" and "governmental officials celebrating and praying for the emperor's birthday." (Wu 1980).

Owing to those religious activities, many worship-related items were in demand in the proximity of the official Buddhist temples—including incense, candles, paper money, flowers, pastries, fruits, and exquisitely handcrafted artisan souvenirs (Duan 2020; Chen 2013). The *Mengliang lu* recorded that whenever the emperor worshipped at the official Buddhist temple, he bestowed handcrafted flowers (made from paper and fabric) to surrounding officials and his entourages, and those artisans were bought from shops in the Imperial Corridor (Wu 1980). Those religious activities not only increased the demand for worshiprelated items but also generated great market opportunities for the surrounding businesses, including restaurants or entertainment hubs.

We are not to claim that all the prosperity of the Imperial Street was attributed to the worshiping activities of temples. There were still other conditions, such as Daoist and folk religious festivals, or locations of official institutions. For instance, the Three Institutions (*sanxue* 三學; Imperial Clan School, Imperial University, and Military Academy) and the Examination Hall of the Ministry of Rites (*libu gongyuan* 禮部貢院) were on the Imperial Street, which hence promoted book markets and house rental services for students (Yao 2019). However, this project aims to the distribution of Buddhist temples, we only focus on the commercial exchanges associated with its religious activities. Hence, since our findings indicate that the temples coincidentally reside in commercial districts, what we are trying to explain above is that certain commercial exchanges within the commercial districts are results of the congregation of Buddhist temples; not the other way around that the temples were built because of the congregation of commercial activities.

#### *5.2. Theoretical Considerations*

One of the ironies in Chinese Buddhism, especially in monastic life, is the contradiction between the renunciation of the materialistic world and also being able to accumulate wealth through this act of renunciation—i.e., Buddhist practices. As stated by Michael Walsh in his *Sacred Economies: Buddhist Monasticism and Territoriality in Medieval China*, the Buddhist community is one of the most powerful economic forces in society (Walsh 2010). For Buddhist entities, including establishments, institutions, and communities, to secure

their longevity as a religion down the road of history, wealth accumulation is necessary. After all, a Buddhist temple

"needed funding, donors, lay supporters, monks to inhabit it, an abbot to oversee it, offices, bookkeepers, workers, farmers, wood, and tiles. To acquire these necessities, it depended on a reciprocal exchange process between institution and social agent, which in turn produced a space of consumption; meaning infused into that process made it sacred." (Walsh 2010)

In his *Practical Reason: On the Theory of Action*, Pierre Bourdieu (1930–2002) framed religion within an economy by stating that religion is simultaneously an enterprise with an economic dimension but at the same time cannot openly admit participation in the economy (Bourdieu 1998). In other words, religious institutions are aware of being engaged in economic exchange but are able to persuade themselves that it is not an act of economic exchange. The rationale, provided by Bourdieu, was that as soon as religious agents realize that this action can benefit their religion, they are willing to overlook the definition of the notion of "economic exchange" to justify their actions and functions. It is "a network of relations where those forces are instituted, shaped, and conditioned" that greatly benefits the sustenance of a religion (Walsh 2010). For religious institutions to flourish, they should be situated within the social-economic territory that generates power and legitimacy within a certain cultural context. Hence, the combination of cultural and economic capital produced longevity for a religious institution. Starting from the Song, monasteries served as market or economic centers due to their active participation in local exchanges, including the following:

"trading, allowing for the interaction of literati and monks, disseminating Buddhist texts and lectures, sometimes even paying taxes in support of underemployed farmers, hiring field laborers, supporting local fairs and markets, and fully participating in the kind of sociopolitical atmosphere that allowed such an increase in commercialism and exchange to happen." (Walsh 2010)

Apart from commercial exchanges that fueled religious growth, our results verified Walsh's statement and indicated that the spatial pattern of Buddhist temples is also related to factors including influences from state power, governmental policies, population, and geographic landscapes. The relationship between the spatial formation of religious sites and external factors in a region can be explained by a theory proposed by Jiang Wu, Daoqin Tong and Karl Ryavec in 2013—Regional Religious System (RRS)—a new theoretical understanding of the regional pattern of the religious sites' distribution. They took a combinational approach of utilizing GIS technology on regionalism and suggested that the spatial formation of religious sites in the locality can be understood as a regional religious system in which religious institutions "are conditioned by physical, geographical, administrative, cultural, or socioeconomic systems and are highly dependent on regionally and locally distributed variables such as population, economy, transportation, education, culture, ethnicity, and language, etc." (Wu et al. 2013). Hence, discerning the distribution of religious sites suggests an existing regional system or model surrounding religion.

Sophisticated sociocultural integration with Chinese religion can be observed as a structural formation, and the results of our study depict this phenomenon from a regional perspective. GIS analyses and interpretations are not the final steps in this study. The meaning and value of the results are more effectively generated via combining distant and close readings—distant reading of the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* provides us with details of religious elements, and close reading of it and other historical sources offers evidence for further interpretation of the visualized maps (resulting from distant reading). GIS serves as a vehicle that enables us to acknowledge when, where, and how geographical attributes might have contributed to answering specific questions.

#### **6. Concluding Remarks and Ways Forward**

Through geoparsing Buddhist elements in the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi*, we can closely examine how Buddhism was imagined and manifested in a regional context that may not be easily performed by close reading. This process of data distillation from historical materials is what we in the field of the humanities have yearned for. As claimed by Jason Protass, "GIS is a tool that magnifies whatever patterns are already present in our source texts" (Protass 2016)—we make use of this approach and paint the Southern Song dynasty Buddhist landscape on a canvas that is ArcGIS Pro and its visualized maps.

For locating religious sites from historical sources, we are aware of the limitation and the veracity of the data source—government records are not as accurate as fieldwork results (i.e., to physically locate the temples on-site). Kenneth Dean once claimed that "one of the greatest sources of frustration in historical GIS research in China concerns the limited scope of data within the traditional official gazetteers" and Fenggang Yang remarked that "county-level government officials may routinely underreport numbers of religious site because of political considerations." (Dean 2022; Yang et al. 2022). It is true that datasets compiled in recent years can be corroborated via intensive fieldwork that Dean and Yang did in their respective works. However, for historical datasets (such as the Song dynasty Buddhist temples in the article), what we can do is construct a preliminary database and distill key information from historical sources. In this way, we can still achieve the integrity of the data that Dean said on gazetteers to "indicate historical peaks in religious construction." (Dean 2022).

The potential of applying GIS to Buddhist research is vast and immense. GIS provides us with a new pair of lenses to look through—the role of spatial information in the Buddhist world. In this case, the essential materials required to apprehend the Hangzhou Buddhist culture are easily captured via GIS. Materials include implicit intertextuality between people, places, and events that can be linked together via a broader knowledge originating from conducting direct research on the database itself.

Although GIS can enhance our processes and understanding, we should know that GIS cannot be treated as a replacement for traditional Buddhist studies research. There is no denying that GIS approaches are competent in bringing out novelty and depth of research, but it is always the primary sources that engender research questions and hypotheses. Though digital approaches in the humanities (especially Buddhism) seek to alter the means of research fundamentally, "the traditional focus on language, texts, art, culture and ideas remain the same." (Veidlinger 2019). GIS does not self-generate issues to solve but acts as a magnifying glass that amplifies the minute nuances in the materials that we may not be able to discern via close reading.

This study does not claim that Hangzhou can represent all of China, either spatially or temporally. Instead, we regard this study as a stepping stone for future research on religion focusing on regionality. Hangzhou is merely one of the many regions in China with a rich Buddhist culture; there is ample data recorded in various methods across different places and dynasties. According to Timothy Brook's calculations, there are over 1500 unique regions with rich local materials to explore all across China. Indeed, there is a gold mine of data for regional religious studies that deserves our scrutiny. However, not all of these data are ready for conducting analysis. One of the major obstacles to acquiring data for regional studies is the paucity of digitization. Quantitative analyses and visualization cannot be performed without converting qualitative textual data into quantitative numeric data—geoparsing the *Xianchun Lin'an zhi* is an attempt made in this regard. Hence, data acquisition and digitization would be the next steps forward. For future steps in terms of the methodologies during quantitative analysis, we believe that performing more sophisticated analyses (including spatial regression, network analysis, and even XML/TEI tagging applied with AI) can bring more depth to understanding the data.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, J.L.; Data curation, Z.W.; Formal analysis, J.L.; Software, J.L.; Visualization, Z.W.; Writing—original draft, J.L.; Writing—review & editing, J.L. and Z.W. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research received no external funding.

**Institutional Review Board Statement:** Not applicable.

**Informed Consent Statement:** Not applicable.

**Data Availability Statement:** Not applicable.

**Acknowledgments:** We would like to express our gratitude to the three anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful comments that helped us immensely in improving our paper.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **Notes**


#### **References**

Bai, Ting 白珽. 1985. *Zhanyuan Jingyu* 湛淵靜語. Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju.


Bourdieu, Pierre. 1998. *Practical Reason: On the Theory of Action*. Translated by Randall Johnson. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Chen, Jing 陳晶. 2013. Nansongyujie Shougongyi Mingwuxiaokao 南宋御街手工藝名物小考. *Zhuangshi* 裝飾 12: 116–18. Available online: http://www.izhsh.com.cn/doc/10/2624.html (accessed on 15 June 2022).

Dean, Kenneth. 2022. Historical GIS and the Study of Southeast China and the Southeast Asian Chinese Diaspora. In *The Formation of Regional Religious Systems in Greater China*. Edited by Jiang Wu. Routledge Spatial Humanities. London: Routledge, pp. 177–97.

Dennis, Joseph. 2015. *Writing, Publishing, and Reading Local Gazetteers in Imperial China, 1100–1700*. Harvard East Asian Monographs 379. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia.

Duan, Xiaolin. 2020. *The Rise of West Lake: A Cultural Landmark in the Song Dynasty*. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

Fogel, Joshua. 2003. Naito Konan (1866–1934) and Chinese Historiography. ¯ *Historiography East and West* 1: 137–53. [CrossRef]


Lin, Zhengqiu 林正秋. 1990. Nansong Xianchun Lin'an zhi shulüe 南宋《咸淳臨安志》述略. *Wenxian* 文獻 10: 120–27.

Moretti, Franco. 2013. *Distant Reading*. London and New York: Verso.


Pals, Daniel L. 2009. *Introducing Religion: Readings From the Classic Theorists*. Oxford: Oxford University Press.


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 **ŗǯ** ¢ £Ȭ¢ ȬȬȬ ǯ ǻŗǼDZ Ȭ ǻ¢ Ǽǰ ȬŜ ¢ǰ ¡ ǰ ǰ ǻDZ ¢ Ǽǯ ǻŘǼDZ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽǰ ȬŜ ¢ǰ ¡ ¡ ǰ £ǰ ǻDZ ŘŖŗŜǰ ǯ şśǼǯ ǻřǼDZ ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽǰ ȬŜ ¢ǰ ¡ ¡ ǻDZ ¢ ŗşşşǰ ǯ ŗŗŖǼǯ

 ǰ ǯ ¢ Ȭ ś ŝ ¢ǯ ǰ ę ¡ ¢ ǯ

 ś ŝ ¢ǰ ¢ £Ȭ¢ ǰ ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽǰ ¢ ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽ ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽǯ ¢ £ ¢ǰ ¢ǯ

 ¢ £ ¢ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ę ǰ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ǰ ǻ ŘǼǯ

 **Řǯ** ǻ¢ Ǽǯ ķ ǰ Dz ĸ ǰ ǰ ǰ Ȭ ¢ Dz Ĺ ǰ 
ǰ ǰ Dz ĺ Dz Ļ ¡ ǰ £ǰ ǰ ǯ DZ ¡ ę ¡ ǰ ¡ ǯ ǯ

 ¢ ¢ Ě ¢ ¢ ś ¢ ǻ ř ǻŗǼǼǯ ¢ ¢ Ȭ ǻ ř ǻŘǼǼ ś ¢ Ŝ ǻ ŗşŜŜǰ ǯ ŜŘȮŜśDz ¢ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ řŞǼǯ ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽ ǯ ǰ ęǰ ¢ǯ ǯ ǻ ŘŖŗŖǰ ǯ ŗŞśDz ¢ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ řŞȮřşǼ ¢ ǻ ŗşŜŜǰ ǯ ŜŘȮŜśDz Ȭ Ȃ ŘŖŖŘǰ ǯ ŗŚŚǼǰ Ȭ ¢

 £Ȭ¢ ǯ

 **řǯ** ǻ¢ Ǽ ǯ ǻŗǼDZ ǰ ǯ Śŝśǰ ǰ Ĵ ǰ ǻDZ ¢ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ řşǰ ǯ ŗŖǼDz ǻŘǼDZ ǰ ś ¢ ę Ŝ ¢ǰ ǰ ǰ ǯ ǻDZ ¢ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ řŞǰ ǯ şǼDz ǻřǼDZ ǰ Ŝ ¢ǰ ǰ ǰ 
ǰ ǻDZ  ŗşşŝǰ ǯ ŗŚŝǼǯ

 Ŝ ¢Řǰ ǰ ǻ¢ Ǽ ¢ ǯ Ȭ ¡ ǻ ř ǻřǼǼǰ ¢ ǰ ǰ ǻ ŗ ǻŗǼǼǯ ¢ £ ǻ£ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ şŚǼǰ ¢ Ě ¢ ǯ

 ¢ ¢ ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽ ¢ ǻ ŚǼǯ ¡ ¢ Ȯ 
 ¢ ǻ Ś ǻŚǼǼǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ěDZ ¢ 
 ¢Ȭ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ǰ Ȭ¢ Ř ř ¢ǯ ě 
 ¢ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗŘǰ ǯ śŝǼǯ Ȭ¢ ǰ ¢ ě Ȯ ǻ ŘŖŗŘǰ ǯ ŚşȮŜŞǼǯ

 **Śǯ** ¢ ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽǯ ǻŗǼDZ £ ǰ Ŝ ¢ǰ ǰ ǰ ǻDZ Ȭ ŗşŜŜǰ ę ŜǼDz ǻŘǼDZ £ ǰ Ŝ ŝ ¢ǰ ǰ ǻDZ ¢ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ řśǰ ǯ śǼDz ǻřǼDZ ¡ǰ Ŝ ¢ǰ 
 ǰ 
ǰ ¢ ǻDZ ¢ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ Şŗǰ ǯ ŘŝǼDz ǻŚǼDZ Ȭ ǰ ǰ Ř ř ¢ ǻDZ ¡ ŘŖŖŝǰ ǯ śşǰ ę ŞǼǯ

ǰ £ ¢ 
 ¢Ȭ¢ ǰ ǻ ŘŖŘŗǰ ǯ ŘŗŖȮŗŗǼǯ ǰ ǰ ǰ 
 ¢ ¢ ¢ǯ ŜȬ¢ ǰ ǻ Ś ǻŗǼǼǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ǰ Ȯ ¢ǰ Ŝ ŝ ¢ ǻ Ś ǻŘǼǼ ¢ Ȭ¢ DZ ¢ ¢ ¢ǯ

ǰ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽǰ ¢ ě ¡ǰ ě ¢ ǯ ǰ 
 ¢ Ȭ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǯ

 
 ¢ ¢ DZ 
 ¢ ǻ Ś ǻřǼǼ ǻ ¢ Ǽ ¡ ǰ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ Ě ¢ ¢ ǻ śǼ ¢ ¢ ǯ

 **śǯ** ¢ ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽǯ ķ ǰ 
 ¢ǰ Dz ĸ ǰ 
 ¢ǰ Dz Ĺ ǰ Dz ĺ ǰ Ȭ ǰ Dz Ļ 
ǰ ¢Dz ļ ǰ Dz Ľ ǰ ǰ Dz ľ ¡ ǰ £ǰ ǰ ǯ

 ¢ ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽ ǻ ŜǼǯ ¡ǰ ¢ ¢ǯ ¢ ǰ ǰ ¬ǯ ¡ ǰ ǯ ¢ ǰ ¢ Ȭ ǯ

 **Ŝǯ** ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽ Ȭ ǯ ǻŗǼDZ ³ ǰ ŗşǯ ǰ Ȭ ǰ ǰ ś ¢ ǻDZ ŗşŞśǰ ę ŗŘǯŚǼDz ǻŘǼDZ ³ǰ ŗşǯ ǰ Ȭ ǰ ǰ ś ¢ ǻDZ ŘŖŗřǰ ǯ ŗŚŝǰ ęȬ ŗśǼDz ǻřǼDZ ǰ ǰ Ĵ ǰ Ĵ ǰ ǰ ś ¢ ǻDZ DZȦȦǯ ǯȦ Ȧ¢DZȏȏƖŘŝȏȏȬȏ ȏȏȬȏȏǯŚȦŘśŖşŜ ǻ DZ ŘŘ ŘŖŘŘǼǼǯ

¢ǰ ę ¢ ś ¢ ǻ Ŝ ǻŗǼ ǻŘǼǼ Ȃ ǻ Ŝ ǻřǼǼǯ ǻщщÎщǼǰ ¢ ¢ ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǯ ǯ ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽ ¢ ǻ㜵ֽǼǰ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǻ Ǽǰ ¢ ě ǯ

 Ŝ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ 
ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ Ŝ ¢ǰ ¢ Ȭ ǰ ¬ ¢ Ȭ Ȭ ǯ ǰ ǻщщÎщǼ Ě ǰ ¢ ǻ ŝ ǻŗǼǼǯ £Ȭ¢ ǰ ¢ ǰ Ěǰ ¢ Ě ¢ ¢ ǯ

 **ŝǯ** ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽ ¢ ǯ ǻŗǼDZ ǰ ¢ǰ ¡ ŗŜǰ ¢ǰ 
ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ Ŝ ¢ ǻDZ ¢ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ ŝśǰ ǯ ŘŖǼDz ǻŘǼDZ ǰ ¢ǰ ¢ ǰ £ ǰ ǰ Ŝ ŝ ¢ ǻDZ ¢ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ ŝśǰ ǯ ŘŘǼDz ǻřǼDZ ǰ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǰ ǰ Ŝ ŝ ¢ ǻDZ ¢ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ Şǰ ę ŝǼǯ

 ę Ŝ ¢ǰ ǯ ¢ ǰ ǻ Ş ǻŗǼǼ Ŝ ŝ ¢ ǻ ŗşŞşǰ ǯ řŗDz ŗşŜśǰ ǯ ŚřDz ŘŖŗŖǰ ǯ ŜŞǼǯ ǻൠⲬǼǰ Ě Ȭ Ȭǯ ǰ ¢ Ŝ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǯ £ ¢

¢ ¢ ǰ ǰ ¢ ǻ ŝ ǻŘǼǼǯ ǰ Ĵ ǰ ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢¬ǯ £Ȭ¢ ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽ ǻ ŗ ǻřǼǼǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ Ŝ ¢ǯ Ó ǻ Ş ǻŘǼǼǯ ¢ ŝ Ş Ȭ¢ ǻ ŗşşŝǰ ǯ ŗśŖǼǰ ¢ ǯ

 **Şǯ** ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽ ǯ ǻŗǼDZ ǰ ǰ ¡ ǰ ǰ ǰ Ŝ ¢ ǻDZ ŗşŜśǰ ǯ Śřǰ ǯ ŞǼDz ǻŘǼDZ ǰ ǰ ¡ ǰ ǰ ǰ ŝ ¢ ǻDZ ã ŘŖŘŘǰ ǯ řřŞǰ ę ŘŗŚǼDz ǻřǼDZ ǰ ǰ ¡ á ườǰ ǰ ś ¢ ǻDZ ŗşŜřǰ ǯ Ǽǯ

 ¢ ǯ ¡¢ Ě DZ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ǰ Dz ǰ Ě ¢ǯ ¢ǰ Ȭ ¢ ǰ ǯ

 ¢ á ườ ś ¢ ǻ Ş ǻřǼǼ ǻ ŗşŜřǰ ǯ ŗśŜȮśŝǰ ǯ Ǽǯ ǰ ę ¢ ¡ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǰ Ȭ Ě ¢ǯ śȬ¢ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŜǼǯ Ŝ ŝ

 ǻ Ś ǻŗǼ ŝ ǻŗǼǼǰ ǻ ř ǻřǼ ŝ ǻŘǼǼǯ á ườ ǰ ¢ ¡ Ĵǰ ¢ ǯ ¡ Ŝ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ Ȭ ǰ ¢ Ȭǯ ¢ ě ǰ ǻ ¢ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ ŝśǼǰ ę¢ ǰ ǻ ŜǼǯ ǰ ǰ ě ǯ ś ŝ ¢ǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǯ

 ¢ ǻ ŝ ǻřǼǼǯ ¢ ¢ Ȭ ǰ ¢ ǻ ¢ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ ŝǼǰ ¢ Ȯ 
 ¢ǰ ǰ ǰ ¢ ǯ ǰ ǰ ǰ Ȭ¢ ǯ ¢ 
 ¢ ǻ Ś ǻřǼǼǯ ¢ ǻ şǼǰ ¢ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢Ȭ ǯ

 ¢ Ě ǯ ś ¢ ¢ ǻ Ŝ ǻŘǼǼǯ ǰ £ Ŝ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ Ȭ Ȭ¢ ǻ Ś ǻŚǼǼ Ȭ¢ ǻ ŗşşŝǰ ǯ ŗŚŜǼǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ę Ŝ ¢ǯ ¢ ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ

 ǰ ¢ ǻ şǼ Ȭ ¢ ǻ ŗŖǼDZ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ǯ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ

 ǰ ¢ ¢ ¡ ǰ Ȭ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ǯ ǰ ę

 ǵ ¡ǰ ¡ ¡ Ȭ ¢ ¡ǯ

 **şǯ** Ȭ ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽǯ ķ ǰ Dz ĸ ǰ Dz Ĺ 
ǰ ¢Dz ĺ ¢ǰ 
ǰ ¢ Dz Ļ ǰ ǰ Dz ļ ǰ 
 ǰ Dz Ľ ¡ ǰ £ǰ ǰ ǯ

 **ŗŖǯ** Ȭ ǻ¢ ¢ Ǽǯ ķ ǰ Dz ĸ ǰ Dz Ĺ 
ǰ ¢Ȭ Dz ĺ ǰ ǯǰ ¢ Dz Ļ ¢ǰ 
ǰ ¢ Dz ļ ǰ 
 ǯǰ Dz Ľ Dz ľ ǰ ǰ Dz Ŀ ¡ ǰ £ǰ ǰ Dz DZ Ȭ ¢ Dz ¢ DZ ¢ ǯ

#### **řǯ ǰ ǰ**

 ǰ ¢ ś ŝ ¢ Ȭ ¢ ǯ ȬŜ ¢ǰ ¢ ȬȬȬ £ǯ ǰ ¡ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ǻ ę Ŝ ¢Ǽǯ ¢ǰ 
Ȭ¢ ǻⅼ⠏Ǽ ¢ ǯ *Ȭ¢ ȂȬ*  ǻ Ȭ¢ǰ ⍋䲭խ㯽䁈Ǽ ǻśŚŝǼǰ DZ

