**2. The History of Mazu Worship and Its Expression through Traditional Material Cultures**

This section will explore the rise and evolution of Mazu worship through the use of traditional forms of material culture, including images, devotional and liturgical objects, architecture, and sacred spaces. While all of these of forms of materiality have enabled people to communicate with the goddess, the ancestral temple, as the original sacred space of Mazu worship, the text entitled *Tianfei xiansheng lu*, incense as a liturgical object, and Mazu statues have been especially crucial in the expression of religious emotions and beliefs.

According to historical accounts, Mazu's ancestral temple at Meizhou originated from a small shrine and later developed as a splendid temple complex. Historical sources from the Song dynasty illustrate this rise and transformation. According to *Shengdun zumiao chongjian shunji miaoji*, compiled by Liao Pengfei in 1150, Mazu lived at Meizhou Island and, after she died, local people established a small shrine to memorialize and worship her (Li 1995, p. 2). According to "*The Record of the Founding Temple in Meizhou Island*" (Jiang and Zheng 2007, p. 80), Mazu protected a merchant and his ship, enabling them to return home safely. To repay the numinous intervention of the goddess, the merchant donated a large amount of money to enlarge the shrine into a temple in Meizhou (Jiang and Zhu 2011, p. 90).

The process of the refurbishment and enlargement of Mazu's ancestral temple complex in Meizhou is recorded in historical accounts written in the Ming and Qing dynasties. The temple eventually developed into a large complex that included a gate (*shanmen*), "the Palace of Celestial Empress" (*tianhou dian*), a dressing tower (*shuzhuang ge*), a "Facing Heaven" garret (*chaotian ge*), a drum and bell tower (*zhonggu lou*), and Taizi Palace (*taizi dian*). Each building of the temple was linked to a divine manifestation of the goddess, as shown in the *Record of the Sagely Manifestation of the Celestial Consort* (*Tianfei xiansheng lu*).<sup>7</sup> For example, the story "Pushing over Waves to Help Ships Cross a Storm" (*Yonglang jizhou*) hallows the reconstruction project launched by Commander Zhou, who established the incense pavilion, the drum and bell tower, and the temple gate, as an act of pious gratitude to Mazu's divine protection in assisting Ming military ships.8

Similar narratives, in which individual devotees contributed to the enlargement of Mazu's ancestral temple as an expression of religious piety and gratitude for the goddess's protection, appear in different contexts. The establishment of the Facing Heaven Pavilion (*chaotian ge*) by Commander Zhang, the construction of Taizi Palace by the Grand Governor Yao Qisheng (1623–1683), and a local devotee's sponsoring of the Dressing Tower stand out (Ibid). These three episodes share several elements. First, the goddess's divine and efficacious manifestation in time and space, shaping the material world, was the key reason for an intensified piety. Second, the devotees used materiality—in the form of elaborate temple reconstructions—as the means to publicly express this piety. In other words, materiality has been essential to the rise and spread of the devotion to Mazu.9

In addition to the construction of the Mazu temple, another traditional way to materialize the worship of Mazu was the composition of texts concerning her. One of the most well-known hagiographic texts documenting various mythical stories about Mazu's salvific power is the *Record of the Sagely Manifestation of the Celestial Consort* (*Tianfei xiansheng lu*). *Tianfei xiansheng lu* is attributed to the monk Shi Zhaocheng (c. 1644), the abbot of the Mazu temple at Meizhou Island in the late Ming dynasty. However, scholars of the period believe that this text was actually compiled and revised by a group of literati from the local community.<sup>10</sup> *The Record of the Sagely Manifestation of the Celestial Consort* is important in the cult of Mazu because other extant texts on Mazu's hagiography and myths are mainly based on it. For example, a later Qing version of Mazu's hagiography, entitled *Record of State Conferred Heavenly Empress* (Chifeng tianhou zhi, 1778), was elaborated and developed on the basis of *Tianfei xiansheng lu*. Another pictorial version, *Pictorial Record of Sagely Manifestation from Holy Mother of Celestial Empress* (Tianhou shengmu shengji tuzhi, 1826), includes a series of pictures that vividly paint mythical stories originally recorded in *Tianfei xiansheng lu* (see Jiang and Zhou 2009, p. 485).

The above hagiographic texts were written by Confucian literati in classical languages and are considered to be important historical sources for the historical study of Mazu worship. Scholars have stressed the special role of these literary texts in shaping the dominant narratives about and popular perceptions of Mazu.<sup>11</sup> Despite this insight