 ǻ≨᰾Ǽ ǰ ¢ ǻᇓ↖Ǽ ǰ ǻབྷ㿪Ǽ ǯ ǰ Ě ¢ ǻ⍋䲭Ǽǰ Ĵ ǰ Ȭ ǯ ǰ 
Ȭ¢ ǻⅼ⠏Ǽǰ ¢ ¢ Ȭ Dz ¢¢ ¢¢ǰ 
Ȭ¢ǯ ǰ ǻ㨙ᨀᤄ䱰ǰ Ǽ 
Ȭ¢ ǰ ¢ ¢Ȭ 
Ȭ¢ 
Ȭ ǻमおǼǯ ¢ Ȭ ǻިᆛǼǯ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ¢ǰ Ȭ ǻᢦইǼǯ Ȭ ¢ ę Ȭ ... ... Ȭ ǰ Ȭ¢ ǻ᷇䛁Ǽǯ Ȭ¢ǰ ǯ £ ǻᨊᐎǼ ¢ ¢ǰ ǻ⌅㶽ǰ £Ǽ ¢ǯ ǻ ŘŖŗŞǰ ǯ ŘŚŞȮŚşǼ

 
Ȭ¢ ǻⅼ⠏Ǽǰ 
Ȭ ǻमおǼǰ Ȭ ǻިᆛǼǰ Ȭ ǻᢦইǼ Ȭ¢ ǻ᷇䛁Ǽ £ ǻᨊᐎǼ ¢ ǻ⍋䲭Ǽǯ 
Ȭ ¢ ǻ ¢ ⠏ǼDZ ǻ ŘŖŗśǰ ǯ śśŝȮśşDz ŗşśŗǰ ǯ ŗŞȮŘŚǼǰ ¢ ǻ ŗşşśǰ ǯ ŗśśȮśŜDz ŘŖŖŚǰ ǯ ŚŗǼǰ ǻ ŘŖŖŚǰ ǯ ŗŘŚȮŘśǼ  ǻ ŗşŜŝǰ ǯ śśȮśŞDz ŗşŝşǰ ǯ ŗȮřŘǼǯ ǰ ǯ Ȭ Ȭ¢  ś ¢ ǻ ŘŖŘŘǰ ǯ ŜŘǼ ¢ śȮ Ŝ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ ŚŝŖDz ŘŖŘŘǰ ǯ ŜŚǼǯ ś ¢ Ě ǻ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ ŚŝŗǼǰ ¢ ǰ ǰ  ¢ǯ ǰ ǻ⚛⎓Ǽ ǰ ǻᯟ䃯Ǽ ǰ Dz ǰ ¢ ¢ 
Ȭ¢ǯ Ȭ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗśǰ ǯ śŚŗȮŝŞǼǰ ǯ ǰ 
Ȭ¢ ś ¢ǰ Ĝ ǰ  ¢ǯ ǰ ¢ Ȭ 
Ȭ¢ǯ Ȭ ǻިᆛǼǰ Ȭ ǻ乃䚌Ǽǰ ǯ ǰ ǰ ǻ Ǽ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ǻ ŗŞşşǰ ǯ řŞDz ŗşŖřǰ ǯ ŘŜřDz ŘŖŖŚǰ ǯ ŗŘŜȮŘŞDz ŗşŝŖǰ ǯ řŞȮŚŖǼǯ ¢ 
 ǻ ŗşşŘǰ ǯ śŞǰ ŗŖŘȮřǼǰ

 ǻȬ Ȃ ŘŖŖŘǰ ǯ ŗŖřǼǯ Ȭǰ  ǻᤈ࡙Ǽǰ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗśǰ ǯ ŞŞȮşŖDz ŗşŜŗǰ ǯ ŞŘȮŞŚǼȯ ¢ǰ 
 ǻ ŘŖŖŚǰ ǯ ŗŘŗȮŘśDz ŗşşŗǰ ǯ ŘřŜǼǯ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŗşŖřǰ ǯ ŘŞśȮŞŜDz ŘŖŗŞǰ ǯ ŜşDz ŗşşŘǰ ǯ śřŘǼǯ Ȭ¢ ¢ ǻ ŗşşŘǰ ǯ řśśȮśŝDz ŘŖŗŜǰ ǯ ŘśŚȮśśǰ ŝǼǯ ǰ £ ǰ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗŞǰ ǯ ŘśŚȮśśǰ ǯşǼǯ

 Ȃ DZ ǯ ę £ǰ Ȭ ¢ ǻ
 ¢ 
ǼDz Ȭǰ Ȭ ¢ ǻ 
ǼDz Ȭǰ ¢ ǯ ǰ ǰ ę¢ ¢ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŗŗǼǯ

 **ŗŗǯ** Ȭ ǻ¢ ¢ Ǽ ǯ ķ ǰ Dz ĸ Ȭ¢ǰ Dz Ĺ ǰ Dz ĺ 
ǰ ¢Dz Ļ Ȭǰ ǰ ¢Dz ļ Ȭǰ 
ǰ ¢ Ȭ Dz Ľ ǰ ǰ ¢ Dz ľ ¢ǰ 
ǰ ¢ Dz Ŀ ǰ 
 ǰ Dz ŀ Dz ⑪ ǰ ǰ Dz ⑫ Dz ⑬ ǰ ǻ ǼDz ⑭ ¢ǰ ǻ ǼDz ⑮¡ ǰ £ǰ ǰ Dz DZ ¢ Dz ¢ DZ ¢ Dz DZ ȬȬȬǯ

 ¢ Ȭ ǻᇓ↖ᑍǼ ǻśŖŖȮśŗśǼǰ ¢ǰ ¢ ¡ ǻ≨⟉Ǽ ǻśřŚǼǰ ¢

 ǰ Ȃ ¢ śŖŖ śřŚǰ ȬŜ ¢ǰ Ȭ ¢ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ £ ǯ Ȭ ę ǯ

#### **Śǯ ¢ ¢ȯ**

 ǰ Ȭ ¢ ǰ ¢ £ǯ ǰ Ȭ Ĵǰ ǰ Ȭǰ ¡ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¡ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŗŖǼ 

ǰ ¢ Ȭ Ȭǰ ¢ ǻ ŗŗǼǯ ǰ Ŝ ¢ǰ Ȭ ¢ Ȭ ǯ  ę ǰ ¢ ę Ȭ ¢ ǻ řǼǯ

 Ȭ ¢ ¢ ¡ Ȭ Ȯ ǯ Ȭ Ĵ ¢ ¢ ǯ ę ǰ ǰ ¢ ǯ ǰ ǰ ¡ 
 ǻ ŗşşŘǰ ǯ ŗŖřǼǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ Ȭ Ȃ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¢ Ȭ ǯ Ȭ Ȃ ¢ ǻȬ Ȃ ŘŖŖŘǰ ǯ ŚŚȮśŖǼǰ Ȭ ¢ ¢ DZ Ȭ

 Ĵ ǯ ǰ ǻ ř ǻŘǼǼ ¢ ǻ ŝ ǻŗǼǼ ¢ Ŝ ¢ ¡ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǰ ę ǰ ǯ

 Ȭ ¢ Ȭ ǰ ȬȬ ¢ ¢ £ǯ ¢ ǰ Ś ś ¢ ǰ ǰ 
 ¢ Ȭ ¢  ǻ ŗşŞśǰ ǯ ŝŞDz ŗşşŘǰ ǯ ŗŖŚȮŜǼǯ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ¢ Ŝ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ Ȭ ¡ ǯ

 ¢ ¡ Ŝ ¢ǰ ȬȬ Ȭ ¢ Ĝ ¢ ¢ Ȭ ¢ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢¢ Ȭ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŗşşŘǰ ǯ şŞȮşşǰ ŗŖŘȮŚǼǯ ¢ Ȭ £ ǻཙㄪǼ ǻ Ǽ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŘŖǰ ǯ ŞŞřǼǯ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ Ȭ ǯ ǰ Ĝ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǯ Ȭ ¢ ¢ Ȯ Ĝǰ ǰ Ŝ ¢ ¢ ǯ

 £ ¢ ȬęĴ ¢ ¢¢ ǻśřŚȮśśŖǼ ¢¢ ǻśśŖȮśŝŝǼǰ ¢ Ě ¢ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŖśǰ ǯ řŘŖȮřŝǼǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ǯ ǰ ǰ ǰ ¢ Ȭǰ ¡ ¢¢ǯ ¢ ¢¢ǰ Ȭ ¡ Ȭ ¢ ǰ ¢ Ĵ ǻ ŘŖŗŜǰ ǯ ŘŜşȮşŝǼǯ Ȭ Ȃ ¢ ¢¢ǰ ¢ ¢¢ǯ ǰ ¢¢ ǰ ¡ ¢ ¢¢ ǻśśŝȮśŞşǼǰ ǻ¡ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ ŘŘDz ǰ ǯ ŞŞDz  ŘŖŖŗǰ ǯ ŜŝȮŜŞǼǯ ǰ Ŝ ¢ǰ ¢ ¢ Ȭ Ĵ ¢ £ǰ ǯ ǯ

 ¢¢DZ  ǻᔪᓧǰ ǰ Ǽ ¢ ǻןᲟǼ Ŝ ¢ ǻśŚŞȮśŚşǼDz ĵ ǻ⊏ইǼ ǻśśŖǼ Ĵ £ ¢ ǻ㥺ᐎ䓽Ǽ ǻśśŘǼ ǻ ŘŖŖřǰ ǯ ŚŗřȮŘŜDz ŘŖŖŞǰ ǯ ŗśřŞǰ ŘŖŖŜǰ ŘŖŖşǰ ŘŖŗŚDz ŘŖŗŗǰ ǯ śŖŗŞǰ śŖřŘǰ śŖŚśDz ŘŖŘŖǰ ǯ ŜŘŞǼǯ ¢¢ǰ ¢  ¢ǰ ¢ ¡ ¢ Ȃ ¢ Ȭ ǯ ¢ ¢ śŚŘ śŜŘǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ǯ ¢ ǻśŖŘȮśŚşǼǰ ¢ ǰ ¡ ǯ ¢¢ ǰ ¢¢ ǻśřŚȮśśŖǼ ǻ ŘŖŗŗǰ ǯ śŖřřǼǯ ǰ ¢ǰ ¢ ¢ ǻśśŖȮśŝŝǼǰ Ĵ ǰ ¢¢ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗşǰ ǯ řřȮřŞDz ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ řśşǰ  ŗDz ¡ ŘŖŗŚǰ ǯ ŘŜŗǼǯ ǰ Ŝ ¢ǰ ¢ ¢  ǰ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǰ £ǯ

 ǰ ȬȬȬ £ ¢ǰ ¢ Ě ¢ ¢ǰ ¢ ǯ ǰ ǰ Ȭǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ Ŝ ¢ ǻ ŗşşŘǰ ǯ ŗŖŜǰ ŜşŚǼǯ ¢¢ ǻśśŝȮśŞşǼǰ Ȭ ǻ ŘŖŗŜǰ ǯ ŘŞŗǼǰ ¢ ¢¢ǰ ę ¢ ǻ ŗşŝŘǰ ǯ ŗŗśDz  ŘŖŖŗǰ ǯ ŜŝȮŜŞǼǰ ¢ Ě ǯ ǰ ¢ǰ ¢¢ ǻ śŜŖȮśŝŝǼǰ ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢  ǻ े啺ᴨǼ ǻŜřŜǼǯ ǻ兿᭦Ǽǰ ǰ ¢ ȃ
Ȅ ǯ ¢ ⋣ ǻśŜřǼǰ ¢ ǻሱᆍ⩠Ǽǰ ǰ ¢¢ǰ ȃ
Ȅ ǻᰶ׆㡦Ǽ ¢ ¡ ǰ £ ǰ ¡DZ ǰ ¢ ǻ ŗşŝŘǰ ǯ ŚşŘDz ŘŖŖŞǰ ǯ ŘŖřśǼǯ 
 ǻᰶ׆Ǽ ¢ Ȭ¢ǰ Ȭ ǻ ŗşŝśǰ ǯ śŘŝŖȮŝŗDz ŘŖŗŞǰ ǯ ŝŚȮŝśǼǯ 
 ¢¢ǰ ¡ ǯ ǰ ¡ Ŝ ¢ǰ ¢¢ǯ ǰ £ ǯ ȬȬȬ £ ¢ǯ

#### **śǯ**

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## *Article* **The Evolution of the Spatial Distribution Pattern of Mosques in the Kashgar Region from 1955 to 2004**

**Shangguang Wu 1, Yexi Zhong 1,\*, Shuming Bao 2, Wenhui Wang <sup>1</sup> and Tanyue Nie <sup>3</sup>**


**Abstract:** The spatial differences in the distribution of mosques reflect to a certain extent the diversity of the interaction between natural and human elements and Islamic beliefs in different geographic spaces. The Kashgar region of Xinjiang is one of the most developed regions of Islamic culture in China, its dominant religion is Islam, and the survival of Islamic culture in the region has a long history. The development of Islam in the region, after the founding of the People's Republic of China, was influenced by the religious policy of Chinese Socialism, and the spatial distribution of mosques in the region has changed significantly. However, the distribution pattern of mosques in the spatial features of the region that had been especially indicated by the transformations in religious practice on the development of Islam impacted by geographical conditions and social factors has been less explored. Based on the Chinese Religious Digital Map dataset provided by the China Information Center at the University of Michigan, mathematical statistics and spatial analyses are used to analyze the spatial distribution pattern of mosques in the Kashgar region from 1955 to 2004, and the causes of the pattern characteristics in the context of the historical background of the study period. The results show that, during the study period, the spatial clustering of mosques occurred mainly in the northwestern and central parts of the Kashgar region. In all districts and counties, the number of mosques had increased and there was a growing gap in the number of mosques. Islam in the area had been well developed and the trend of spatially concentrated distribution of mosques had been increasing. The mosques in the region are mostly clustered in areas with gentle terrain, rivers and a dense population. In terms of the causes affecting the spatial distribution pattern of mosques in the Kashgar region, geographical conditions and population were the underlying factors that set the basic pattern for the location of mosques. In addition, the different effects of social factors, such as the improvement of productivity, the administrative system, religious management policies, and the historical background on the development of Islam in the area had led to a variation in the development of Islam, thus causing changes in the spatial distribution pattern of mosques in the area. In the period from 1976 to 1992, for example, the end of the Cultural Revolution and the shift in China's foreign policy had a very major impact on Islam so that during this period the spatial distribution pattern of mosques varied the most in the area. This research has implications for learning about the spread of Islam in the Kashgar region after the founding of the People's Republic of China, and the changes in the spatial distribution of mosques, and the causes of such variations.

**Keywords:** mosques; Kashgar region; spatial distribution pattern; spatial analysis; GIS

### **1. Introduction**

The religious landscape is an intuitive reflection of religious culture in material or non-material phenomena (Yu 2011). Many entities' religious landscapes, such as religious shrines, places of worship, temples, churches, funeral places, mosques, etc., while carrying religious culture and playing a religious role, also reflect the spatial interaction between religious culture and natural and human environment through their location in the space,

**Citation:** Wu, Shangguang, Yexi Zhong, Shuming Bao, Wenhui Wang, and Tanyue Nie. 2023. The Evolution of the Spatial Distribution Pattern of Mosques in the Kashgar Region from 1955 to 2004. *Religions* 14: 216. https://doi.org/10.3390/ rel14020216

Academic Editor: Z. George Hong

Received: 23 November 2022 Revised: 14 January 2023 Accepted: 30 January 2023 Published: 6 February 2023

**Copyright:** © 2023 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

and most intuitively reflect the interaction between spirituality and geographical space (Jordan and Domosh 1999; Peach 1999). In general, the interaction of religious landscape and space can be summarized in three forms. The influence of the characteristics of space on the layout of landscape; the influence of the religious function on the masses in space; and the ideological and cultural attributes embodied in the landscape giving new elements to space. (Dann 1976; Stump 1986). When people rely on the religious landscape for their religious activities, they have actually engaged in an exchange of beliefs and geographic space, which at this point becomes the carrier for the continuation and development of religion (Kong 2005; Brzozowski 2013).

As a spatial landscape, religious sites have been classified by scholars as "officially sacred sites" and "unofficially sacred sites" (Brace et al. 2006; Holloway 2003; Gokariksel 2009; Kong 2001). Official sacred sites, such as pilgrimage sites of various religions and clan shrines, carry a more formal religious function. It is generally accepted that the spatial distribution of those sites reflects the interaction between the sacred and the secular (Kong 2002, 2005; Preston 2002). Scholars have mostly approached the forms in which these interactions work from a religious, theoretical and philosophical perspective (Valins 2003; Campbell 2005; Preston 2002). With the intersection of the research paradigm of religion in geography, the content of the study of the geography of religion as a discipline was clearly identified in the 1980s (Sopher 1981). In recent years, spatial data on religion have often been used in geographic studies, and some religious studies have drawn on geographic research methods, with many developments in data-driven spatial perspectives on the study of religion emerging (Gregory 2003; Sunier 2013; Zhou 2022). Some scholars have explored the spatial evolution of religion and its causes based on the geographic information data of religious officially sacred sites (Song et al. 2016; Zhu et al. 2019; Jiang 2019; Liu and Wan 2022). Among the many research results, the spatial distribution of religious sites is often correlated to be closely integrated with the distribution of population, and the size of the population determines whether the religion can survive in its area (Xue et al. 2009, 2013; Lloyd 2012).

In China, the most populous country in the early 20th century, some results have been made in the study of the interaction between religious sites and space. Scholars have combined religious studies with spatial analysis to study different religions from a geographical perspective, exploring the divergence of religious development patterns in different regions. Many Chinese scholars have studied the religious environment of different periods and regions (Ma 2012; Zhong and Bao 2014; Bao et al. 2014; Liu and Wang 2022). Most of these studies are based on a macro perspective and provide an analysis of the layout of religion across China. In addition, Chinese research on theories of religion has been very fruitful in recent years, and scholars have combined methods from other disciplines to focus more on the social rather than the political significance of studies (Lu 2022; Zhang 2021).

However, at present, in Chinese academia, research on the theoretical aspects of religion still mostly focuses on the political and unifying role of religion in modern Chinese society and is accustomed to exploring how religion can better serve the development of the socialist political system from the perspective of macro governance (He and Wang 2021). Indeed, these theoretical studies had a positive effect on exploring how religions in China can better adapt to the political environment, but to a certain extent they neglected the positive interaction between religious development and regional development at the micro level, as well as the different development patterns of religions due to regional differences. Therefore, for conducting empirical studies on the historical changes and spatial and temporal evolution of religious sites on small scales such as counties, cities, and regions, Chinese scholars still need to further explore and study from a regional and geographic perspective based on reliable data and in the context of the times.

The Kashgar region is the most densely populated region of Muslims in China, and a typical region where Islam has adapted to the socialist system, either spontaneously or passively. In the process of continuous improvement of the socialist system, both Islam, its followers, and mosques inevitably have to adapt to the development guidelines of the "Chinese-ized religion" (Khosravi 2019; Dai 2019). A study of the mosques in the region from a spatial perspective can provide further insight into the history of the development of Islam in the region. However, there are few relevant studies on the spatial distribution of mosques in this region, and the spatial and temporal evolution and causes of the development of contemporary mosques in the Kashgar region have not been explored. Therefore, this study will examine the changes in the spatial distribution of mosques in the Kashgar region from 1955 to 2004 based on the Chinese Religious Digital Map dataset provided by the China Information Center at the University of Michigan, using spatial analysis and statistical methods, and in the context of the relevant era.

#### **2. Overview of the Study Area**

The Kashgar region is located in the middle of Eurasia, southwest of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, China. As a major transportation route along the ancient Silk Road, the region has been a crossroads for exchanges between China and Central Asia since ancient times. The region has a rich and long history of culture, and many civilizations have emerged here. Islamic civilization was introduced to the Kashgar region in the middle of the 10th century A.D. The rulers of the Kara-Khan dynasty at that time made Islam the state religion, and Islam became the dominant religion of the region (Pa 2006).

In 1955, the People's Republic of China changed the jurisdiction of Xinjiang Province to the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. In the same year, all counties in the Kashgar region were placed under the jurisdiction of the South Xinjiang Administrative Office, and religious affairs enjoyed a high degree of autonomy in jurisdictional governance within the region. The Kashgar region is one of the regions in China where the spread of Islam has continued for a long time, has a large influence, has a large religious population, and has the closest combination of religion and ethnicity. As a representative religious landscape of Islam, mosques are densely distributed in the region and play an important function in the religious and social life of the contemporary faithful. According to the administrative division of the People's Republic of China, the Kashgar region consists of 12 counties, including Kashgar, Payzawat, and Maralbexi, etc. In order to make the study area spatially complete, Tumxuk, which is managed by the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps, is also included in the study area. Therefore, in this study, the Kashgar region was considered to have a total of 13 districts and counties, as shown in Figure 1. The basic geographical information of the study area is shown in Figure 2.

**Figure 1.** Schematic diagram of the Kashgar region division.

**Figure 2.** Schematic diagram of nature and population of the Kashgar region.

The study region is located between 74.39- E and 79.52- E and 35.28- N and 40.16- N, with a total area of 162,000 km2, a width of about 750 km from east to west and a length of 535 km from north to south. The region is surrounded by mountains to the west, south and east, open to the Tarim Basin to the northeast, with the Pamir Plateau towering to the west, the Karakorum Mountains to the south, the Taklamakan Desert to the east, Tajikistan to the west, Afghanistan and Pakistan to the southwest, and several neighboring countries such as Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and India. In order to avoid possible territorial disputes, neighboring countries and regions are not shown in Figure 1.

#### **3. Data**

#### *3.1. Mosques Data*

Under the current political system in China, the religious beliefs of the Chinese people are generally respected. However, as an atheist state with a socialist system, the Chinese government does not always release data on the development of its religions to society, which has led to less progress in empirical research on religion in Chinese academia. In 2004, the Chinese Census Bureau launched China's first economic census, and for the first time religious organizations and sites were included in the survey. Thereafter, as China's socialist system continued to improve, the Chinese government became stricter in its management of religious affairs, and no religious data of a census nature have been disclosed to society since then.

The economic census data involving religion were further compiled by the China Information Center at the University of Michigan to produce the China Religion Digital Map database. The various types of data information about religious organizations and sites contained in this database can well reflect the spatial distribution characteristics of religious sites in China. In this study, data from the database about mosques in the Kashgar region were selected. The main information used is as follows.

#### 3.1.1. Location and Name of the Mosques

The names of most of the religious sites in the dataset contained information about the administrative districts and townships in which they are located (e.g., the mosque in group 1 of the village Seriqduvi 8, Azhil Township, Sacha County). This allowed us to observe the actual addresses of all recorded mosques that were selected as the sample for our study in the Kashgar region. In addition, because in China's religious affairs management system religious sites may also be used as the premises of religious affairs management agencies, there may be cases where the same mosque was counted multiple times in the Religion Digital Map. To avoid observation error due to sample duplication, we manually eliminated duplicate entries when processing the data.

#### 3.1.2. Longitude and Latitude Coordinates of the Mosques

The dataset contained the latitude and longitude coordinates of all mosques. For sample points with mismatched latitude and longitude information and actual addresses, they could be corrected based on the address information in the mosque names. For multiple sample points with overlapping latitude and longitude, if their names duplicated each other only one was retained. Therefore, after compiling the data, up to the data cut-off (2004) the dataset contained a total of 9876 mosques in the Kashgar region.

#### 3.1.3. Information on the Operation Nature of the Mosques

Religious sites are strictly regulated in China, and require administrative permission from the relevant authorities (usually the religious affairs administration office) to operate and survive. Organizations that apply for registration of religious sites will only be allowed to conduct religious activities in its approved sites. The mosques involved in this study are all legally registered religious sites of Islam, and do not include sites that are unregistered or registered for uses of another nature. In addition, mosques in the Kashgar region are of different sizes and play different functions in the religious life of the faithful, but the first economic census did not record the size of religious places. Therefore, this study assumes that all mosques are homogeneous. The database also contains information about the juridical person of each mosque, such as gender, ethnicity, etc.

#### 3.1.4. The Year the Mosques Started

During China's first economic census, only religious sites that were still in existence as of the statistical node (2004) were recorded, so the dataset used in this paper did not include religious sites that were established and then died out in the past. It is assumed in this study that the starting year of all mosques selected is prior to 2004 and that they have been in continuous existence since their establishment. In the dataset used for this study, the longest-standing mosque started in 947 AD. The information on the starting year of the religious sites allowed us to clearly observe the growth in the number of mosques in different years in the Kashgar region. In this study, four time points were selected to study the spatial distribution characteristics of the mosques: the official establishment of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in 1955, the end of the Cultural Revolution in 1976, Deng Xiaoping's Southern Tour speech in 1992, and the data cut-off period in 2004.

#### *3.2. Maps and Geographic Data*

The GCS\_WGS\_1984 coordinate system was used for all the geoprocessing procedures in this study. All maps produced in this study, and the administrative boundaries and national borders of the relevant regions involved, were made with reference to the maps provided by the Resource and Environmental Science and Data Center of the Institute of Geographical Sciences and Resources of the Chinese Academy of Sciences (https:// www.resdc.cn/, accessed on 31 December 2022) as the base map. The geographic elevation data were obtained from NASA's SRTMDEM public data with a resolution of 90 m and processed by a Geospatial Data Cloud site, Computer Network Information Center, Chinese Academy of Sciences (http://www.gscloud.cn, accessed on 31 December 2022). River data are derived from publicly available data from the Ministry of Natural Resources of China (https://www.mnr.gov.cn/, accessed on 31 December 2022). Population data were obtained from the 2004 global population raster data published by Worldpop (https: //www.worldpop.org/, accessed on 31 December 2022).

#### **4. Methods**

#### *4.1. Standard Deviation Index and Coefficient of Variation*

The number of mosques in a given area reflects to some extent the prosperity of Islam in it. To measure the differences in the number of mosques distributed in varying districts and counties in the Kashgar region, the standard deviation index was selected to measure the absolute differences in the number of mosques between regions, and the coefficient of variation was selected to measure the relative differences between regions in this study. The standard deviation index, *SD*, and the coefficient of variation, *CV*, are calculated as follows.

$$SD = \sqrt{\frac{\sum\_{i=1}^{N} \left(\chi\_i - \chi\_0\right)^2}{N}} \tag{1}$$

$$CV = \frac{SD}{\chi\_0} \tag{2}$$

In Formulas (1) and (2), *Yi* represents the number of mosques in region *i*; *N* represents the total number of mosques in the Kashgar region, and *Y*<sup>0</sup> represents the mean number of mosques in all regions. The higher values of *SD* and *CV* represent the greater absolute and relative differences in the development of mosques in each region, respectively.

#### *4.2. Global Moran's I*

To observe whether differences in the spatial distribution of mosques in a given region are influenced by neighboring regions, the spatial autocorrelation of mosques is observed using global *Moran*- *s I*.

$$Mora n' \text{s } I = \frac{\sum\_{i=1}^{n} \sum\_{j=1}^{n} W\_{ij} (\mathbf{x}\_i - \overline{\mathbf{x}}) (\mathbf{x}\_j - \overline{\mathbf{x}})}{S^2 \sum\_{i=1}^{n} \sum\_{j=1}^{n} W\_{ij}} \tag{3}$$

$$Z = \frac{I - E(I)}{\sqrt{VAR(I)}}\tag{4}$$

In Equations (3) and (4), *Moran*- *s I* reflects the correlation of the number of mosques in certain regions, taking values in [−1, 1], greater than 0 indicating that there is a positive spatial correlation between neighboring regions, and negative correlation if the other way around, and equal to 0, indicating that there is no significant spatial correlation. *x* is the mean value of the number of mosques in certain regions, and *S*<sup>2</sup> is the variance in the number of mosques across the whole region. *xi* and *xj* represent the number of mosques in region *i* and region *j*, respectively. *Wij* is the spatial weight: if *i* and *j* are connected by a shared boundary, *Wij* takes 1; otherwise, it takes 0. *n* is the number of regions. *E*(*I*) and *VAR*(*I*) represent the expected value and variance of *Moran's I*, respectively. A positive and significant *Z*-score indicates that the mosques tend to be clustered; a negative and significant *Z*-score indicates that the mosques tend to be dispersed; and 0 means that the mosques are independently and randomly distributed in space.

#### *4.3. Dot Density Estimation*

The method of dot density estimation, DDE, is used to observe the areas where mosques are concentrated. In order to reflect the spatial clustering characteristics of mosques in the Kashgar region, all mosques are abstractly considered as vector points in space and the degree of spatial concentration of the sample was measured using DDE. Based on the location of point *xi* as the center, the density of each grid cell of the point within the specified range (circle of radius *h*) is calculated by considering the data and bandwidth related to the point as parameters through the kernel function, which is linearly superimposed and normalized. The following is the formula used.

$$f(\mathbf{x}) = \frac{1}{nh^d} \sum\_{i=1}^{n} K\left(\frac{\mathbf{x} - \mathbf{x}\_i}{h}\right) \tag{5}$$

In Formula (5), *f*(*x*) is the DDE value at point *x*; *n* is the number of mosques; *d* is the dimensionality, and (*x* − *xi*) represents the distance from point *x* to sample point *xi*. The closer the distance from the center point, the higher the DDE value and the more significant the trend of the concentrated distribution of mosques.

#### *4.4. Standard Deviational Ellipse*

The standard deviation ellipse, SDE, is a method of spatial statistics that can accurately reveal the multifaceted characteristics of the distribution of elements across space. Mosques in the Kashgar region are not uniformly distributed in space. To explore the migration trajectory, influence, and direction of the diffusion of Islam from a macro perspective, it is necessary to observe the centrality, extension, direction, and spatial pattern of the overall distribution of mosques. The SDE quantitatively characterizes the distribution of mosques in space by generating ellipses with the center, *x* axis (long axis), *y* axis (short axis), and azimuth as the basic parameters. The formula is as follows.

$$\overline{X\_w} = \frac{\sum\_{i=1}^n w\_i x\_i}{\sum\_{i=1}^n w\_i} \; ; \; \overline{Y\_w} = \frac{\sum\_{i=1}^n w\_i y\_i}{\sum\_{i=1}^n w\_i} \tag{6}$$

*tanθ*

$$=\frac{\left(\sum\_{i=1}^{u} w\_i^2 \bar{\mathbf{x}}\_i^2 - \sum\_{i=1}^{u} w\_i^2 \bar{\mathbf{y}}\_i^2\right) + \sqrt{\left(\sum\_{i=1}^{u} w\_i^2 \bar{\mathbf{x}}\_i^2 - \sum\_{i=1}^{u} w\_i^2 \bar{\mathbf{y}}\_i^2\right)^2 + 4 \sum\_{i=1}^{u} w\_i^2 \bar{\mathbf{x}}\_i^2 \bar{\mathbf{y}}\_i^2}}{2 \sum\_{i=1}^{u} w\_i^2 \bar{\mathbf{x}}\_i \bar{\mathbf{y}}\_i} \tag{7}$$

$$\sigma\_{\mathbf{x}} = \sqrt{\frac{\frac{\sum\_{i=1}^{n} \left(w\_i \overline{x}\_i \cos \theta - w\_i \overline{y}\_i \sin \theta\right)^2}{\sum\_{i=1}^{n} w\_i^2}}{\sum\_{i=1}^{n} w\_i^2}} \tag{8}$$

$$\sigma\_{y} = \sqrt{\frac{\sum\_{i=1}^{n} \left(w\_{i}\overline{x}\_{i}\sin\theta - w\_{i}\overline{y}\_{i}\cos\theta\right)^{2}}{\sum\_{i=1}^{n} w\_{i}^{2}}} \tag{9}$$

In Formula (6) to Formula (9), (*xi*, *yi*) denotes the coordinates of each mosque; *wi* denotes the weight of site *i* in that region, and X*w*, *Yw* represents the coordinates of the center of the ellipse. *θ* is the azimuth of the ellipse, which indicates the angle of rotation clockwise from due north to the *<sup>x</sup>* axis of the ellipse. *<sup>x</sup><sup>i</sup>* and *<sup>y</sup><sup>i</sup>* represent the deviation of each site along the *x* axis and *y* axis to the X*w*, *Yw* , respectively. *σ<sup>x</sup>* and *σ<sup>y</sup>* denote the standard deviation and the lengths along the x-axis and y-axis, respectively.

#### **5. Analysis**

#### *5.1. Temporal Evolutionary Features of Mosques in the Kashgar Region*

5.1.1. Changes in the Number of Mosques

The year-by-year number and growth of mosques in the Kashgar region are plotted as shown in Figure 3. From 1955 to 2004, the number of mosques in the area grew from 5803 to 9876, an increase of 70.19%. Judging purely from the number of mosques, the development of Islam in the study area has not been significantly resisted since the establishment of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region.

The growth of the number of mosques in the Kashgar region can be clearly divided into three stages. From 1955 to 1976, the number of mosques grew more steadily and at a slower rate. Although there was a relatively large increase in the quantity of mosques in a few years, overall the number grew by no more than 100 per year. From 1976 to 1992, the curve became steeper during this period, and the quantity grew more rapidly. In particular, in 1980, the number of mosques increased by more than 600. This time period is the most significant year for the increase of mosques in the area during the study period. From 1992 to 2004 the growth rate slowed down, but still maintained a steady growth of 60 to 70 mosques per year; the growth rate was slower compared to 1978 to 1990, but faster compared to 1955 to 1978.

**Figure 3.** Trends in the number of mosques in the Kashgar region from 1955 to 2004.

The number of mosques within the 13 districts and counties in the study area was compared, and the data for four years, 1955, 1976, 1992, and 2004, were selected as shown in Table 1. In general, mosques are distributed within the districts and counties in the study area, and the number of mosques in each district and county has increased to varying degrees during the study period. Yarkant, Konaxahar, and Payzawat consistently rank in the top three of all districts in terms of the quantity of mosques, and these districts are more prosperous in terms of Islamic development. From 1976 to 1992, all districts and counties had higher growth rates compared to the rest of the years. Some districts such as Kashgar, Maralbexi, etc., with a relatively large number of mosques, still achieved a high growth in 1992 compared to 1976.


**Table 1.** Changes in the number of mosques by administrative counties in the Kashgar region.

It can be noted that the number of mosques in Tumxuk, Tashikurgan was not only low but also had no significant increase during the study period. Since the founding of the People's Republic of China, Tumxuk has been transformed from the initial management system of a people's commune to an administrative system under the direct management of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps. Due to the limitations of the management and administrative system, the development of Islam in Tumxuk was more strictly regulated, so the number of mosques in the city was far less than in other districts and counties. Tashikurgan is located on the southwest border of Xinjiang, the territory is mountainous, and belongs to the plateau alpine arid climate. Although its area is large and borders several countries and regions, as shown in Figure 2, the deficiencies of its natural environment make the region sparsely populated (the 2019 Chinese census shows a population of just over 40,000 people in Tashikurgan); the quantity of mosques was low. The number of mosques owned by the remaining districts and counties during the study period is considerable, and the overall situation of Islamic development in the Kashgar region was good.

#### 5.1.2. Statistical Characteristics of the Number of Mosques

The standard deviation index, coefficient of variation, and global *Moran's I* were used to measure the quantitative characteristics of mosques in the Kashgar region spatially, as shown in Table 2.


**Table 2.** Statistical characteristics of mosque distribution in the Kashgar region from 1955 to 2004.

<sup>1</sup> \*, \*\*, and \*\*\* represent significance at 10%, 5%, and 1%, respectively.

The increasing *SD* of the number of mosques during the study period reflects the increasingly significant absolute differences in the distribution of mosques in the Kashgar region across districts and counties. Districts with a dominant number of mosques are more likely to gain further numerical growth than those with a smaller number. The *CV* has a slight tendency to decrease, reflecting a decrease in the dispersion of the number of mosques in each district and county. This indicates that the districts and counties with a relatively small number of mosques during the study period gained more significant growth compared to the statistical base period, and the increase was greater than that of the regions with dominant numbers.

The study area consisted of 13 county-level units, but the global *Moran's I* suggested a sample size of at least 26. Therefore, a square was constructed based on the approximate area of the study region, and the Kashgar region was divided into 103 grid cells with a standard length and width of 50 km to meet the requirements of global *Moran's I* for the examination of sample size.

The *Moran*- *s I* was greater than 0 from 1955 to 2004, and all passed the 99% confidence test. This indicates that there is a positive autocorrelation in the spatial distribution of the number of mosques in the Kashgar region, i.e., the number of mosques within a certain area is influenced by the neighboring areas.

During the global *Moran's I* test, if the *Z*-score is greater than 2.58 the sample can be considered to be spatially clustered. The results show that the *Z*-scores of the number of mosques in the study area were all greater than 2.58, and it can be concluded that mosques showed a concentrated distribution.

It is noted that the *SD* increased more rapidly from 1976 to 1992, and the *CV* plummeted during that period, but the changes in the *Moran*- *s I* and *Z*-score were less pronounced than the changes in the *SD* and *CV*. This suggests that the development of Islam and the rapid increase in the number of mosques in each region from 1976 to 1992 did not break the spatial autocorrelation of religious development in the region, nor did it significantly affect the spatial clustering characteristics of mosques. It is just that the absolute disparity in development between regions was significantly magnified, and the growth rate of the quantity of mosques in regions was more significant in that period compared to other periods.

### *5.2. Spatial Evolution Characteristics of Mosques in the Kashgar Region* 5.2.1. Spatial Distribution of Mosques

The formation and development of religion and its spread depend on a specific geographical environment. Additionally, once a religion is formed, it can react to the geographic environment and its landscape will become an important part of the space. Geography has had a profound influence on the formation and survival of religious sites. Considering that the geographical conditions of the Kashgar region were basically unchanged during the study period and the population movement was less frequent, in order to explore the interaction between mosques and geographical space in Kashgar region three aspects of topography, rivers and population schematic in the study area can be referred to from Figure 2 in the previous text. Four years, 1955, 1976, 1992 and 2004, were selected to observe the spatial distributions of mosques in Kashgar region using DDE, as shown in Figure 4. For comparison purposes, the DDE values for 2004 were categorized by natural breaks and, subsequently, the values for the remaining three years were displayed using this categorization as a criterion.

**Figure 4.** Dot density of mosque distribution from 1955 to 2004.

The high value area of DDE reflects the concentrated distribution of mosques in the Kashgar region. It can be seen that the mosques were mainly distributed in the northwestern and central parts of the region, with a concentration in the northeastern part of the region at a later stage. These areas are relatively low in elevation and have rivers, and the population is more densely distributed. Islam in the Kashgar region focuses on the integration of religious and social life (Pa 2006), while human social activities give preference to areas with a better natural environment. The advantageous location has allowed Muslims to concentrate their social and religious activities, resulting in a more prosperous Islam and a relatively larger quantity of mosques. Secondly, the mosque, which has both religious and social functions, will become an important place in the daily life of Muslims once it is built (Jani et al. 2015). Muslims in the Kashgar region use the mosques for their daily worship, scripture study, weddings, funerals and other activities. In addition, the important religious and social functions of the mosque can attract the population to gather around it, thus accelerating the prosperity of Islam in its locality. Therefore, the organic interaction between the beliefs carried by the mosques and the geographical environment has resulted in a spatially clustered distribution of mosques in the Kashgar region.

#### 5.2.2. Clustering of Mosques

From the color differences of DDE values in Figure 4 in different years, it can be seen that the distribution of mosques in the northwestern, central, and northeastern regions of the Kashgar region from 1955 to 2004 showed a more obvious clustering feature and a growing trend of concentration. From 1955 to 1976, there was no significant increase in the agglomeration of mosques in the Kashgar region and the DDE values were elevated only in Konaxahar and Yarkant. Between 1976 and 1992, the DDE values were significantly elevated in Konaxahar and in the population agglomerations of Yarkant and Poskam. This period also saw the emergence of new agglomerations in the areas along the river, in Makit in the central part of Kashgar and in Maralbexi in the northeast where there is a relatively large population distribution. From 1992 to 2004, the DDE values in the Kashgar region showed a small increase in a small part, although the overall change was not significant. On the whole, the agglomeration of mosques in the study region has strengthened, and the scope of clustering has increased, especially from 1976 to 1992.

DDE is able to mark the macroscopic distribution and concentration of samples in a region at a large scale. In order to observe the agglomeration distribution of mosques on a small scale, the Kashgar region was divided into 7667 units with a grid of 5 km × 5 km. If the number of mosques in a unit is greater than 50, it is judged that the unit has a strong agglomeration effect, and is said to be an aggregation unit. The units were divided into four classes based on the number of mosques. The distribution of the aggregation units for the four selected years of 1955, 1976, 1992, and 2004 is shown in Figure 5. The number of aggregation units in each district and county of the Kashgar region at four time points is counted as shown in Table 3, and the numbers in parentheses after the place names represent the number of aggregation units of a certain class owned by the place.

In terms of the spatial location of the aggregation units, the spatial clustering of mosques reflected by Figure 5 is not significantly different from the clustering reflected by DDE. During the study period, the aggregation units in the Kashgar region were mostly clusters of 50 to 100 mosques, and it was less common that more than 100 mosques occurred simultaneously in a unit. A small number of units received a rank upgrade during the study period. It is worth noting that, as of 1976, there were only two clustering cells at the junction of Makit and Maralbexi (which are bounded by the river, and the cities along the river have always been relatively well developed and densely populated), but by 1992 many new clusters had appeared there. Otherwise, the spatial distribution of aggregation units in 2004 did not differ much from that in 1955.

By district, the distribution of aggregation units was found in all districts except Tumxuk and Tashikurgan. The quantity of aggregation units in Maralbexi, Makit, and Kargilik increased during the study period. All three areas were located in the eastern part of the study area, and the increased units were located in districts with rivers passing through and high population, which reflects the trend of clustering of mosques to the eastern districts and counties.

**Figure 5.** Spatially concentrated distribution of mosques in a fishnet of 5 km × 5 km in the Kashgar region from 1955 to 2004.


**Table 3.** Rank distribution of aggregation units owned by each district and county of the Kashgar region.

Yengixahar, Kashgar, Yengisar, and Konaxahar have increased their clustering cell class. These four districts, which border each other and are located in the most densely populated areas in the northwestern part of the study area, also ranked higher in terms of the number of mosques among all districts (Table 1 shows this), and the agglomeration effect of mosques was more significant.

Payzawat consistently had more aggregation units than the other districts during the study period, but the area of high DDE values in the county was concentrated mainly in its southwestern orientation and did not cover all the clustering cells. It can be concluded that the development of mosques in Payzawat was influenced by the agglomeration effect of the neighboring districts of Kashgar and Yengisar, and the agglomeration effect of mosques in neighboring areas of Payzawat was more advantageous. In general, the spatial agglomeration of mosques in the Kashgar region was still influenced by geographical environment and demographic factors, and the agglomeration effect was especially obvious in districts and counties where mosque development had advantages.

#### 5.2.3. Spatial Expansion of the Mosque

The standard deviation ellipse, SDE, can abstractly reflect the geometric characteristics of the distribution of sample points in space. SDE is used to observe the spatial expansion of mosques in the Kashgar region from 1955 to 2004, as shown in Figure 6 and Table 4.

**Figure 6.** Changes in the SDE of mosque distribution in the Kashgar from 1955 to 2004.

**Table 4.** SDE data for the spatial distribution of mosques in the Kashgar region from 1955 to 2004.


The area of the SDE continued to increase during the study period, especially during the period from 1976 to 1992. The mosques in the Kashgar region are not only continuously clustered within the SDE, but also grow significantly outside. However, the center coordinates of the SDE did not move significantly during the study period, indicating that the mosques' growth outside the SDE was not sufficient to weaken the intensification of the agglomeration effect in the area near the center point of the SDE.

During the study period, the distribution of SDE from the northwest-southeast direction underwent a counterclockwise rotation, and the rotation angle tended to decrease. The x (long axis of the ellipse) lengths did not change significantly. However, the y (short axis of the ellipse) lengths, especially from 1976 to 1992, have increased significantly and the shape of SDE gradually became rounded. Combined with the analysis in the previous subsections, the increase in the number of mosques in the eastern and northeastern districts of the SDE, such as Maralbexi and Payzawat, has led to an outward expansion of the mosque agglomeration effect, resulting in a change in the geometry of the SDE, i.e., the spatial expansion of mosques has had a diffusion effect, but the diffusion effect has not had a significant impact on the agglomeration of mosques in several districts and counties in the northwestern part of the Kashgar region. Accordingly, it can be inferred that the center point of SDE will still not change much after 2004, but the area will continue to change, and the rotation angle will continue to decrease. Mosques will continue to expand in the eastern and northeastern parts of the study region, and the agglomeration effect will continue to increase in the northwestern part. The absolute difference of mosque development in the region will further expand and the relative difference will continue to decrease.

#### *5.3. Causes of the Evolution of the Spatial Distribution of Mosques in the Kashgar Region*

The natural conditions of regions can be an important factor influencing the early process of origin and spread of religion. The population of the Kashgar region has mostly been distributed since ancient times in geographic areas with gentle terrain, freshwater resources, and in non-desert areas, which tend to form relatively developed urban settlements as the population gathers. The emergence of settlements provided the missionary infrastructure for the early development of Islam in this region.

Around the tenth century A.D., the rulers of the Kara-Khan Dynasty were influenced by their western neighbor, the Samanid Dynasty, and embraced Islam. The rulers represented the upper echelons of the religious hierarchy, and Islam became the official faith of the Kara-Khan Dynasty. During this period, Islam spread spatially with geographic carriers such as commercial roads and cities. After the division of the Kara-Khan Dynasty, the Eastern Kara-Khan Dynasty took ancient Kashgar, the northwestern part of the Kashgar region studied in this paper, as its economic, political, and cultural center. Although deeply inland, ancient Kashgar was relatively rich in river resources and gently sloping, and its location at the natural boundary between East Asia and Central Asia, as well as its relatively dense population, gave rise to many settlements and cities (Zilolakhon and Akhmadjonov 2022). The establishment of mosques completed the social and religious functions of these settlements and cities. Similarly, in the Yarkand Khanate area (near the river on the west side of present-day Makit), the gentle terrain and the presence of the river made it easier for the population to gather and Islam to flourish there. In the analysis of the previous study, the spatial layout of the mosque also favors areas with gentle terrain, freshwater resources, and in non-desert areas. Therefore, it can be argued that natural features and population are the two basic causes of the spatial distribution of mosques in the Kashgar region.

In the period studied in this paper, between 1955 and 2004, social factors were an important reason for the evolution of the spatial pattern of mosques in the Kashgar region. The Uyghur autonomy system was introduced in Xinjiang in 1955, with the Chinese government declaring that it would fully guarantee the customs and religious beliefs of minority groups. In 1958, Xinjiang completed its democratic reform and socialist transformation and carried out a reform of its religious system focusing on the elimination of religious feudal privileges and exploitation and the prohibition of illegal activities by religious people. During this period, some mosques in the Kashgar region were spontaneously demolished by the masses, some collapsed naturally, and some were collectively occupied or demolished during the communalization period (Cao and Youze 2006). However, at this time the government did not restrict the legal religious activities in the mosque, and some less developed areas still build a number of new mosques to meet the normal religious needs of the masses.

During the "Cultural Revolution", from 1966 to 1976, the Chinese government's religious policy guidelines were undermined and a large number of mosques were occupied as revolutionary places for ideological propaganda (Li 2014). People in some districts and counties of the Kashgar region were banned from conducting religious activities in religious places. At this stage, although there was a demand for mosques among the faithful, fewer new mosques were built due to the political environment. Around 1976, with the end of the "Cultural Revolution," the Chinese government's religious policy was restored and implemented. A large number of mosques in the Kashgar region were approved to be restored and newly built. During this period, the management of the mosques that were occupied and demolished during the "Cultural Revolution" was returned to the faithful. After this, religious activities and the management of mosques in the Kashgar region developed normally.

Since 1978, mainland China has been implementing a policy of reform and opening up. Due to the relaxation of the national economy's restrictions on the means of production as well as material and equipment, and the proximity to the border, the social production in the Kashgar region was further liberated and a large number of businessmen emerged. After 1980, the number of mosques in the Kashgar region expanded dramatically, financed by a few businessmen and mostly by compulsory distribution to the faithful. Most of the businessmen financed the construction of mosques in their hometowns, and most of the "first rich people" came from several districts and counties in the northwest of the Kashgar region. This period is also the most significant change in the spatial pattern of mosques from 1995 to 2004. Although the number of mosques has grown and Islamic activities have developed well, it is clear that it has increased the financial burden on the faithful (Xie and Du 2013).

In the late 1980s, the government concluded that illegal religious activities existed in Xinjiang and that it was more vulnerable to the influence of separatist forces outside China. Therefore, in 1990, the Xinjiang government issued a new management policy for mosques in various areas. At this stage, the relevant authorities believed that the religious sites owned by southern Xinjiang at that time could fully meet the needs of the religious masses in terms of policy religious life, and that the new construction of mosques would be managed restrictively. After the 1990s, the Xinjiang government stipulated that, in principle, no new mosques would be built. However, new settlements and herdsmen settlements without mosques can build new mosques after strict approval procedures. The excessive number of mosques was considered a sign of religious fanaticism. The increase in illegal religious activities resulting from religious fanaticism was one of the dangerous factors affecting social stability in Xinjiang. Therefore, the relevant authorities required the mosques in the Kashgar region to be equipped with legal persons. The database used for this study shows that all of the people serving as legal persons in the mosques were Uyghurs and there were no Han Chinese. From this perspective, religious affairs in the Kashgar do implement the policy of minority autonomy.

In 1992, Deng Xiaoping's Southern Talk reaffirmed the importance of the market economy in China's reform and opening-up process. Due to its special geographical location, the Kashgar region had relatively frequent economic exchanges with the outside of China and the living standard of the people had been rising in the process of reform and opening up. The urban areas of the districts and counties in the Kashgar region were constantly expanding, with more and more new settlements, and the existing mosques did not meet the needs of the faithful. With the financial support of the faithful, new mosques were built, and while not as many as in the 1980s, the number was still relatively significant. It is worth noting that, in conjunction with the previous analysis, even though new mosques were being built, the number of new mosques was still relatively small compared to the number of mosques already built. Therefore, the spatial distribution pattern of mosques in the Kashgar region from 1992 to 2004 was not much changed. In addition, Tumxuk has been sparsely distributed due to the implementation of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps management system, and the incompatibility of Islamic beliefs with the ideology of the local administration.

In general, the spatially changing characteristics of mosques in the Kashgar region from 1955 to 2004 are basically closely related to the historical evolution of the region from the time periods selected for this study (1955, 1978, 1992, and 2004). Geographical conditions and population laid down the basic characteristics of the distribution of mosques in the region. After the founding of People's Republic of China, changes in social factors such as productivity, religious management system, and administrative system are the reasons for the changes in the spatial distribution characteristics of mosques in the Kashgar region.

#### **6. Conclusions and Discussion**

This study examines the spatial and temporal evolution of the spatial distribution pattern of mosques in the Kashgar region of Xinjiang, China, from 1955 to 2004, based on data from the Digital Map of Religions in China, using mathematical statistical methods and spatial analysis, and explores the causes. The results of the study show that there was a significant increase in the number of mosques during the study period. The agglomeration effect of mosques in the region was greater than the diffusion effect, and the growth of mosques was more significant in agglomeration areas than in non-agglomeration areas. In the Kashgar region, the absolute difference in the development of mosques across districts and counties continued to expand, and the agglomeration effect had a tendency to increase. The number of mosques in non-agglomerated areas also increased during the study period, and the relative differences in regional development tended to decrease. The spatial distribution of mosques showed spatial autocorrelation and tended to be clustered. The districts and counties in the northwestern part of the Kashgar region, such as Yengixahar, Kashgar, and Konaxahar, were the areas with the most pronounced mosque aggregation effect. In addition, concentrations were also seen in Yarkant, Poskam and other districts and counties.

The period from 1976 to 1992 was the most obvious period of change in the pattern of mosque concentration and distribution in the Kashgar region. Later in the study period, new areas of agglomeration emerged in Maralbexi in the northeastern part, and in Makit in the central part of the region. Overall, the clustering of mosques in the study area was found mostly in areas with gentle topography, rivers and dense population. Geographical conditions were the basic factors affecting the distribution of mosques in the Kashgar region, and demographic factors also played a key role in the construction and development of mosques. During the study period, social factors were an important reason for the evolution of the spatial pattern of mosques. Under the current social system in China, factors such as the increase of productivity, administrative system, religious management policies, and historical background have greater impact on the evolution of the spatial distribution pattern of mosques. The effects of these factors on the development of Islam in the Kashgar region cannot be ignored.

This study has implications for understanding the development of Islam in the Kashgar region and the spatial evolution of mosques in the region since the founding of the People's Republic of China. However, limited by the data sources of the first economic census of China, the digital map of Chinese religions on which this study is based cannot fully reflect the whole picture of mosque development in the study region, and can only briefly explore the development of mosques in the region from a spatial perspective. Firstly, the first economic census only recorded the year of origin of religious sites, and it was not possible to identify and confirm whether some mosques belonged to those that were destroyed during the "Cultural Revolution" and other historical events but were subsequently restored. Since the information on religious affairs in the Kashgar region during the Cultural Revolution is insufficient and difficult to obtain, the role of special historical events in the development of mosques in the Kashgar region remains to be explored. Secondly, mosques in the region are differentiated by size, but since the first economic census did not count the size of religious places this study does not explore the spatial heterogeneity of mosques in depth. Therefore, studies related to the development of mosques in the Kashgar region still need to be further developed.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, Y.Z. and S.W.; Methodology, S.W.; Software, W.W. and T.N.; Investigation, Y.Z; Resources, Y.Z. and S.B.; Writing—review and editing, S.W. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research received no external funding.

**Institutional Review Board Statement:** Not applicable.

**Informed Consent Statement:** Not applicable.

**Data Availability Statement:** Not applicable.

**Acknowledgments:** We would like to express our gratitude to all reviewers for their thoughtful comments that helped us immensely in improving our paper.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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Dann, Norman. K. 1976. Spatial Diffusion of a Religious Movement. *Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion* 15: 351–60. [CrossRef]

Gokariksel, Banu. 2009. Beyond the officially sacred: Religion, secularism, and the body in the production of subjectivity. *Social and Cultural Geography* 10: 657–74. [CrossRef]

Gregory, Ian N. 2003. *A Place in History: A Guide to Using GIS in Historical Research*. Oxford: Oxbow Books.


Kong, Lily. 2005. Religious Schools: For Spirit, (f)or Nation. *Environment and Planning D: Society and Space* 23: 615–31. [CrossRef]


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¢ Ě Ȃ ¢ǯ ¢¢ Ĵǯ ǰ ǰ ¢ Ě ǯ ǰ ǰ ȃ Ȅ ǻ ޛ㝺ǰ Ǽ Ȭ ǻ ŘŘŗ Ǽ ǰ ¡ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǯ ę¡ ¢ Ěǰ ǰ ȯ ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ȯ ǯ ǻ ŗşřŘǰ ǯ ŗŝŘǼ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ Ĵ ¢ Ȭ ǰ ě ǯ Ĵǰ ¢ ǯ ǰ DZ ¢ ęǵ ě ǵ ¢ ¢ ¢ Ȃ Ȭ ¢ ę ǰ Ě Ȃ ǯ

 ȃȄǯ ¢ ȃ ¢ ¢ ... ¢ ę ¢ ¢ ǰ ¡ Ě ¡ǯȄ ǻ ¢ ŗşŜŝǰ ǯ ¡Ǽǯ *¢ £* <sup>ǻ</sup> ઘ᱃· ҮᓖǼǰ ¢£ ¡ ǰ ĴDZ ȃǻ ᱃Ǽ ǻ ཚᶱǼǰ ǰ ǯ DZ ǰ ǰ ǰ ǯ ¢ ¢ǰ ¢ ǰ ǻ ޛখǰ Ǽ ǯ ǰ ǻ 䚃ǰ Ǽ ǯ ǰ ǰ ǰ ęǰ ǰ ę¡ǯȄ<sup>Ř</sup> ǻ ŗŝśŜǼ Ě¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǯ

 ǯ ǰ Dz ¢ ¡ ǯ ǯ

 ǰ Ȭ ǰ ǰ ǰ ¢Ȃ ȃȬȬ¢Ȅǰ ¢ Ȭ ǯ ¢ ǰ ¢ ȃ ¢ǰȄ ȃ ǰȄ ¢ ȃ Ȅǯ ¢ǰ ¢ Ȭ ¢ Ĵ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢Ȃ ¢  DZ

ȃ ¢Ȭ Ĵ ǻǰ ¢ ę ǰ Ǽǯ ¢ Ȭ Ĵǯ ¢ ¢ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ¢ Ȭ ... ¢ ¡ ȬǯȄ ǻ ŗşśŜǰ ǯ ŘŞŗǼ

 Ř ¡DZ ȃȄ ¡ ¢ ¢ ¡ǯ ǰ ǯ Ȭ ǰ ǰ ¢ǰ ȃęȄ ǰ ǯ ǰ ȃȮȮ Ȅ ¢ ¢ ǯ

 **Řǯ** ǰ Ȭ ǻ ¢ ŗşŜŝǰ ǯ ŘŜşǼǯ

ǰ ǰ ¡¢ ǯ ę ¢ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ȃ Ȅǯ ę ǰ ě Ȭ ǯ ǰ ǰ ě ę ǰ ¢ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ǯ ¢ǰ ę ¢ ¢ǰ ¢ ȃ Ȅ ¢ ¢ ȃ Ȅǯ

 ¢ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ ǯ

 ǰ ¡ ǰ ǰ ǯ ǰ ǰ ę ę¡ ǰ ¢ ¡ ¢ ǯ Ȭ ǰ ęǰ ¡ ¢ ǯ

#### **řǯ ȃ Ȅ Ě**

 ¢ Ȃ ǯ ę ǰ ę ę¡ ǯ ¢ Ě ȃ Ȅ ę ǯ ¢ Ȭ ¢ǯ ¢ ę Ě ǰ Ě Ĵǯ

#### *řǯŗǯ DZ*

*¢ ¢ ¢* ǰ DZ

ȃ ... ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ǰ ... ǰ ¢ ǰ ǯȄ ǻ ŗşřŜǰ ǯ şŜǼ

 ¢ £ ě Ȭ ǯ ¢ǰ ¢¢ Ě ǯ ¢ǰ ¡ ǯ ¢ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǯ Ȃ  *ǰ*  Ȭ ȃ ę ¢ ¢ Ȃ Ȅǯ ǻ ŗşŝŚǰ ǯ ŗřŗǼ ȯ ȯ ǯ

 ȃ Ȅ ǯ ¢ ¡ Ȭ ¢ Ȭ ǯ ǰ ¢ Ĵ ǯ ¢ ¢ Dz ǰ Ȭ ę ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǰ Ě Ȃ ¡ Ĵ ǯ

 Ȭ ǰ ¢ ęǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ě ¡ ȃȬ Ȅǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǰ Ȭ ǯ ǰ Ȃ ǰ Ȃ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǯ ǯ

#### *řǯŘǯ ¢ ¢ ǵ ¢*

  *¢* ǰ ę ¡ Ȭ ¡ ǯ ¢ ǰ ¢ǯ ¢ǰ ¢ ǯ ȃě ě ǯ £ ǰ ¢ ¢ ě ȯ ¢ ¢ ǯȄ ǻ ŗşşśǰ ǯ ŗŗǼǯ Ȭ ǰ ǰ Ȃ ǯ ¢ ¡ ǯ

 ǰ ě ě ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ ę ¡ǯ ǯ Ȃ ę ¡ Ȭ ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ȃ ¢ ¢ ǯȄ ǻ ŗşŞŜǼǯ

 ¡ ¡ ¡ ǰ ǰ Ȭ ǯ ¡ǰ ŗşŞŖǰ  ¢£ ȃ
Ȅ ¡ ǯ ¡ ¢ ȃ
Ȅ ¡ ȃ㾯ইᗇᴻˈьेїᴻDŽᆹ↓ਹȄ ǻ ¢ ¡ ȃ ę ǰ ǯ Ȅ ǻ ¢ ŗşŜŝǰ ǯ ŗŗǼǼǯ ¡  Ȭ ǰ ¡ DZ ȃ Ȅ ¢¢ǰ ǰ ȃ Ȅ ¢ ǯ ¢¢Ȃ Ȃ ǰ ǯ ǰ ȃ
Ȅ ¡ Ȃ ¢¢ ǻ ŗşŞŜǼǯ

 ǰ ¡ Ȭ ǯ ǯ ¡ ¢ Ȭ ęǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŖŝǰ ǯ ŗŖŞȮřŚǼǯ ¡ ¢ ě  DZ ǰ ǰ ǻ ŘŖŗŜǼǯ ǰ ě ǰ Ĵ Ě ǯ ǰ Ĵ ǯ

 ǰ ǰ ȃȄ ¡DZ ǻŗǼ ǰ Ȭ ę ǰ ǯ ǻŘǼ ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǯ ǰ ȃ Ȅ ǰ ǰ ¢ ǯ ǰ ǯ

 ¢ ¢ǯ ȃ ¢ ¢ ǯ ... Ȭ ¢ ǯȄ ǻ ŗşŞşǰ ǯ ŘşřȮşŚǼǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢

 Dz Dz ǯ ǰ ¢ Dz ¢ǰ ǰ ǯ ĵ £ ¢ ǯ ¡ ǰ ¢ ǯ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǻ ȃ ȄǼ ǻ ȃȄǼǯ  *ǻ* ≹Җ*Ǽ*ǰ Ȭ ȃ ǯ ǯ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǯȄ<sup>ř</sup> ǻ ǽŗŖśǾ ŘŖŖŖǰ ǯ řŞŝǼǯ ǰ ǰ ¢ǰ ǰ ¢ǯ

 ǰ ę ǯ  ę ¢ ¢¢ǯ ¢¢ ¢ ę¡ ¡  ę¢ ǯ ǻ¢  ljਢ䇠NJǼǰ ¢ ǻ⍋䛁Ǽ ¢¢ǰ Ȭ ¢Ȃ ¢ ¢ǰ ǰ ȃȄ ǯ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ Ȭ ¢ ¢£ ȃ ¢Ȅǯ ¢ ¢¢ ȃ ǰ ¢ ¢¢ Ȅ ǻǼǯ ¢ ¢¢ǯ ¢ ǰ ¡ ¢¢ ¢ ǰ ¢¢ǯ ¢¢ ¢ǯ Ȃ ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ

 ǰ ȃ Ȅ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ǰ ǰ ǰ ¢ ǯ DZ ȃ Ȅ ǻই䶒〠⦻Ǽ ǻ ǽŗŖśǾ ŘŖŖŖǰ ǯ ŗŗśřǼǯ ǰ ǰ ȃ¢Ȅ ǰ ǰ ǯ

#### **Śǯ ȯ ¢ ę ȃ Ȅ**

  ¡ǰ ¢ǰ ¢ Ȭ ¢ǯ ǰ ǰ ǰ ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ǰ ¢ Ȭ ¢ Ĵǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¡ǰ Ȭ ¢ ¢ǰ ȃ Ȅ ǻ䗾ௌ⾎Ǽǰ ȃ

Ȅ ǻ⑨ௌ⾎ᯩǰ Ǽǰ ȃ¢ Ȅ ǻ䘱ௌ⾎ǰ ě Ǽ Ȃ ǯ ǰ ¡ ǯ ǰ ǯ

 ¢ ǰ Ȭ ¢ǯ ¢ ¡ ¢ǰ ¢ǰ ǻ ŘŖŗřǼǯ ě  Ȭ ¢¢ ¡ ǰ ǰ ȃ ¢ ¢ ¢ Ȅ ǻě  ŗşŞŖǰ ǯ ŗŚǼǯ ę ǰ ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǯ

ȃ Ȅ ę¡ ǯ ǰ ǰ ǰ ě ę ¢ ǰ ǯ ¢ǰ ě ě ǰ ȃ Ȅ ¢ ǯ ȃ Ȅǯ

#### *Śǯŗǯ ȃ Ȅ ǰ ¡*

 ¢ǰ £ ¢ǰ ¡ ǯ ¢ ¡ ǰ Ȭ ŚŖǰŖŖŖǯ ǰ ǰ ǰ ǰ ǰ ǯ ǰ Ě ǯ ǰ ǰ ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢ ȃ Ȭ Ȅ ǯ

 ŗşřŘǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ DZ

ȃ¢ ¢ǰ ǻݸ⭏ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢Ǽ ǯ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǯ ǯ ǰ ęȬ ǰ ěǰ ǯ Ȭ ¢ ǰ ǰ ěǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ǯ

 ǰ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ Ȭ ǰ ¢ Ȭ ǯ £ ¢ǰ ǯ ǰ ȁ Ȃ Ȭ ¢ǰ ¢ ǯȄ

 ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ ȃ Ȅ ¢DZ

ȃ ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ ę ȁ Ȃǯ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ǰ ǯȄ ǻ Ǽ

ȃ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ǰ ǰ ¢ ǯȄ ǻǼ

 ¢ǰ ¢ǰ ǰ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǰ ¢ǯ ȃȬ Ȅ ǰ ǯ ¢ ¢ǰ Ȃ ǯ ǰ ǰ ȃ Ȅ ¢ ¢ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ<sup>Ś</sup>

 ¢ Ȭ ǰ ¢ Ȭ ¢ǰ ¢ ȃ Ȅ ¡ǯ ě Ȃ ¢ ě Ȭ Ȃ ¢ ǯ ǰ Ȭ ¢ ȃ Ȅǰ ¢ ę ǯ Ě ¡ ¢ ¡ ¢ ǰ Ě Ȃ ¢ǯ

 ŘŖ ¢ǰ Ȭ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ Ȭ ¢ǯ ǰ ǰ ȃ Ȅ ¢ ę ¢ ¢ ǯ ȃ Ȅ ǯ ǰ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢ ǰ ǰ ǻ哴㼡㓨Ǽǰ ęǰ Ȭ ǯ ȃ Ȅ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ Ȭ ǰ ¢£ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗŜǼǯ

 ǰ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ȯ ¢¢ȯ ǯ ¡ ǯ ǰ ¢¢ ¢ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǰ ¢ Ȃ ¢ ǯ

 ǰ ¢ Ȭ ǯ ǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ ȃ Ȅ ǯ ¢ ǯ ǯ ǰ ¢ Ȭ ǯ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŗŜǼǯ

 ǰ ȃȄ ¢ ¢ǯ ǰ ě ę ¢ ǯ ǰ ȃ Ȅ ¢ ¢¢ǯ ȃȄ Ȭ ¢Ȃ ǯ ȃ Ȅ ǯǰ ę ǰ ¢ǰ ę ¡ ę ¢¢ ǯ

#### *ŚǯŘǯ ȃ Ȅ ǻ*↖ן衣*Ǽ*

 ¢ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǯ ¢ ę ¢ ę ǰ ¢ ¢ǯ ¢ ¢ ǯ

 Ȃ ǰ ě ǰ ǰ ǯǰ Ĵ ǰ ě ǻ ¢ǰ Ȃ ę¡ Ǽǯ ę ¢ ę ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǰ ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢DZ ȃ ǵȄǯ ¢ DZ ȃ ǷȄ ¢ Ȃ ǰ ¢ ȃ Ȅ ǯ

 ǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ £ ǯ £ ¢ ę ¢ ę £ ǰ ¢ǯ

 ¢ ȃ Ȅ ¢ ǯ ěȬ ȃ Ȅ ǰ ¢ ǯ Ȭ ¢ ¢ ǰ £ ǯ ǰ ȃ Ȅ ¢ £ ǯ

  ¢ ȃ Ȅ ǰ ǯ ǻ䈨㪋ӞǼǰ ǻ㴰≹Ǽ ¢¢ ǯ ¢ ę ¢ ę ¢ ę ¢ ¢ǯ ¢ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǻ ŘŖŘŗǼǯ

Ȃ ǰ ŗşŞŖǰ £ Ȃ Dz £ ¢ Ȭ ȃ Ȅǰ ę ¢¢ǯ ǯ ǰ ȃ Ȅ ¢ ǯ 
¢ ȃ

 Ȅ ǯ Ȃ ȁ ¢¢ ȃ Ȅ ¢ǯ Ȭ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ ę ¢ ǯ ȃ Ȅ ǰ ǰ ŗşşŞǯ ǰ ȃ Ȅ ¢ ę ¢ ǻ ŘŖŖśǼǯ

ě ǰ Ȭ ȃ Ȅ ǰ ȃȬ ¢ Ȅ ǯ ě ǰ Ĝ ǯ ȃ¢¢Ȅ Ȃ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ǰ ę ¢Ȭ ǰ ¢ Ĵ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǰ Ȭ ¢ǯ ǰ ¢ ¡ ǯ

#### *Śǯřǯ ȃ¢ Ȅ ¢*

 ŘŖŗşǰ ǯ ě ǰ ¢ Ȃ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ǯ<sup>ś</sup>

 ǰ ¢ ǰ ȃ¢ Ȅ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ǰ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ǰ ǯ ǰ ¢ ¢ Ȃ ǯ

 ¢ ǰ ¢ ȃ¢ Ȅ DZ

¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǯ ǰ ǯ ǯ ǯ Ȃ Ĵ¢ ¢ ǯ Ĵ¢ DZ ¢ǰ ¢ ... ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ ǯ

 ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ Ĵ ¢ Ĵǯ ǰ ȃ¢ Ȅ ¢ ¢ ǯ

#### **śǯ**

 ǯ ȃ ¢ ȬǯȄ ǻ ŗşşŖǰ ǯ řŝǼǯ Ȭ ¢ ¡ǰ ǯ ¢ ¢ ǰ ¢ ȃ¢ Ȅ ǯ

Ĵ ǯ ¢ ǰ ǰ ¢ǯ ę ǰ ¡ǰ ¢ ǰ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ǯ ¢ ǰ ¢ ǯ ¢ǰ ¢ǰ Ĵǯ

 ǰ ¢ Ȭ ǰ ǰ ¢ǰ ǯ ȃ Ȅ Ȭ ¢ ǰ ǯ ȃȄǰ ȃ¢Ȅǰ ǰ ¢ ¢ǰ ę ¢ ȃ Ȅǯ ę ¢ ǯ

 ¡ ¢ǰ ǯ ǰ Ě Dz ǰ ¡ Ě Ȃ ¡ ¢ǯ ¢ ¢ Ě ¢ ǯ ǰ Ĵ ǯ ¢ Ȃ ¢ ǯ

 ¢ ǰ ¡Ȭ Ȃ ǯ ȃ Ȅ ę ǯ ȃȬȬȄ ǯ

 ¢ ǯ ǰ ¢ ě ǰ ě ǯ ȃ Ȅ ě ǰ ¢ ¢ ǯ ¢ ȃ ¢ ¢ ¢ Ȅǯ

**DZ** ¡ ǯ

 **DZ** ǯ

 **DZ** ǯ

 **¢ DZ** ǯ

**Ě DZ** Ě ǯ

#### 


<sup>ś</sup> ¢ ǰ DZ ŘŖŗşǯ

#### 

ǰ ⨝പǯ ŘŖŖŖǯ  ≹Җǯ £DZ ǯ ŗŖśǯ

ǰ ǯ ŗşşŖǯ  *¢DZ ¢* ǯ DZ ǯ

ǰ Ȭǯ ŘŖŖśǯ ǰ Ȭ ǯ řŗDZ ŘřŜȮŝŞǯ ǽǾ

ǰ Ȭǯ ŘŖŖŜǯ  *DZ ¢* ǯ DZ ¢ ǯ

ǰ 䱸᱕༠ǯ ŘŖŗşǯ  ؑԠо〙ᒿ*ȯȯ* ᰾㋔ьоਠ⒮≁䰤⾎᰾ጷᤌ⹄ウǯ DZ ǰ ǯ ŗȮŜǯ ǰ ¢ 䱸ഭࣷǯ ŘŖŖřǯ  ཚᒣ㓿ǯ ¢ ¢ ǯ DZ ¡ ǯ ŗŚŚśǯ

ǰ ǰ 
 ǯ ǯ ŗşşśǯ  *¢* ǯ DZ ǯ

 ǰ ¢ǯ ŗşŝşǯ  *¢*ǯ DZ ǯ

ǭƽř ŗ £ŖŖ¢ řŘş ¢ȬȬ Ş ǻ Řş ŘŖŘŘǼǯ
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¢ǯ ŘŖŖśǯ ȃ Ȅ ȃ ⑨ௌ⾎ᯩȄ Ґ؇㘳ǯ *¢ ǻ Ǽ* ŜDZ ŞşȮşŚǯ DZ DZȦȦǯǯȦ
ȦȦǯ¡ǵƽǭƽŘŖŖśǭ ƽŘŖŖśŖŜŖŗśǭƽǭƽŞŖŞ£şŗŚŝŖ £¢ Ş ǻ Řş ŘŖŘŘǼǯ

ǰ ǰ ¢ ǯ ǰ 
ǯ ǰ ǯ 
ǯ ŘŖŖşǯ *¢DZ*  ǯ DZ ǯ

Ȅ ¡Ȃ ljඔখNJⲴ㾯ইǃьेǯ *¡ ¢ ǻ¢ Ǽ* ŘDZ ŞŘȮŞŚǯ DZ DZȦȦǯǯȦȦȦǯ¡ǵƽǭ ƽŞśŞşǭƽŗşŞŜŖŘŖŗŚǭƽ
ǭƽȬŗȬŝ ŗ ŚȏśŚŗ ř ȏ ŗŗ¢£Ȭ£¢Ş ǻ Řş ŘŖŘŘǼǯ
ȦȦǯ¡ǵƽǭƽŗŖ ŘŗŝřŚŘŜŜǯ ǻ řŖ ŘŖŘŘǼǯ ǽǾ

ǰ ᕐӊྲǯ ŘŖŗŜǯ ¢ ¡ ᱻे⸲⋣䭷↓ᴸȃ 䗾ௌ⾎Ȅ Ґ؇⹄ウǯ Ȃ ǰ ¢ǰ ǰ ǯ DZ DZȦȦǯǯȦ
ȦȦ ǯ¡ǵƽŘŖŗŝŖŗǭƽŗŖŗŜŘşŗŗřŖǯ ǻ řŖ ŘŖŘŘǼǯ

ǰ ǽ ᰾Ǿ 䜁䝔ǯ ŗşřŘǯ *¢*  ጊ䱣㥹า䈇᮷䳶ǯ DZ ⡡ྲ⭏ѝഭสᵜਔ㉽ᓃǯ ŗŜŝşǯ DZ DZȦȦŖŝǯȦȦȏřǯ ǻ ŘŖ ŘŖŘŘǼǯ

ǰ ǽ ≹Ǿ 䜁⦴ǯ ŗŝśŜǯ *¢ £* ઘ᱃Үᓖǯ ¢ ǯ ¢ 䳵䴘าǯ

**ȦȂ DZ** ǰ ¢ Ȭ ǻǼ ǻǼ Ȧ ǻǼǯ Ȧ ǻǼ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ ǰ ǰ ǯ

## *Article* **A Spatial Study of the Relics of Chinese Tomb Murals**

**Yizhen Shi and Xiaoyang Wang \***

School of Art, Southeast University, Nanjing 211189, China **\*** Correspondence: 101011372@seu.edu.cn

**Abstract:** China has numerous relics from tomb murals. Over 70 years (1949–2019), 1495 relic sites were excavated. Distributed across more than two-thirds of China's provincial administrative regions, the relics of tomb murals span from the Han Dynasty (206 BC–220 AD) to the Qing Dynasty (1644–1911). In previous studies, scholars focused on the qualitative analysis of tomb murals. In this paper, we applied GIS tools to visualize these relics and analyze their density values for the first time. In terms of academic standards, we propose the material distribution index, the regional distribution index, and the temporal distribution index for relics. The academic innovation of this paper is threefold. First, with regard to the distribution of relic sites, this paper draws a distribution map of the relic sites of Chinese tomb murals and explores the preliminary significance of these relic sites in the culture of the Yellow River basin and its ancient political center. Second, in terms of synchronic viewpoints, this paper designs a material distribution map and a kernel density distribution map based on the distribution map of relic sites. Third, from a diachronic viewpoint, this paper sketches the secondary-level distribution map of six historical periods for the overall kernel density distribution map of relic materials in nine provinces, whereby it outlines the general trend of the development of Chinese tomb murals and the contributions of nine provinces. In brief, with the use of the GIS tool, this paper obtains information on the distribution of relics and reveals the characteristics of tomb murals in terms of their regional and temporal distributions through the ranking of various density values. This paper aims to construct a frame of reference for testing traditional theoretical achievements from the two perspectives of information acquisition and theoretical analysis.

**Keywords:** Chinese tomb murals; spatial study of religions; GIS; spatial analysis

#### **1. Introduction**

In the historical development of global art, tomb murals represent a unique phenomenon within religious art. Tomb murals are found underground; their theme involves the imagination of the afterlife, and their content concerns the description of the present life. Accordingly, tomb murals are concerned with juxtaposed relationships. In terms of their spatial location, tomb murals exist underground, in parallel with ground art. In the communication model, tomb murals remain intact after being created and become popular after being excavated by archaeologists in later generations, in parallel with open-air art. In terms of content, tomb murals depict how tomb owners and tomb builders envisage the afterlife, depicting religious art in parallel with secular art. The combination of these three juxtaposed relationships endows tomb murals with distinctive value for spatial research.

This paper considers the explicitly religious attributes of tomb murals. All of the images on tomb murals imagine the tomb owner and related people in the other world. Specifically, a tomb mural has three religious attributes. First, thematically speaking, it often shows that the tomb owner hopes to experience the rebirth of life extension in the other world. Second, considering the participants in tomb murals, the tomb owner and other participants in the tomb recognize the transformation of life and death, and their behavior is religious. Third, in terms of artistic characteristics, tomb murals exist underground. This is a closed structure, which is different from an open structure at ground level. In other words, tomb murals are underground mural relics that express the experience of rebirth.

**Citation:** Shi, Yizhen, and Xiaoyang Wang. 2023. A Spatial Study of the Relics of Chinese Tomb Murals. *Religions* 14: 166. https://doi.org/ 10.3390/rel14020166

Academic Editor: Z. George Hong

Received: 23 November 2022 Revised: 19 January 2023 Accepted: 20 January 2023 Published: 29 January 2023

**Copyright:** © 2023 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

China has the largest number of tomb mural relics in the world. At present, 1495 relic sites have been excavated. Chinese scholars have also achieved highly significant results in their research on tomb murals. In the CNKI database, under the theme "tomb mural", 1235 papers published since 2010 can be retrieved. Foreign scholars show less interest than their Chinese peers. In the JSTOR database, under the theme "Chinese tomb mural", only 143 papers dating from 2010 can be retrieved. In the WOS (Web of Science) database, under the theme "Chinese tomb mural", just 119 papers written after 2010 can be retrieved. In the ResearchGate database, under the theme "Chinese tomb mural", only 90 papers written after 2010 can be retrieved.

Situated in the field of the theoretical study of world religions, this paper is the first to use the GIS tool to research Chinese tomb murals. Jeanne Halgren Kilde observes that "In the past few decades, scholars' interest in and understanding of the many roles played by space in the construction of religious meaning has advanced significantly. Drawing upon analytical models from a variety of disciplines—sociology and social theory, geography and architecture, and literary and critical theory in particular—scholars have interrogated the role of space as a constitutive component in the formation of religious meaning and experience." (Kilde 2014). Despite their theoretical achievements, they fail to address Chinese tomb murals.

In terms of spatial research, there are a substantial number of Chinese tomb mural relics with complete geographical information. Synchronically, these relic sites are scattered across 27 provincial administrative regions. Diachronically, these relic sites span from the Han Dynasty to the Qing Dynasty. Therefore, this paper emphasizes the importance of relic sites to spatial research, aiming to visualize the distribution of Chinese tomb mural relic sites.<sup>1</sup>

With a long history and wide distribution, Chinese tomb murals offer a deeply material sense of national identity. In Spatiality and Religion, John Corrigan argues that "Indeed, religion has a way of developing in conjunction with national identity so that a national landscape often is contoured in explicitly religious ways." (Warf and Arias 2009). This paper uses the GIS tool to analyze tomb mural relics and explore the national landscape composing of a large number of relics. To this end, this paper designs three basic index systems. The first is the distribution index of the types of relics. Chinese tomb murals encompass complex types. Concerning materials, tomb murals are largely made of mud, stone, and brick. To put it another way, the material is used as an index to divide the three types of tomb murals, i.e., the mud type, the stone type, and the brick type. In "Materializing the Bible: A Digital Scholarship Project from the Anthropology of Religion", James S. Bielo and Claire Vaughn affirm that: "Religious actors use material forms to address the central problems that define their religious tradition (s), such as authority, belonging, and presence." (Cantwell and Petersen 2021). Scholars hold the view that tomb murals denote a religious act, and the division of material means the division of the "corporeal form". In this way, the distribution characteristics of Chinese tomb mural relics can be scrutinized. The second index system is the regional distribution index of relics. China comprises a vast territory with complex regional divisions. The name of this one place varies across ancient and contemporary periods. This paper refers to the current administrative units. Simultaneously, as the excavation of tomb murals was mainly carried out during the last century, current administrative units present the contemporary distribution of relic sites. Therefore, this paper chooses 34 current provincial administrative regions (provinces) to assess the regional distribution index of relics. The third index is the temporal distribution index of relics. The existing scholarship of Chinese tomb murals takes the horizontal cave tomb (from the Han Dynasty) as its primary research object (Huang 1996). Moreover, Chinese history generally consists of six stages, i.e., the Han Dynasty; the Wei, Jin, Southern, and Northern Dynasties; the Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties; the Song, Liao, Jin, and Western Xia Dynasties; the Yuan Dynasty; and the Ming and Qing Dynasties (Wang 2018). To clearly determine its temporal boundaries, this paper takes these six stages as the temporal distribution index for relics. The three index systems help to effectively identify materials for spatial research and to discuss tomb murals (as visual images).

#### **2. Design and Analysis of the Distribution Map of the Number of Relic Sites**

The following map displays the distribution of the number of Chinese tomb mural relic sites.

#### *2.1. Data Source*

In terms of information sources, this paper collects data from "Research on Archaeological Chronicles of Chinese Religious Arts (1949–2019)2, a National Social Science Fund of China Key Project (No.: 17AZJ002), which was concluded in 2020. The project surveys 70 years of archaeological materials related to Chinese tomb murals from 1949 to 2019, and therefore currently provides the most complete dataset.

#### *2.2. Index of Numerical Distribution*

This paper designs two indexes: a data index, which refers to the number of Chinese tomb mural relic sites (1495); and a spatial index, generated according to contemporary provincial administrative regions in China (34).

Based on these two indexes, this paper draws a distribution map of the number of Chinese tomb mural relic sites using the GIS tool (see Figure 1).

**Figure 1.** Distribution map of Chinese tomb mural relic sites.

#### *2.3. Analysis of the Numerical Distribution Map*

Relic sites are found widely across China. Tomb mural relics have been found in 27 of the 34 provincial administrative regions, demonstrating that tomb murals are a nationwide religious phenomenon.3

Moreover, a large number of relic sites are distributed in the Yellow River basin. The Yellow River basin winds through nine provinces, i.e., Qinghai, Gansu, Ningxia (the upper reaches), Shanxi, Sha'anxi, Inner Mongolia (the middle reaches), and Henan and Shandong (the lower reaches), accounting for 78.80% of the total relic sites. It is clear that the cultural regions near the Yellow River basin played a significant role in fostering the development of Chinese tomb murals (see Table 1).


**Table 1.** Survey of tomb mural relic sites in provinces near the Yellow River basin.

The distribution of relic sites shows a positive correlation with areas considered political centers. Among the 27 provinces with tomb mural relic sites, this paper introduces the index of ten ancient capitals4. The proportion of tomb mural relics in ancient capitals constitutes 60.74% of the total. Therefore, the distribution of tomb mural relics has close ties with the political centers of various dynasties (see Table 2). In particular, Henan has the largest number of ancient capital relics, accounting for 17.79% of the total.

**Table 2.** Statistics related to tomb mural relic sites in the provinces where ten ancient capitals are located.


#### **3. Distribution of the Types of Relic Sites and the Kernel Density Distribution in Major Regions**

In synchronic terms, this paper discusses the distribution of the types of relic sites and the kernel density distribution in major regions.

Having drawn the distribution map of Chinese tomb mural relic sites, this paper attains a general understanding of the number of relics, and is therefore able to calculate the differences between the selected provinces. Notably, the sizes and types of these provinces vary. This raises the question of how these two factors influence the sites in each province. To solve this problem, we drew a distribution map and a distribution density table based on the types of tomb mural relic sites to accurately measure the contributions of these provinces.

Distribution Map Index and Basic Density Statistics.

#### *3.1. Distribution Map Index*

Based on "The Distribution Map of the Number of Chinese Tomb mural Relic Sites" (the number of relic sites and provinces), this paper adds the three deep-analysis indexes of mud density, brick density, and stone density and recollects the statistical data, so as to obtain a more accurate understanding via data visualization (see Figure 2).

**Figure 2.** Distribution map of the types of Chinese tomb mural relics.

The visual expression of the data reveals that the distribution of mud and stone tomb murals shows a south–north trend, while the distribution of brick tomb murals is proportionate. To better explain the distribution of types, we produced basic density statistics.

#### *3.2. Basic Density Statistics of the Distribution of Types*

We drafted a distribution density table for the types of Chinese tomb murals (see Table 3) and analyzed the density values of these provinces in descending order. The average density values of the indexes are as follows: overall density 3.00, mud density 1.46, brick density 0.66, and stone density 0.91. The shaded parts in the table indicate the provinces with lower-than-average density values.


#### **Table 3.** Distribution density of the types of Chinese tomb murals.

<sup>1</sup> Rankings of the Contributions of the Type Density Distribution

There are seven provinces with above-average values for mud density: Shanxi, Beijing, Henan, Sha'anxi, Liaoning, Hebei, and Shandong (in descending order).

There are eight provinces with above-average values for brick density: Henan, Shanxi, Gansu, Sichuan, Jiangsu, Ningxia, Hubei, and Guizhou (in descending order).

There are seven provinces with above-average values for stone density: Henan, Sichuan, Chongqing, Shandong, Jiangsu, Sha'anxi, Shanxi, and Guizhou (in descending order).

In general, Henan and Shanxi rank in the top two in terms of overall density, with values two to three times higher than those of the other provinces.

<sup>2</sup> Ranking the Choice of Types in Terms of the Density Distribution

Using the table of type density distributions, we ranked the chosen types of tomb murals in various provinces. The mud type ranked first. Mud was chosen in 22 regions, accounting for 81.48% of the tomb murals. Mud-type tomb murals were not found in Chongqing, Guizhou, Anhui, Qinghai, or Guangxi. The brick type ranked second. Brick was evidenced in 23 provinces, accounting for 85.18%; it was not found in Beijing, Jilin, Hunan, and Heilongjiang. The stone type ranked third. Stone was found in 19 provinces, accounting for 70.37% of tomb murals, but was not evidenced in Beijing, Fujian, Jilin, Xinjiang, Hunan, Qinghai, Heilongjiang, or Guangxi. The reasons remain unclear.

<sup>3</sup> Henan and Shanxi Take the Lead in the Distribution of the Type Density

The distribution data of the ten ancient capitals mentioned above revealed that the density values for Henan and Shanxi were very high, which can be associated with their roles as political centers. The relics of tomb murals in these regions are usually large in scale. This suggests that the tomb owners were very wealthy or enjoyed high political status. Henan and Shanxi served as capitals during the course of Chinese history. In Henan, Luoyang was the capital of the Eastern Han Dynasty, the Western Jin Dynasty, and the Northern Wei Dynasty. Kaifeng was the capital of the Northern Song Dynasty. In Shanxi, Pingcheng (present-day Datong) was the capital of the Northern Wei Dynasty, and Taiyuan was the capital of the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms. The high-density values of Henan and Taiyuan attest to the connection between the development of tomb murals and political evolution, as stated in Approaching Religious Space: An Overview of Theories, Methods, and Challenges in Religious Studies: "Space, as any reading of the recent literature on identity will show (in terms such as the politics of location, the critical space of the margin, third space, etc.), is also a mental or conceptual dimension, one which may float free of any physical mooring, but which uses the notion of space metaphorically and may provide a means of imagining and giving expression to human possibility, cultural difference, the imagination itself, as well as social relations." Kilde (2014).

<sup>4</sup> Analysis of High-Density Regions

There are nine provinces with above-average-density values, which are referred to as high-density regions. Therefore, this paper analyzes the high-density regions (Figure 3).

In descending order, the provinces with above-average overall density are Henan, Shanxi, Beijing, Sha'anxi, Sichuan, Shandong, Chongqing, Jiangsu, and Gansu. The Yellow River passes through six of these provinces, and ten provinces have ancient capital cities (barring Gansu). Notably, Gansu cities served as capitals historically. For instance, in the Sixteen Kingdoms, Lanzhou was the capital of the Western Qin Dynasty (385–400) and the capital of the Later Liang Dynasty (386–403). Meanwhile, Jiuquan was the capital of the Western Liang Dynasty (400–421).

As stated above, the distribution map of the density of the types of relic sites in nine provinces shows the major distribution regions of Chinese tomb murals and clarifies the correlation between regional cultures and the contributions of relic sites. Describing space in her Spatial Theory and Method for the Study of Religion, Kim Knott stated that "social and cultural theory has reconceived 'space' as dynamic, in terms of its relationship to power, history and time, its condition of simultaneity and the various ways in which it is experienced and represented. No longer is it seen as the passive container or backdrop for human activity. It is thoroughly enmeshed in embodiment and everyday practice, knowledge and discourse, and in processes of production and reproduction, and consequently it is enmeshed in religion no less than in other areas of social and cultural life" (Knott 2005). As such, it is necessary to further consider the spatial relationship between the relics. To address this problem, we analyzed the kernel density of these regions to further investigate the spatial distribution of various types.

**Figure 3.** Distribution map of the density of types of relic sites in nine provinces.

Selection and Calculation Methods for Kernel Density Regions:

<sup>1</sup> Selection Index for Kernel Density Data

As calculated above, the number of relics in nine provinces account for 77.19% of the total (Table 4), showing a typical trend. In terms of historical periods, the Han Dynasty relic sites account for the highest proportion, reaching 86.82%, while relics from the Wei and Jin Dynasties account for the lowest proportion, totaling 68.02%. In terms of type, stone tomb murals account for 89.24% (the highest), brick tomb murals account for 80.87%, and mud tomb murals account for 65.82%. Generally speaking, the relics in the nine provinces under consideration account for more than two-thirds of the total number. Additionally, in the top nine regions in terms of overall density, there are three top provinces in each type of density. We therefore conclude that case studies of nine provinces reveal differences in the spatial and temporal distributions of the relic sites.


*Religions* **2023** , *14*, 166

**Table 4.** Statistics of the proportion

 of the types of relic sites found in nine provinces.

### <sup>2</sup> Method for Calculating the Kernel Density

The kernel density analysis tool was used to calculate the density of elements in their surrounding neighborhoods. The tool can calculate the density of both point features and line features.

The calculation method for point features is as follows. Kernel density analysis is used to calculate the density of point features around each output grid pixel. By default, the units are selected according to the linear units defined by the projection of the input point feature data, or otherwise specified in the output coordinate system environment settings. If the area unit is selected, the calculated pixel density will be multiplied by the corresponding factor and then written to the output grid.

The kernel density can calculate the sample's point density and determine the element distribution's concentration area. The formula for calculating kernel density is

$$K = \frac{1}{nh^2\pi} \sum\_{i=1}^{n} k \left[ \left( 1 - \frac{(\boldsymbol{x} - \boldsymbol{x}\_i)^2 + (\boldsymbol{y} - \boldsymbol{y}\_i)^2}{h^2} \right) \right]^2$$

In particular, *K* stands for the kernel function, (*x* − *xi*) <sup>2</sup> + (*<sup>y</sup>* <sup>−</sup> *yi*) <sup>2</sup> stands for the square of the distance between the point (*x* − *xi*) and the point (*y* − *yi*), *n* stands for the number of samples, and *h* stands for the bandwidth. Given the geographical characteristics of relic sites, this paper sets the bandwidth as the default bandwidth.

Taking nine provinces as targeted regions, we separately screened their point data among national data using a comparative approach. We used ArcGIS, a kernel density analysis tool, to analyze the kernel density. For the regional statistical analysis, the regional statistical analysis tool in ArcGIS was used to combine kernel density values with the panel data of nine provinces and calculate the average kernel density value of each province. With regard to the data classification of nine provinces, the data classification method of the natural point of discontinuity was used to divide the data into high-density, mediumdensity, and low-density categories, and the visual distribution is marked with colors ranging from dark to light.

### <sup>3</sup> Analysis of the Kernel Density Distribution Map

Regarding the kernel density of the overall type distribution in nine provinces, there were three main characteristics. First, Henan and Shanxi constitute the regions with the highest kernel densities (Figure 4a), and the surrounding areas are in the regions with medium densities. This substantiated the growing influence of the entire region that centers on Henan and Shanxi. Second, Henan has the highest kernel density for all four types, indicating that Henan is representative of tomb mural relic sites as a whole. Third, Henan and Shanxi boast high-density regions for the overall type, which overlap with the regions shaded with high densities of mud-type (Figure 4b) and brick-type (Figure 4c) relics. Sha'anxi (Figure 4b) is a region with high-density mud-type relics, but has medium density (Figure 4a) in the overall distribution, suggesting that mud distribution is closely related to widespread distribution.

Based on separate investigations of the three types of high-density regions, except for Sha'anxi and Shanxi, three regional characteristics can be identified. First, for mud materials (Figure 4b), the high-density regions include Henan, Shanxi, Sha'anxi, and Beijing. Second, for brick materials (Figure 4c), the high-density regions include Henan, Shanxi, and Gansu. Third, for stone materials (Figure 4d), the high-density regions include Henan (the highest) and Sichuan and Chongqing (southwestern China), exclusive of Shanxi.

**Figure 4.** Overall kernel density distribution map of the types of relic sites in nine provinces.

#### **4. Analysis of the Kernel Densities of Various Types of Major Relic Sites**

From a diachronic perspective, we carried out an analysis of the kernel densities of the various types of major relic sites.

The GIS tool allows for the visualization of relics from Chinese tomb murals and alters our understanding of these murals. Based on our overall understanding of the relics, we generated a distribution map of the various types in order to interpret the diversity of the material distribution. Focusing on major relic sites, we attempted to identify the consistencies and differences in the distribution of relic types in the development of Chinese tomb murals. Kim Knott states that "social relations exist in and through space, and 'the spatial is socially constituted'. Religion, then, which is inherently social, must also exist and express itself in and through space, and must play its part in the constitution of spaces (Knott 2014)". Therefore, we generated kernel density maps for six historical periods and examined the spatial distribution of relics in order to offer synchronic and diachronic assessments of the influence of different types. According to the ranking of density values, we defined the nine provinces with above-average density values as major

relic sites and analyzed the kernel density of the types of relic sites in these nine provinces in different periods.

#### *4.1. Kernel Density Analysis of the Types of Han Dynasty Relic Sites in Nine Provinces (Figure 5)*

As the information in Figure 5 suggests, the type distribution of the Han Dynasty relic sites shows two characteristics. Firstly, Shandong, Henan, and Sichuan have the highest distribution densities of the overall type (Figure 5a). Compared with the maps of various types in the same period, the stone material (Figure 4d) accords with this type, meaning that stone tomb murals prevailed in the Han Dynasty. Secondly, the three types of highdensity regions (Figure 5a–c) all center on Henan, which shows that Henan represented the mainstream of tomb murals in the Han Dynasty and that the three types coexisted in an inclusive way.

**Figure 5.** Kernel density distribution map of the types of Han Dynasty relic sites.

On the relationship between the four secondary-level distribution maps, we noted some differences after ranking the kernel density of the three types. First, Henan is the only high-density region for brick density (Figure 5c), in contrast to the low-density regions around it, indicating the limited influence of brick-type tombs in the Han Dynasty. Second, in terms of the distribution of mud materials (Figure 5b), although Henan is the only high-density region, the surrounding areas are all medium-density regions, indicating the spatial influence of mud-material tombs. Third, in terms of high-density regions, stone differs from mud and brick. High-density regions include Henan, Shandong, Sichuan, and Chongqing. Notably, Shandong and Sichuan both belong to the category of high-density regions for all of the types (Figure 4a), which demonstrates their widespread influence.

We also compared the correlations of the secondary-level distribution map. First, in terms of regional contributions, regions with various high-density types in the Han Dynasty include Henan, which affirms that Henan played a core role in the development of the Han Dynasty tomb murals. Second, the density of stone materials in the Han Dynasty basically tallies with the high-density region of the overall stone material (Figure 4d). This shows that on the one hand, stone material as a type emerged during the Han Dynasty; on the other hand, Shandong does not belong to the overall high-density stone material regions (Figure 4d), implying that Shandong developed distinctive characteristics during the Han Dynasty.

#### *4.2. Analysis of the Kernel Density of the Types of Relic Sites in the Wei, Jin, Southern, and Northern Dynasties in Nine Provinces*

As Figure 6 suggests, the type density of nine provinces in the Wei, Jin, Southern, and Northern Dynasties has two characteristics. First, for the main types, the regions with the highest kernel densities are Jiangsu, Shanxi, and Gansu (Figure 6a). Compared with the maps of various types in the same period (Figure 6b–d), the brick material type (Figure 6c) best matches the overall type, indicating that brick material had the greatest influence in the Wei and Jin Dynasties. Secondly, in terms of regional influence, Shanxi is a region with high-density distribution in the map of overall types in this period (Figure 6a). Shanxi is a low-density region in the distribution of brick material (Figure 6c), yet a high-density region in the distribution of mud and stone materials (Figure 6b,d). Taking the overall kernel density map of the nine provinces (Figure 4b,d) into account, these two types belong to high-density regions. Evidently, since the Wei and Jin Dynasties, mud- and stone-type relics in Shanxi have exerted an important influence.

Regarding brick material density, Henan transformed from a high-density region to a low-density region during the Han Dynasty (Figure 5c), forming a sharp contrast. Moreover, Jiangsu became a high-density region, but constituted a medium-density region in the distribution map of the overall type in nine provinces (Figure 4c). This indicates that this type represents the mainstream style in the Wei and Jin Dynasties. Additionally, in comparing the overall type map for brick material (Figure 4c), we demonstrate for the first time that Gansu showed an upward trend in brick material relics in the Wei and Jin Dynasties.

We also compared the correlations of the secondary-level distribution map. The highdensity regions shifted from Shandong, Henan, and Sichuan (Figure 5a) to Jiangsu, Shanxi, and Gansu (Figure 6a) between the Wei, Jin, Southern, and Northern Dynasties and the Han Dynasty. Moreover, in the high-density distribution of various types, Henan is not the center for mud and brick materials as it was during the Han Dynasty (Figure 5b,c). The distribution region of high-density stone material diminishes remarkably, from four (Shandong, Henan, Sichuan, and Chongqing) to two (Henan and Shanxi).

**Figure 6.** Distribution map of the kernel density of types of relics sites in the Wei, Jin, Southern, and Northern Dynasties.

#### *4.3. Analysis of the Kernel Density of the Types of Relic Sites in the Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties in Nine Provinces*

As Figure 7 suggests, in the overall type of the Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties (Figure 7a), the high-density region includes only Sha'anxi, which signals its significant difference from the regions in the Han, Wei, Jin, Southern, and Northern Dynasties. Secondly, with inconsistent density values, the distribution areas of mud material in high-, medium- and low-density regions (Figure 7b) coincide with the overall type (Figure 7a), indicating that mud relics prevailed in this period.

**Figure 7.** Distribution map of the kernel density of the types of relic sites in the Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties.

This paper also compares the correlations of the secondary-level distribution map, making the following findings. First, in terms of mud materials, Sha'anxi becomes a highdensity region for the first time and belongs to a high-density region in terms of the overall mud-material type in the nine provinces (Figure 4b), which signifies that Sha'anxi was highly influential in the Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties. Second, early-stage accumulation plays an important role. For example, as a high-density brick material region (Figure 7c), Gansu remains consistent with the Wei and Jin Dynasties (Figure 6c). As a high-density stone material region (Figure 7d), Shanxi also remains consistent with the Wei and Jin Dynasties (Figure 6d). Third, in this period, Sha'anxi became a high-density stone-material region for the first time, which indicates that stone material was increasingly prevalent during this time (Figure 7b).

#### *4.4. Analysis of the Kernel Density of the Types of Relic Sites in the Song, Liao, Jin, and Western Xia Dynasties in Nine Provinces*

As Figure 8 suggests, Shanxi and Henan belong to the group of regions with the highest density (Figure 8a), as shown in the distribution maps for mud (Figure 8b) and brick materials (Figure 8c). This illustrates that these two types were dominant in this period. The density value in this period is higher than that in other periods. The highdensity value reaches 0.90–4.28, the medium-density value reaches 0.31–0.89, and the low-density value reaches 0.00–0.30, with a high coverage rate of the relics in this period. Moreover, the high-density regions in this period differ from those in the Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties (Figure 7), shifting from Sha'anxi to Shanxi and Henan.

**Figure 8.** Distribution map of the kernel density of the types of relic sites in the Song, Liao, Jin, and Western Xia Dynasties.

By comparing the correlations of the secondary-level distribution map, we found that the major high-density mud material regions include Shanxi and Henan (ranking in the top two) and Beijing (Figure 8b); this is the only time that Beijing was a region with a high density of relics. For stone-type relics, Sichuan and Chongqing constitute high-density regions (Figure 5d), which means that they had widespread influence in the Song, Liao, and Jin Dynasties. For high-density brick material, the landscape undergoes a radical change between the Wei, Jin, Southern, and Northern Dynasties (Figure 6c) and the Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties (Figure 7c) and starts to encompass Henan and Shanxi (Figure 8c), as shown in the overall map of high-density regions in the nine provinces (Figure 4c); this indicates that high-density brick regions were influential in this period. Notably, Henan boasted a high-density region for brick material during the Han Dynasty (Figure 5c), while Shanxi became a high-density brick-material region for the first time.

*4.5. Analysis of the Kernel Densities of the Types of Relic Sites in the Yuan Dynasty in Nine Provinces*

Figure 9 suggests that in terms of the overall type of relic sites in the Yuan Dynasty (Figure 9), Shanxi constituted a high-density region for the three types, indicating that Shanxi had a pronounced influence in this period.

**Figure 9.** Distribution map of the kernel density of the types of relic sites in the Yuan Dynasty.

Additionally, a comparison of the correlations of the secondary-level distribution map indicates that the high-density mud material region (Figure 9b) entirely coincided with the high-density region (Figure 9a) for the overall type map of the same period, indicating that mud material was mainstream during this period. Moreover, brick and stone materials were distributed in other high-density regions. The former includes Gansu, as shown in the highdensity brick material regions in the Wei, Jin, Southern, and Northern Dynasties (Figure 6c) and the Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties (Figure 7c). The latter includes Chongqing, as shown in the high-density region in the Song, Liao, Jin, and Western Xia Dynasties (Figure 8c).

#### *4.6. Analysis of the Kernel Density of the Types of Relic Sites in the Ming and Qing Dynasties in Nine Provinces*

Figure 10 shows that Henan, Sichuan, and Chongqing (Figure 10a) ranked in the top three in the overall type of high-density relic sites in the Ming and Qing Dynasties (Figure 10a). Stone material has the highest contact ratio, and the relevant regions included Sichuan and Chongqing, indicating that stone material had the largest influence in the Ming and Qing Dynasties.

**Figure 10.** Distribution map of the kernel density of the types of relic sites in the Ming and Qing Dynasties.

A comparison of the correlations of the secondary-level distribution map also indicates that the high-density regions (Figure 10a) in the map of the total types of the Ming and Qing Dynasties accord with the high-density regions in the map of the total types of stone in the nine provinces (Figure 4d), demonstrating the influence of stone material in this period. Moreover, according to the distribution density of mud material, the mediumdensity regions center around Henan, a high-density region (Figure 10b). Additionally, for the distribution of brick, Sichuan constitutes a high-density region, as shown in the distribution of brick density in the Han Dynasty (Figure 5c). However, according to the brick distribution map of the nine provinces, Sichuan belongs to a medium-density region, with brick material having a limited influence.

#### **5. Conclusions**

Chinese tomb murals have developed over a long time period; the tombs have many types and a wide distribution. There are more than 1000 relic sites of Chinese tomb murals, and these numbers are increasing with the continuous progress of archaeological activities. This signals that such tombs constituted a significant religious phenomenon; many complex phenomena are synthesized in the distribution relationship, affecting the academic understanding of the distribution of Chinese tomb murals. The existing scholarship has achieved no satisfactory results in the spatial research into tomb murals. This paper uses the GIS tool to visualize 1495 sites of Chinese tomb murals excavated from 1949 to 2019 in order to gain more significant results for spatial research.

In methodological terms, visual distribution maps of relic sites were produced to establish an information acquisition system. In particular, four basic indexes, i.e., the distribution of relic sites, the distribution of mud relic sites, the distribution of stone relic sites, and the distribution of brick relic sites, were designed to draw the distribution map, obtain various kinds of information, and form an information model for spatial research. A total of four primary-level distribution maps and six secondary-level distribution maps were constructed.

In theoretical terms, the distribution of relics in provincial administrative regions was determined in line with the quantity distribution and density value level, and an information analysis system was established. This paper clarifies the following: (1) In terms of quantity distribution, the influence of the Yellow River basin is greater than that of the Yangtze River basin. (2) In terms of the density value, the national average density values were obtained to rank the distribution of relics in 27 provinces. Among these provinces, nine provinces with above-average values make the greatest contributions to the development of Chinese tomb murals, and Henan and Shanxi lead the list. (3) In terms of kernel density, this paper acquired different types of information on the selection of material types in different provinces, both synchronically and diachronically.

In summary, by designing a visual distribution map of Chinese tomb murals, this paper establishes a superimposed information acquisition model, accounting for the overall distribution of relics, the overall material distribution, the overall kernel density distribution, and the kernel density distribution at each stage of the tomb murals' development. In other words, this paper forges a new path for spatial research and obtains a new understanding in this regard. One limitation of this paper concerns the fact that the theoretical results obtained from the visual distribution map have not been compared with traditional academic theoretical results. Future research will comprehensively evaluate the results of this spatial research.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, Y.S.; methodology, Y.S.; software, Y.S. and X.W.; validation, Y.S.; formal analysis, Y.S.; investigation, Y.S.; resources, X.W.; data curation, Y.S.; writing original draft preparation, Y.S.; writing—review and editing, X.W.; visualization, Y.S.; supervision, X.W.; project administration, X.W. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research received no external funding.

**Institutional Review Board Statement:** Not applicable.

**Informed Consent Statement:** Not applicable.

**Data Availability Statement:** This project, which was presided over by Xiaoyang Wang, has been completed. The project comprehensively assesses the archaeological achievements of Confucian, Buddhist, and Taoist arts from 1949 to 2019; tomb murals represent Confucian art. The achievements of the project will be published by Science Press in the form of a series of books in 2023, titled *Archaeological Chronicles of Chinese Religious Arts (1949–2019) (12 Volumes)*.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **Notes**


#### **References**


Wang, Xiaoyang. 2018. *On the History of Chinese Tomb Murals*. Beijing: Science Press, p. 18.

Warf, Barney, and Santa Arias, eds. 2009. *The Spatial Turn: Interdisciplinary Perspectives*. Abingdon-on-Thames: Routledge, p. 171.

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**Yuqing Liu \* and Yuanlin Wang**

School of Humanities, Guangzhou University, Guangzhou 510006, China **\*** Correspondence: liuyqcug@gzhu.edu.cn

**Abstract:** The Pearl River Delta (PRD) is one of the most typical regions in China, where people commonly believe in Nanhaishen 南海神 (the South Sea God), Tianfei 天妃 (the Heavenly Concubine), Beidi 北帝 (the Northern Emperor) and other Water Deities. This paper investigates 40 local chronicles from 9 counties in the region. It has digitized, quantified, and analyzed the temple records of the Water Deities and used the Geographic Information System (GIS) to reconstruct the spatiotemporal evolution of the local beliefs. The results show the consistency and difference in the spatiotemporal evolution of the local beliefs of Water Deities. The consistency reflects that their original centers were all around the city of Canton and its west, namely Foshan 佛山 and Jiujiang 九江, which were in the jurisdiction of Nanhai County 南海縣, showing a similar tendency to move from the center to the periphery. The difference in the evolution is that they had apiece characteristics in distribution patterns and transmission paths. The blossoming, propagation, and consolidation of the beliefs were influenced by multi-factors such as defending against flood disasters, transportation and commercial development, the integration of national sacrifices and folk beliefs, and the connection of the beliefs with regional security. Overall, Water Deities' status in people's minds continued to deepen, and their supernatural powers were perceived as increasingly outstanding. It reflects people of the traditional regional society and their spiritual orientation to the material world, which was affected by institutional and non-institutional factors.

**Keywords:** Water Deities beliefs; spatiotemporal evolution; the Pearl River Delta; historical GIS

#### **1. Introduction**

The Pearl River Delta (PRD) is located at the estuary of the Pearl River and is characterized by a dense water network connecting the river and the sea (Zeng 1991), in which its social and economic development and cultural beliefs formation are highly relevant to the water environment (Zeng 1994; Situ 2001). Among estuary deltas in China, the PRD has the most representative popular religion of Water Deities represented by Nanhaishen, Tianfei, and Beidi (Figure 1).

Previous studies on popular religion are abundant (Feuchtwang 2001; Huang 2012; etc.) and have generally shown the significant role of national sacrifice, which reflected people's understanding of heaven, land, ghosts, and gods, and the positions of imperial power in different times, in constructing the Chinese belief system (Lei 2009). While the joint influence of political, economic, and cultural changes, traditional Chinese society laid a foundation for forming popular belief by building temples and establishing religious manners, which reflect the relationship between people and deities (Wang 2010; Jia 2021). At the same time, the process of reinforcing relations between peoples and beliefs provides an affluent perspective for studying historical writing, auspices, disasters, and political structures (Chen 2004; Yu 2012). The development of folk beliefs reached its peak in the Tang and Song Dynasties, and they continued to thrive and evolve during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. In this period, the relatively loose political control allowed people to enjoy more freedom in their daily life, which was an important context of the unprecedented development and spread of folk beliefs (Zhao 2002).

**Citation:** Liu, Yuqing, and Yuanlin Wang. 2022. Spatiotemporal Reconstruction of Water Deities Beliefs in the Pearl River Delta Applying Historical GIS. *Religions* 13: 1040. https://doi.org/10.3390/ rel13111040

Academic Editor: Z. George Hong

Received: 28 September 2022 Accepted: 26 October 2022 Published: 1 November 2022

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**Copyright:** © 2022 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

**Figure 1.** Schematic diagram of area division1.

The studies about the Water Deities in the PRD have presented the development and evolution of Water Deities beliefs from different perspectives, and most of them have mainly focused on the beliefs in Nanhaishen (Wang 2002, 2006, 2021; Qiao 2015; etc.), Tianfei (Chen 1994, vol. 5, p. 113; Liao 2000; Li 2012; Tan 2013; Liu 2019; etc.) and Beidi (Liu 1994, pp. 107–25; Xiao 2016; Luo 2017; etc.), and explored the relationship between religion manners and regional society (Zhou 2009; Cai 2003; Cai 2019; etc.). These studies have revealed that since the Ming dynasty, the religious believers, regional sacrifice, and the state rituals moved toward integration and helped form a unique clan society, which was closely connected with the folk power pattern of the regional society (Zhu 2008, vol. 2, p. 45; Faure 2016). These features were clearly shown in the surrounding areas, such as Western and Eastern Guangdong (Chen 2001, vol. 1, p. 123; He 2011).

Existing investigations and discussions of regional Water Deities beliefs have mainly focused on the development of the beliefs themselves or from perspectives of sociology and folklore. Methodologically, they have generated an understanding of the development of folk beliefs through primarily literature analysis. Few quantitative studies have constructed the development process of the deities from the perspective of spatiotemporal evolution and explored the interactions between the internal driving mechanisms and the multiple factors in traditional society; these interactions made evolution possible. With the popularization of the 'digital humanities' approach and the value of interdisciplinary perspective using a quantitative method in researching history being recognized, Geography Information System (GIS) and other computational tools have been applied to deepen current investigation and understanding of traditional society (Warf and Arias 2009). Regarding the studies of religious belief, some scholars have made theoretical and methodological summaries of spatial reconstruction (Knott 2005; Carroll 2018; Cantwell and Petersen 2021; etc.), and others have made beneficial attempts at visualizing the spatiotemporal pattern of religions in China (Hong and Jin 2017; etc.). These results show that the socio-geographic venation of religions can be presented in spatial criteria (Yang 2018). In this paper, we use GIS to construct the spatiotemporal evolution of Water Deities beliefs in the PRD, exploring its driving factors and then discussing multiple factors of the development of traditional regional societies.

#### **2. Materials and Methods**

The spatiotemporal distribution of the Water Deities' temples reflects the spread and development of its beliefs. The methodology to look into the temples begins by extracting the records of the Nanhaishen, Tianfei, and Beidi temples and then comparing the records in 40 local chronicles compiled at different times, uniting with chorographic maps and gazetteer indexes at the same time. The purpose is to come up with a statistic of the length of time and location that temples existed (The local chronicles used for statistics are shown in Appendix A Table A1, and the historical maps are annotated in Note 3). It will yield the basic data for visual reconstruction in GIS.

#### *2.1. Numbers*

The titles that the people commonly used to call Water Deities at different times determined the names of the temples. Thus, by looking into the names of the temples, one can determine the types of Water Deities. For instance, temples dedicated to Nanhaishen are often titled Hongsheng 洪聖 and Guangli 廣利 (Ruan 2002, vol. 205, pp. 411–13); temples dedicated to Tianfei are often titled Mazu 媽祖/Puji 普濟/Shunji 順濟/Fuyou 福祐, and Tianhou 天后 (Rui 1966, vol. 67, p. 143); temples dedicated to Beidi are often titled Xuanwu 玄武/Zhenwu 真武 and Shangdi 上帝. In addition, some temples that worship a major god, as well as many other gods, are also within the statistical range (Liang 1967, vol. 5, p. 102).

According to the above principle, we have located records of 344 Water Deities' temples in local chronicles compiled at different times and regions. We pay particular attention to information about each temple, including their designation, the type of Water Deities worshiped within, their location in the past and present, the times of building and rebuilding, and the builder's identity. These are to be used to construct the basic GIS database for spatiotemporal reconstruction.

The statistical results show that there are 80 temples dedicated to Nanhaishen, 152 to Tianfei, and 112 to Beidi in the PRD. Nanhai County has the most significant number of Water Deities' temples, with 51, 68, and 81, respectively, of Nanhaishen, Tianfei, and Beidi. In comparison, the distribution of Water Deities in other counties is inconsistent. Although these statistics do not fully reflect the belief space of these water deities, with the existing materials, it also represents the basic appearance of their distribution in the region to a certain extent (Table 1).


**Table 1.** Statistics about the Water Deities' temples in the PRD.

#### *2.2. Time*

Two methods can determine the period of temples that existed. According to *Panyu Xianzhi* 番禺縣誌 (Chorography of Panyu County), the tradition of compiling local chronicles is that:

If in the situation that the historical buildings (i.e., temples, markets, docks, and schools, etc.) existed in the past but not today, or if the previous one was abandoned while a new one was built, the compilers would check the local chronicles of previous dynasties and verify the historical changes. If the buildings' condition in the county's annals and records of interviews are inconsistent with the present situation (when the chronicles were compiled), the present shall prevail. Yet, their previous condition records are also used as references for verification. 或昔有而今無, 或此廢而彼設, 稽之前志, 每與縣冊, 採訪冊不合今, 則 據現在, 而前籍所載亦記於後, 以備考證云 (Li 2013, vol. 18, p. 205)

In other words, later records of the temples would be compared with the previous, including its new additions, repairs, relocations, and so on, in order to modify, supplement and explain the content of the new chronicles. By comparing the records, we could determine the approximate length of time of a temple's existence. One example is the Shangdi 上 帝 temple located at Funanmen 阜南門 of Shunde 順德. Both local chronicles of Kangxi 康 熙 and Qianlong 乾隆 periods recorded that 'villagers built it (the temple) in the 12th year of the Wanli reign of the Ming dynasty 明萬曆十二年邑民建' (Huang 2013, vol. 2, p. 93; Chen 2009, vol. 6, p. 345), while chronicles in the Republican era 民國 supplemented that 'it (the temple) was rebuilt in the year of Gengzi (1720) during Kangxi reign, the year of Dingyou (1777) during the Qianlong reign, the year of Bingwu (1846) during the Daoguang reign and the year of Xinhai (1911) during the Xuantong reign 國朝康熙庚子, 乾隆丁酉, 道光丙 午, 宣統辛亥重修' (Zhou 2009, vol. 3, pp. 64–65). From the records, we could determine that the temple existed approximately from the year of Wanli in the late-Ming period to the Republican eras.

If the local chronicles of the past dynasties mention a temple's condition but not the exact time when the temple was first built or rebuilt, the duration of the temple's existence could still be determined by the time when the chronicles were compiled. One example is the Beidi temple located outside Taipingmen 太平門. The condition of the temple could only be found in the local chronicles of Qianlong and Daoguang reigns, and there are no relevant records can be found in other times (Deng 2015, vol. 12, p. 263; Wei 2009, vol. 13, p. 270); namely, it can be inferred that the temple might be established no later than Qianlong reign and was abandoned during Daoguang reign.

Based on the criteria mentioned above and actual statistics of the number of the temples and their existing time lengths, the development of Water Deities' temples can be divided into four stages: before the Qing Dynasty (>1643), early Qing (1644–1722), mid-Qing (1723–1850), late Qing period, and early Republican era (1851–1920), and illustrates the changes of the development as can be seen in Figure 2.

**Figure 2.** The counts of the Water Deities' temples in different stages.

#### *2.3. Locations*

The location names of the temples built more recently do not change much; thus, they could be recognized with their modern names. Some ancient temples, and the names of their location, have been through many changes historically; we thus need to investigate and verify them with surviving records. For instance, the Tianfei temple in Nanhai County was recorded 'outside the Guidemen and east of the Wuyangyi 歸德門外五羊驛之東' (Rui 1966, vol. 67, p. 143). Guidemen and Wuyangyi are names of places no longer used nowadays. According to *Guangzhou Chengfang Zhi* 廣州城坊志 (The Chorography of Street and Lane in Guangzhou), Guidemen's location could be determined as at the intersection between Jiefang Road 解放路 and Dade Road 大德路 nowadays (Huang 1994, p. 755). In addition, historical maps and *the Unity of the Great Qing Dynasty* 大清一統志, recorded that Wuyangyi was located at Guandutou 官渡頭 in the southern of Panyu county (Mu 1986, vol. 341, p. 199). We can thus infer that the temple was possibly located on People's Street 人民街道 of Yuexiu District 越秀區 in Guangzhou nowadays. In this way, the location of each temple has been examined and verified, which can be used as spatial data in GIS visual reconstruction.

#### **3. Results of GIS Visual Reconstruction**

#### *3.1. Spatiotemporal Evolution of Nanhaishen Belief*

The Nanhaishen Temple is considered to be the best-preserved one among the Four Seas Temples 四海神廟 in China. It is an important historical site in the research of the Maritime Silk Road 絲綢之路. It played the role of safeguarding maritime traffic and expression of national jurisdiction (Wang 2021). Figure 3a reveals that there was not a large number of Nanhaishen temples that existed before the Qing Dynasty, with only 14 recorded sites (Figure 2), which were concentrated on riparian of the Pearl River. The most famous one is located at the estuary of Fuxu, 40 km southeast of Canton2, which is at the bay of Huangmu beside the Polo River (Wang 2015, vol. 13, p. 492). The temple was set up in the Kaihuang (開皇) reign in the Sui (隋) Dynasty (ca. 581–600 AD) and has been through renovations and expansions, which were recorded in the chronicles of subsequent dynasties. In the Song (宋), Yuan (元), and Ming (明) Dynasties, the distribution of Nanhaishen temples was extended westward, forming an east–west distribution pattern along the estuary of the Pearl River. Until the early Qing period, the spatial pattern of the temples remained stable, but their quantities increased continuously, and their development surrounded Canton and Nanhai Counties (Figure 3b).

After the mid-Qing period, the spatial pattern of Nanhaishen temples began to change. On the one hand, the temples' spatial coverage continuously expanded along with the increase in numbers. On the other hand, the sacrificial center began to shift. At this stage, most of the new temples were built in Nanhai County, southwest of Canton, as *Panyuxian Xuzhi* 番禺縣續志 (Continuation Chorography of Panyu County) described that the temples that were distributed from Polo to outside approaching all suburban markets and villages were sumptuous (Liang 1967, vol. 5, pp. 101–2). According to statistics, there were 22 Nanhaishen temples set up during this period, including 15 in Nanhai County, and in particular, they were built primarily centering Wudoukousi 五鬥口司, Huangdingsi 黃鼎 司, Jiangpusi 江浦司, and Shenansi 神安司. In addition, after Hong Kong was opened to foreign trade, more Nanhaishen temples were built (Figure 3c).

During the late Qing and early Republican eras, the new sacrificial center of Nanhaishen temples was formed. The core of the temples' distribution was further moved southwest to Jiujiang 九江 area thereafter, a subdistrict under the jurisdiction of Nanhai County. Statistically, there were 31 new temples built, and one-third were located in Jiujiang (Figure 3d). The sacrificial centers, from the early Qing Dynasty to the late Qing and early Republican eras, were shifted from alongside the trunk of the Pearl River to its subordinate areas, namely from Canton to Jiujiang. Meanwhile, up until the Daoguang reign, there were few records of the construction of Nanhaishen temples in Hong Kong, but their numbers increased rapidly after Hong Kong became an open port. This also suggests the expansion of the sacrificial circle of Nanhaishen Belief, which the previously peripherical region, such as Hong Kong, developed into a sub-center.

**Figure 3.** The process of the spatiotemporal evolution of Nanhaishen Belief3.

*3.2. Spatiotemporal Evolution of Tianfei Belief*

Tianfei is the most important goddess in the folk religion of the coastal region of China (Jin 1988, vol. 2, p. 99), and Tianfei Belief is closely related to maritime navigation; as Li writes, '(the belief in) the goddess of the heavenly queen was always connected with the sea 天后之神與海相始終' (Li 2013, pp. 1274–76). Before the Qing Dynasty, while the number of Tianfei temples in the PRD was only 31 (Figure 2), they were distributed widely. From the GIS, one can see that Tianfei temples were initially established in the estuarine zone of the PRD. This area has important regional geographical importance as the gateway of Pearl River to the sea. (Figure 4a). Up until the mid-Qing period, the spatial pattern of Tianfei temples did not change significantly. However, the number of temples increased to 62 (Figure 2), and the hierarchy of regional sacrificial centers began to show. The core area of the distribution of Tianfei temples surrounded Canton. The sub-centers of the distribution began to show in the regions of Xinhui 新會, Xiangshan 香山, Dongguan, and Zengcheng 增城 (Figure 4b). Then, the customs of worshiping Tianfei further spread to other regions, resulting in changing the previous multi-center feature of distribution to integration.

In comparison, the number of Tianfei temples in Hong Kong/Macau increased more pronouncedly, forming an independent core area of the development of Tianfei Belief. Relevant investigations show that there were eight major temples in Changzhou 長洲 of Hong Kong, including four dedicated to Tianfei; this indicates the importance of Tianfei Belief among the local people (Huang 1999, vol. 2, p. 43). In the mid-Qing period, the number of Tianfei temples reached its peak (maximum 95) (Figure 2), which was closely related to the rapid economic development and the popularity of building temples in the PRD (Figure 4c). During the late Qing and the early Republican eras, the number of Tianfei temples decreased gradually. However, the sacrificial centers of Tianfei began to connect to each other on the west bank of the Pearl River estuary. As a result, the core area of Tianfei Belief was formed in the 'Canton-Foshan-Shunde' region, and the sub-core area of the belief was formed surrounding Hong Kong, Macau, and Zengcheng (Figure 4d). Overall, the distribution of Tianfei Belief had obviously association with maritime trade and activities, and its spatiotemporal evolution features are that the distribution was wide and resulted in multiple core areas.

**Figure 4.** The process of the spatiotemporal evolution of Tianfei Belief.

#### *3.3. Spatiotemporal Evolution of Beidi Belief*

Beidi belief was introduced to Lingnan 嶺南 region from Central Plain 中原 as early as in the Han 漢 Dynasty (Zou 2000, vol. 3, p. 51). During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, because of its divine power to command the southern seas 司命南溟, Beidi became a vital deity in folk belief in the PRD, where waterways and sea routes affected a large number of populations' livelihood (Qu 1985, vol. 6, p. 208).

The distribution of Beidi temples is not as wide as the other two deities' temples by looking at the spatiotemporal evolution, which has a single core area from which the belief was expanding outwardly. Before the Qing Dynasty, no more than 20 Beidi temples were distributed mainly around Canton as well as scattered in other counties (Figure 2). Lingying Ci 靈應祠 in Foshan was the oldest Beidi temple in the region, which was built in the Northern Song Dynasty during the Yuanfeng 元豐 reign (1078–1085). Since then, more Beidi temples have been built in surrounding areas; for instance, in Xujiang 胥江, Shenansi 神安司, and Xiangshan, there were temples built during the Southern Song Dynasty in the reign of Jiading 嘉定 (Ca.1224), Xianchun 鹹淳 (Ca.1274), and Qiandao 乾道 (Ca.1169), respectively (Su 2015, vol. 14, p. 138; Deng 2015, vol. 12, p. 269; Huang 1991, vol. 8, p. 413). The GIS shows that as early as the Song dynasty, the direction of propagation of Beidi Belief in the region was centered at the Beidi Ancestor Temple of Foshan and spread southward and northward, respectively (Figure 5a). During the early Qing period, the expansion of Beidi temples gradually connected in sheets. The number of them on the west bank of the Pearl River was far more than those on the east bank, mainly distributed in Nanhai, Panyu, and Shunde counties, and Canton and Foshan were still the core areas (Figure 5b).

In the mid-Qing period, the regional clusters of Beidi Belief became more prominent, especially in Nanhai County, where the newly added temples were far more than anywhere else. According to local chronicles, Beidi temples increased by 23 in Nanhai County at that stage. Meanwhile, the core area of Beidi Belief also expanded, particularly Jiujiang was incorporated into the core sacrificial region (Figure 5c). This spatial pattern continued to develop during the late Qing and the early Republican eras, when the number of Beidi temples increased to 82. Hence, temples dedicated to Beidi became more than the two other Water Deities. In sharp contrast, Tianfei temples began to decline in the late Qing and the early Republican eras. In contrast, the Beidi temples increased rapidly and surpassed, finally forming the core area of the belief surrounding Nanhai County (Figure 5d). Overall, it is clear that the propagation of Beidi Belief was always from a single core region from which the belief spread outwardly, which surrounded the Ancestor Temple and mainly spread alongside the river. Meanwhile, few Beidi temples were distributed along the coastal zone, which reflects that Beidi Belief has a lesser connection to maritime activities than the other two Water Deities.

**Figure 5.** The process of the spatiotemporal evolution of Beidi Belief.

*3.4. Comparision of Spatial Features in Water Deities Temples*

To sum up, by superimposing the spatial distribution densities of Nanhaishen, Tianfei, and Beidi (Figure 6) and comparing their spatial features, sacrificial centers, and propagation paths (Table 2), it can be concluded that their spatiotemporal evolution has both consistency and difference. The consistency shows that the temples of all three Water Deities were distributed around Canton and Nanhai counties (especially around Foshan and Jiujiang), which presents a spatial feature that the temples are distributed densely in the core areas while sparse in the periphery. The difference shows that even though both Nanhaishen and Beidi beliefs developed only a single core area as the sacrificial centers, which was Canton and Nanhai country, during the early Qing period and the late Qing and early Republican eras, the sacrificial center of Nanhaishen Belief shifted from Canton to Jiujiang gradually (Figure 3b–d). In comparison, the sacrificial center of Beidi Belief did not move away from the Ancestor Temple (Figure 5). Differently, the distribution of Tianfei Belief developed multiple core regions. Apart from sharing the sacrificial center around Canton and Nanhai County with the other two Deities, it also developed the sub-centers in surrounding counties and alongside coastal areas, which shows the characteristics of the multi-level pattern of the spread of the belief (Figure 4b–d). In terms of the propagation

paths, all three were related to the water environment in the PRD. Nanhaishen and Beidi Beliefs were spread along the waterway, but the difference is that the former was spread from coast to inland, and the latter is vice verses. The distribution area of Tianfei is the most extensive, and it was distributed along the coastline in the early stage. In the later stage, it spread along the waterway from the inland to the coast as well as from coast to inland. The interaction between land and sea is obvious in the spread of Tianfei Belief. In addition, Figures 3–5 show that there is a coupling relationship between the spreading range of three water deities and the advancing path of the coastline in the PRD. Specifically, Shatin (沙田) in the region has been effectively utilized with the gradual development of the newly silted land, constituting a spatial relationship interwoven with ecological, political, economic, social, and cultural factors (Liu 2011), which provides the environmental, demographic, and social basis for the development of popular religion in the coastal areas.

**Figure 6.** Comparison of spatial pattern of the Water Deities.


**Table 2.** Space and propagation characteristics of the Water Deities.

#### **4. Discussion: Analysis of Influence Factors of the Spatiotemporal Distributions of the Three Water Deities' Temples**

*4.1. Defending against Flood Disasters and Protecting Farmland*

The PRD is located at the estuary on the brink of the South China Sea, and the climate is affected by subtropical monsoon, characterized by high temperatures and frequent rain for most of the year. Historically, the region suffered floods disaster, threatening local people. In this context, the Water Deities Beliefs thrived as they were considered to be able to control the floods.

The coastal residents often suffered floods, and many inscriptions recorded the appearance of the Water Deities in defending against floods, so they always attributed these

disasters to the deities' anger. In order to make the deities happy, they raised funds to build temples to pray for the deities' blessing that graced their homelands from suffering (Pan 1986, pp. 172–73). Some floods with grave impacts on local society are often memorized in the temples' inscriptions, such as the stele of the Tianfei temple in the north of Canton. It records two floods that occurred in the Qing Dynasty. One was in the 29th year of the Qianlong reign (1764), causing the overflowing of the land and washing away the temple that was located near the inlet of the river. Another one records that the flood was especially severe, and the front of the temple was turned into swamps in the 4th year of the Jiaqing 嘉慶 reign (1799). The records above reveal that there were temples destroyed by inundation because of the flood, which forced them to be relocated to a higher ground that was less affected by floods (Li 2013, pp. 1287–88).

Moreover, to minimize the impact of floods on temples, the site for building temples was usually selected by adapting local conditions, which would consider the characteristics of the natural environment. For instance, the foundation of a Beidi temple in Shunde was elevated to reduce the damage from floods (Zhou 2009, vol. 3, p. 67). There are also materials that shows many Water Deities' temples were built following the evolution of the construction of water conservancies to cope with the imbalance of regional distribution in water resources. One such temple is the Hongsheng Ancient Temple 洪聖古廟 in Panyu county, as can be read in a record that:

'Our village terrain was high, which caused water and irrigation difficulties, resulting in poor harvest perennial; we often sighed about why farming was so tough. Through collective discussions, we decided to exploit a pond on the tax farmland (*shuitian*, 稅田) for water storage and drought ... ... After the completion of the project, people benefited from the water flowing continuously, which solved the problems of irrigation, guaranteeing the harvest and water access. In the years that followed, people benefited in many ways—proper wind and rain, good harvests, and peace and contentment—that was the grace of the deities! Hence, everyone was enthusiastic about expanding the temple, and the donors' list was inscribed on the back of the inscription as proof of their contributions! 嗣見闔村田丘地高水少, 灌溉甚難, 年歲每多歉收, 耕耨長嗟費力. 集議將稅田挑塘一口, 積水備旱, ... ... 俾圳水源源流下, 蔭村前村後一派, 田畝藉 獲收成, 使不致取水艱難. 佇見時和歲稔, 五穀豐登, 民安物阜, 共樂升平, 皆藉神恩 之廣被焉. 合將捐助銀數創廟置業, 列後以垂不朽云' (Unknown 2006, pp. 446–47)

The material adequately reflects the local people's logic in their thinking and their rules of practice when trying to transform the natural environment. On the one hand, they actively sought to adapt to the local conditions by constructing artificial canals to transport water to secure irrigation, which shows their objective and scientific ways of transforming nature. On the other hand, they also tended to attribute the efficiency of the water conservancy project to divine power, though it was, in fact, due to the success of the engineering project. Hence, this perception strengthened the significance of mysterious power. It reflects the reverence of natural energy in their minds. Similar acts can also be found in the construction of Sangyuan Dyke 桑園圍 in Nanhai County. The project used the revenue of tidal land formed by fluvial outwash as funds for the maintenance of the dyke to prevent floods, and part of the funds also went into the worship of water deities, which formed a social operation system that integrated water conservancy and the beliefs (Gui 1974, vol. 6, pp. 749–50). To a large extent, this pattern became the local people's psychological sustenance and behavior pattern to achieve harmony with nature.

#### *4.2. The Factors of Transports and Commerces*

In ancient times, water transport was the primary transportation method in the PRD region because of dense river networks. After the 22nd year of the Qianlong reign (1757), Canton became the only maritime port to carry out Sino-Western trades in China, and the importance of water transport in the region was further emphasized by booming maritime trades, which helped promote the spread of Water Deities Beliefs.

Water transport provided a channel for the spread of the beliefs. Maritime traffic in the South China Sea began in the Western Han Dynasty and flourished during the Tang and Song Dynasties. At the time, the maritime traffic started from Canton and reached as far as East Africa. Then, in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, maritime traffic arrived as far as Europe and America. The Nanhaishen temple in Panyu is located in the western part of the Pearl River estuary; here, the bay offers deep water anchorage and has been a famous trade port in the East since the Tang and Song Dynasties (Huang 2014, pp. 209–12). The critical channel of traditional Canton trade was taking the axis at the Pearl River estuary, entering the Huangpu 黃埔 port via Humen 虎門, and traveling west along the mainstream of the Pearl River to Canton, then arriving at various states and counties along the tributary (Van Dyke 2005). By looking at the spatial distribution of the three Water Deities' temples in the PRD in the Qing Dynasty, one can easily see that they were primarily distributed along rivers, especially flourishing nearby commercial centers by rivers. For instance, the geography of Humen is that two mountains face each other, so the tides ebb and flow regularly, bringing about countless merchants and ships from different countries to pay tributes and exchange here night and day (Ruan 2002, vol. 146, pp. 253–54). Because of the importance of water transport in the PRD, one could easily understand why the spatial distribution of the Water Deities' temples was clustered on the coast. As *Dongguan Xianzhi* 東莞縣誌 (Chorography of Dongguan County) recorded, there were no coastal counties, and towns had not yet built temples dedicated to Water Deities (Guo 2009, vol. 9, pp. 524–25). The space of the beliefs was extended as the trade became prosperous and expanded, while the merchants and their ships were regarded benefited from the power of the deities; thus, a mutually beneficial relationship was established (Wan and Wu 2014, p. 61).

Canton, Foshan and their surroundings were the commercial centers of the PRD in the Qing Dynasty. This area was known for 'its pure and honest custom, studious scholars and academic atmosphere, hardworking farmers, skillful and sophisticated craftsmen in smelting, and merchants and vendors from all corners of the 'world' kept coming and gathering here to exchange 習俗淳厚, 士修學業, 農勤耕稼, 工擅爐冶之巧, 四遠商販恒輻 輳焉' (Deng 2015, vol. 12, pp. 271–72). One historical material allows us to glimpse the commercial activities near the Ancestor Temple of Foshan, which might be seen as evidence of the close connection between regional commercial development and the booming of Beidi belief.

'Foshan was easy to reach as countryside roads in all directions were linked to there, and the upstream of Pearl River was on Foshan's north, which was the terminus for mostly merchants from all corners. The number of the ships was countless; they were as many as ants and fishes docked along the river banks or paddled forward in the middle of the river, which was more than 80 feet wide. The extent of prosperity here was unmatched elsewhere, and the noise of rowing oars and vendors' shutting spread outward as far as 4.5 *li* (1 *li* ≈ 500 m). Endless houses dotted the river banks alongside the river to the upstream, and the roads and paths were densely laid out horizontal and vertical. There were possibly thousands of houses or maybe more. A wide range of commodities piled up like mountains was displayed in the houses. No precious goods cannot be found here. The traffic was extremely heavy and was overwhelmed by the sea of people. There were possibly more than 100 thousand residents living here; though the area was packed with people, prosperous commercial activities were carried out without any issues. In the southwest of the town where was perceived as having the best geomancy, a Beidi temple was built, and people called it Lingying Temple 連鄉接畛, 沃衍四達, 漓鬱之所經於其北, 四 方商賈之至粵者, 率以是為歸. 河面廣逾十尋, 而舸舶之停泊者, 鱗砌而蟻附. 中流行舟之道 至不盈數武. 橈楫交擊, 爭沸喧騰, 聲越四, 五里, 有為郡會之所不及者. 沿岸而上, 屋宇森覆, 彌望莫極. 其中若縱若橫, 為衢為衍, 幾以千數. 閱層列, 百貨山積, 凡希靚之物, 會城所未備 者, 無不取給於此. 往來驛絡, 駢踵摩肩, 廛肆居民, 楹逾十萬, 雖曲遂之狀無以過也. 其逼西 一隅, 為地脈所由鐘. 有祠而顏曰: 靈應' (Lang 1987, pp. 22–23).

The above material depicts the prosperity of commerce and water transport in Foshan of Nanhai County in the early Qing Dynasty, where one could find the diversity of commodities and the density of residential houses. The economic development was advanced, and the population was high in Foshan, also known as the gathering place of merchants and ships (Wu 2015, vol. 12, pp. 414–15). The Water Deities' temples were densely distributed in the region, regardless of Nanhaishen, Tianfei, or Beidi, according to GIS visualization results (Figure 6).

Indeed, convenient transportation promoted prosperous trade and brought more people and capital. It provided an essential impetus for propagating the Water Deities Beliefs and contributed to more temples. Many records confirm this point. One records shows that just outside a Tianfei temple in Nanhai County, a ferry was built close to an ancient pine tree. (Zheng 1967, vol. 5, p. 120). Another record tells the Tianhou Gong 天后 宮 in Panyu that many rivers converge in front of the temple and then flow into the sea (Liang 1967, vol. 5, p. 102). As *Shunde Xianzhi* 順德縣誌 (Chorography of Shunde County) recorded, during the Kangxin reign, there were 11 temples of Tianfei, including eight were built alongside the rivers in county Shunde (Huang 2013, vol. 2, p. 93).

In addition, maps in the Qing Dynasty also indicated that the Water Deities' temples were built mainly nearby the river. Here, we offer two examples (Figure 7). The map on the left illustrates Qianshan Zai 前山寨, a fortress town located at the intersection of Xianshang and Macau. One could find that a Tianfei temple was located on the edge of a river outside the southeast corner of the town (Yin 1968, vol. 1, pp. 4–5). The map on the right shows Huangpu Port 黃埔港 on the Pearl River. One could see that the Hongsheng Temple, Beidi Temple and Mazu Attic were built adjoint facing the river and close to a dock (Liang 2002, vol. 5, p. 67). The maps are generally consistent with the description 'looking far into the distance, the waves endless 俯瞰溟渤, 波濤萬里' in the written records (Ren 2009, vol. 19, pp. 450–51).

	-

**Figure 7.** Two chorographic maps show the location of Water Deities' temples.

#### *4.3. The Integration of Official Rites and Folk Beliefs*

The transformation of builders' identities directly reflects the process of integrating official rites and folk beliefs in the Water Deities. This study has shown the degree of participation of officials and folks in these activities. As Table 3 revealed, during the midto-late Qing era, folk participation was prominent in constructing the temples. In fact, until the mid-Qing period, the officials still led most construction and repair of the temples. For instance, the earliest Nanhaishen temple was built under the official inspector in the Sui Dynasty. Until Emperor Kangxi granted the horizontal inscribed board 'Wanli Bocheng' 萬里波澄 (which means that there are only clear and calm waves on the waterway for thousands of miles) (Cui 2017, vol. 6, pp. 186–87), it still had the strongly official feature. After the Qianlong reign, with the increase in the number of Nanhaishen temples, each village began to sacrifice separately to the deity (Wang 2015, vol. 14, p. 248). Building temples together by local gentries and villagers became increasingly popular (Deng 2015, vol. 12, p. 270).


**Table 3.** The statistics on the temple builders and their identities in the Qing Dynasty.

From the above table, one can also see a similarity in the identities of the builders of the Nanhaishen and Tianfei temples, which reflects the cooperation of official and folk sacrifices to the deities. For instance, the Tianfei temple in Shunde, initially, was donated and built by Zhixian 知縣 (county magistrate) named Ou Xuecheng 歐學程, Tongpan 通判 (vice governor) named Ou Weizheng 歐偉政, Zhizhou 知州 (state official) named Ou Daxun 歐逹勲 and his son (Wang 2015, vol. 13, p. 251). Local people also took part in the construction actively. As *Nanhai Xianzhi* 南海縣誌 (Chorography of Nanhai County) records, Chen Zhenxiang and Zhou Wen, who were iron merchants, raised more than five hundred golds to repair the temple, which the money was spent on convening the craftsmen, preparing materials, enlarging building areas and changing etiquette (in sacrifices) (Deng 2015, vol. 30, p. 588).

In the mid-Qing period, the construction and repair of the temples shifted from individual donations to collective financing, and one example is that the Tianhou temple in Xin'an Pingzhou 新安坪洲 was collectively donated by two villages, Dong and Xin. In the late Qing period, the construction and repair of temples were completed mainly by clans, such as the temple in Dongguan Zhongtang village 東莞中堂鎮. A record tells that 288 people participated in the building and financing of the temple, and among them, 272 had Wu 吳 as their surname (Wan and Wu 2014, p. 177).

In contrast, the construction and repair of the Beidi Ancestor Temple of Foshan were mainly led by local peoples, as a record said that the gentry Li Jingwen and other villagers repaired it (the temple), and later, some merchants joined to expand the temple during the Kangxi reign (Ruan 2002, vol. 145, p. 242). The process of expansion of Beidi belief also showed the elements of clans. Evidence can be found in an inscription of the stele of the repair of the Beidi temple. It says that all clansmen worshiped the Beidi temple in the north of the towns (Li 2013, pp. 436–37). The cooperation in the construction and repair of temples between the officials and the local people were also evident. One example is that in Shunde, a Beidi temple was built by town magistrate Ye Chuchun and other villagers (Zhou 2009, vol. 3, pp. 64–65). Qu Danjun 屈大均, a scholar in the early Qing period, considered that in the PRD, Beidi had a dual identity, namely the local water deity and the northern deity. It reflects two dynamics: one is the obedience and recognition of the local society to the central imperial power, and the other is the integration and interaction between officials' sacrifices to the deities and folks' beliefs (Liu 1994, pp. 107–25).

In the late Qing and early Republican eras, the Water Deities infiltrated each other's sphere of influence, and different deities were worshiped in the same temple, such as a temple in Changzhouxu 長洲墟 consecrated both Nanhaishen and Tianfei (Cai 2019, pp. 57–89). In this stage, the local communities interacted, to a deeper extent, with the beliefs of the Water Deities, which yielded a special function of the region: temples became public spaces where villagers would discuss politics and receive political tutelage. One example is the Tianfei temple, and according to a record, it was later added public facilities such as residences and dormitories for people gathering and discussing (Deng 2015, vol. 30, p. 588). The temple played an essential role in community governance as well as in promoting the development of popular religion and social development in the PRD.

In addition, the spatial evolution and quantitative changes of temples also reflect the integration of the Water Deities. Before the Qing Dynasty, the spatial evolution of the three Water Deities differed; their development was relatively isolated from each other at the time (Figures 3a, 4a and 5a). In the later stages, their development overlapped more extensively in terms of space, among which the highest overlapping areas were Nanhai, Panyu, and Shunde counties (Figures 3d, 4d and 5d). In terms of quantity, there was a large quantity gap between the three Water Deities in the early stages, in which the number of Tianfei temples was far more than the others, indicating that Tianfei Belief has occupied a heavier weight of popular religion in the region. While in the later stages, the proportion tended to be balanced, as the Tianfei temples decreased while the Nanhaishen and Beidi temples increased (Figure 2). It can be deduced that, in the process of the evolution of the three Water Deities Beliefs, the differences gradually narrowed while the congruence showed.

#### *4.4. Safeguarding Local Security*

South China pirates were a significant threat that affected the safety of water transport on the Pearl River estuary in the mid and late Qing periods. During the Jiaqing reign, the pirates were rampant in Zhejiang 浙江, Fujian 福建, and Guangdong provinces, where they controlled the navigation and trade along the coast of Guangdong, aggravating the crisis of imperial rule (Murry 1987) After the Opium War, the traditional Canton trade system declined rapidly as Hong Kong became an open port, exacerbating the uncertain factors of safety in water transport in the region. Many records show that praying to the Water Deities for their blessing on local safety became popular and influential in this context.

One typical case is that Zongdu Bailing 百齡, who was ordered to suppress pirates, built the Jinhai Temple 靖海神廟 (the temple of pacifying the sea), which was consecrated to Nanhaishen in the 15th year of the Jiaqing reign (1815). On the one hand, he made use of the pirates' pious belief in the Water Deities to encourage them to surrender. On the other hand, temples were wantonly built and given to the Deities to reward their blessing after completing the suppression of pirates, further reinforcing people's belief in the power of the deities. As the temple's inscription in *Guangdong Tongzhi* 廣東通志 (General Chorography of Guangdong) recorded,

'I (Bailing) have observed the Humen seaway and studied tactical defensive strategies to eliminate the pirates. I have prayed to the deities silently that if the sea could restore peace, I would build a temple here. Soon after, I suppressed the pirates who were active alongside central and eastern waterways; some of them were willing to surrender. Yesterday, my troops traced the pirates alongside the western waterway, and because the weather was clear and calm, my ships could reach Qiongnan (瓊南) quickly; therefore, two pirate leaders named Wu and Shi were captured. My troops sailed more than 200 km round trip within only 2 months, which was in debt to the help of the deities 虎門察看海道, 講求戰 防, 曾徑默禱於神, 若得肅清洋面, 願於該處鼎建廟宇. 嗣奴才收撫中東兩路, 投誠 人等並皆於此受降. 昨者大幫舟師ࠒ-捕西路之賊, 風帆順利, 波濤不驚, 得以迅達瓊 南, 使烏, 石二等竄逃無及. 舟師往返四千餘里, 為期才兩月有餘, 海隅之民, 鹹稱神 助' (Ruan 2002, vol. 146, pp. 253–54)

Clearly, officials had pinned their hope on the Water Deities to solve the pirate problems, as well as to bless the weather conditions on the sea, whether sailing or during the battle. After the pirates surrendered, Nanhaishen has awarded the title 'You Min Fu Hui 佑民溥惠' by the imperial court and granted the horizontal inscribed board as 'Fu You Huan Ying 福祐環瀛' (Ruan 2002, vol. 146, pp. 253–54). The series of records highlight the significance of the Water Deities' position in protecting local security, and the Jinghai temple was built to Bailing's wishes. Similarly, Tianfei and Beidi also were perceived as being able to bless regional safety and good weather at sea. For instance, a record tells that in Xin'an county, located south of Humen, the local public security situations were improved because of a Tianfei temple in Chiwan (赤灣) since the pirates had been calmed down:

'In past years, the rampant pirates threatened the people living alongside the coast; Zongdu Bailing and Dudu 都督 (Governor) Tong were ordered to exterminate them. At that time, his fleets were anchored at Chiwan with numerous ships and soldiers. They took off their hats and prayed to Tianhou, hoping the weather would be favorable when they fought the enemies. When on the battle days, the fleets landed on shore safely, and the soldiers fought the enemies effortlessly. No single soldier was dead or disabled, and no plague occur also. After this fight, while the army was stationed there for 3 years, all walks of life in the region enjoyed a great peaceful time 往歲盜賊披猖, 蔓延濱海, 郡邑制府百, 都督童秉鉞 南來, 命師剿捕. 維時駐轄赤灣, 舟船成市, 車騎如流, 官弁稽首, 禱祀於後. 將事之 日, 乘風克敵, 轉舵登陴, 士無傷殘, 民無瘴厲, 守禦三年, 皆各安如故' (Shu 1974, vol. 24, pp. 608–10)

After the First Opium War, the door of China was forced to open to Western Imperialism, and more foreign ships arrived on the Pearl River. The region was gradually integrated into a Western-dominated modern world trade system, which resulted in a more complex social environment, as recorded that, 'now, the social atmosphere was increasingly opening-up; even though dozens of coastal counties with vast territory and abundant resources were beneficial, harmfulness also fell on the merchants and civilians. Ordinary people had to live and work mixed with evil and unwelcomed people, which was why the coastal areas were unstable and insecure 今則風氣日開, 沿海數十郡縣, 地袤物博, 舶 販往來, 大利大害, 叢芽其間, 外宄內奸, 蜮伏狙伺, 而海疆滋以多故' (Ye 2006, pp. 381–82). Possibly associated with the local turmoil, especially since Hong Kong became an open port, the number of temples on the east bank of the Pearl River developed rapidly. A record provides evidence to this inference, which says that maritime security was increasingly severe ... , (and therefore, everyone) particularly hoped that the deities would protect our people from harm (Ye 2006, pp. 381–82). It is thus safe to assume that the increasing number of temples resulted from the practical purpose of local people who sought spiritual sustenance, hoping the Water Deities would protect their security.

Overall, in the Qing Dynasty, the Water Deities in the PRD performed the role of protecting the local security and thus had strong social impacts; as the Yuxu 玉虛 temple inscription pointed out, the gods blessed merchants, and both fishermen and women appreciated their power and virtues (Pan 1986, p. 167). The increasing influence of Water Deities Beliefs among people and the popularity of the construction of Water Deities' temples were particularly prominent in the local crises and changes, such as the pirates harassing the coastal areas and the reorientation of trade after the First Opium War, which brought about more quarrels and conflicts into the area (Li 2013, pp. 476–78). Meanwhile, because the social functions of the Water Deities played a vital role in the minds of the local people, they believed that 'since the gods blessed us, we should express our gratitude to them; thus, officials and villagers jointly raised funds to build the temple on an auspicious day' (Shu 1974, vol. 24, pp. 610–11). The temples' construction received abundant financing because people believed that through 'renovating temple in order to thank the deities' blessing, everything would go well afterwards' (Guo 2009, vol. 9, pp. 524–25). As a result, the Water Deities Beliefs cultures in the region were expanded, developed and further spread with the material guarantee.

#### **5. Conclusions**

A mentality of national governance concerning rites in imperial China was that: 'Sacrificial rites and military affairs were two significant events for the state. The sacrificial ceremony would be inherited by future generations when it was magnificent and solemn, even though the ordinary sacrifices should show the state's dignity. The gods and ghosts would enjoy the offerings when people expressed their sincerity during the sacrifice. The administrators adept at governing a county paid extreme attention to sacrificial rites 國之大事, 在祀與戎, 祀事孔明, 後世所忽, 誠使平時, 蠲飾其宇. 祀時展露其誠, 則鬼神其享之矣. 善政者, 其尚留意 於斯' (Jin 2015, vol. 27, p. 414)

Sacrificial rites are indispensable in national governance and social life. They are related to the people's ideas of the power of deities and local knowledge of landscape transformation. These two consist of people's sources of decision making. The natural environment of the PRD is characterized by an interchange between rivers and sea and a dense water network, which has fostered the Water Deities Beliefs, including Nanhaishen, Tianfei, and Beidi. This study carries out quantitative statistics and GIS visual reconstruction of the Water Deities' temples in the region, mainly in the Qing Dynasty, and intuitively recoveries their spatiotemporal evolution process. It discusses the influence factors on the evolution and further outlines the social landscape interwoven by local people's material life and their spiritual consciousness. Therefore, two conclusions are drawn.

First, the spatial distribution patterns of beliefs in Nanhaishen, Tianfei, and Beidi are relatively consistent. They initially centered around Canton and its west, namely Foshan and Jiujiang, which were in the jurisdiction of Nanhai County, showing a tendency to move from the center to the periphery (Figure 6). Meanwhile, the three Water Deities were worshiped in different manners, spatially and temporally (Table 2). Nanhaishen Belief was circulated from Canton to its neighboring counties. The sacrificial centers were at Canton in the early Qing period and gradually moved to Jiujiang in the late Qing and early Republican eras (Figure 3). Tianfei Belief was distributed in multiple core areas along the coast since its early introduction and then spread outwardly. In the late Qing and the early Republican eras, its sacrificial centers were Canton, Foshan, Shunde, Hong Kong, Macau, and Zengcheng were the sub-centers, which formed a hierarchical sacrificial circle (Figure 4). Furthermore, Beidi Belief was distributed within smaller regions than the other two deities, mainly around the Ancestor Temple of Foshan at the early stage. By the early 20th century, its sacrificial centers were developed along the Pearl River, the Xijiang River, and the Beijiang River (Figure 5).

Second, the spatiotemporal evolution of the beliefs of Nanhaishen, Tianfei, and Beidi was influenced by multiple factors. Firstly, frequent floods disasters urged the people to rely on the protection of the Water Deities on the spiritual level. The water conservancy was often accompanied by building temple, which formed unique regulations and cultures in the water conservancy society. These regulations and cultures represent that people could adapt to local conditions to transform nature while attributing their success to divine blessings. It thus strengthened the physical image and spiritual orientation of the Water Deities, who could perform blessings related to natural phenomena. Next, traffic and trade became the significant driving force for the development of beliefs in Water Deities because water transport served as the channel for spreading belief. The development of commercial centers in the PRD was highly consistent in terms of space with the development of the sacrificial centers of the Water Deities. The beliefs in Nanhaishen and Tianfei were primordially spread by trade routes, and the spread interacted with the waterways and ports. Beidi Belief was spread from the core area of the belief surrounding the Ancestor Temple to the periphery areas. In the process, the development of commerce in the PRD ensures the material supports for the beliefs' expansion.

Moreover, the interaction between official rites and folk beliefs promoted the integration of different Water Deities' cultures. Since the Qing Dynasty, as revealed in many records, the folk nature of Water Deities' temples was enhanced with increasing enthusiasm of folk participation in the temples' building. As a result, the number of temples rose, and the Water Deities' functions were integrated, strengthening the status of the Water Deities as the local divine protectors. Furthermore, the Water Deities played a role in protecting local security, and their 'power' was more prominent in social crises such as the disturbance of pirates and social and economic instability after the Opium War caused by the gradual collapse of traditional commerce; hence, more temples were built, and the beliefs were further spread. In a word, the distribution space of Water Deities Beliefs in the PRD was jointly influenced by institution, economy, transportation, environment, and other factors. The status of Nanhaishen, Tianfei, and Beidi became more prominent in people's minds, and their supernatural powers were regarded more and more efficiently.

In this paper, local chronicles, historical maps, and GIS technology are comprehensively utilized to visually reconstruct the Water Deities Beliefs in the PRD, which provides a space-time narrative scheme for the historical study of religions. Compared with traditional methods studies that focus more on the evolution of the deities themselves, religious rituals, and other paradigms, such as from the perspectives of sociology and folklore, it highlights the interactive relationship between geographical environment and social development. Although the digital and spatial research scheme is weak in examining the micro-level evolution of specific temples or single events, it depicts the overall process from the macro-spatial and temporal narrative perspective. In this visual reconstruction of spatial and temporal, people's spiritual orientation in Water Deities Beliefs, both influenced by institutional and non-institutional, can be intuitively demonstrated.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, Formal analysis, Investigation, Visualization, Writing original draft, Y.L.; Supervision, Y.W. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research received no external funding.

**Institutional Review Board Statement:** Not applicable.

**Informed Consent Statement:** Not applicable.

**Data Availability Statement:** Not applicable.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **Appendix A**

**Table A1.** The documents of the local chorography in the PRD.



**Table A1.** *Cont.*

Illustrate: The local chronicles used to count the number of water deities' temples in the table above are partly mentioned in the main text, and their editions information is directly marked with reference numbers. Those not mentioned in the text are noted here: 1. Order numbers 1/5/20/21/22/26/30/31/33/36/38 are collected in "Chen, Jianhua (eds.) Ancient Books Collection in Canton·Part of History Chorography Attributes. Guangzhou: Guangzhou Publishing House. 2015", the volume numbers are 12/28/57/58/58/56/47/48/63/53/66, respectively. 2. Order numbers 7/25 are collected in "Yin, Mengxia (eds.) The Rare Chinese Local Chorography Collected in Japan. Beijing: Shumu Wenxian Publishing House. 1992"; the volume numbers are 20/23, respectively. 3. Order numbers 16/18/40 are collected in "Local History Office of Guangdong Province (eds.) The Collected Works of Guangdong Chronicles in the past Dynasties, Guangzhou: Lingnan Publishing House. 2009"; the volume numbers are 18/17/4, respectively. 4. Order numbers 23/24/27/28/32/35/37 are collected in "The Collected Works of Chinese Chronicles · State and County in Guangdong. Shanghai: Shanghai Bookstore. 2013"; the volume numbers are 32/32/33/19/19/5/5, respectively. 5. Order number 39 is collected in "National Science Library (eds.) Series Books of rarely gazetteers collected by the Chinese Academy of Sciences Literature and Information Center (No. 78–82). Beijing: National Library of China Publishing House. 2014"; the volume numbers are 78–82.

#### **Notes**


#### **References**


Feuchtwang, Stephan. 2001. *Popular Religion in China*. New York: Routledge.


Qu, Dajun 屈大均. 1985. *Guangdong xinyu* 廣東新語 *[New Writings in Guangdong]*. Beijing: Zhonghua Books Publishing House.


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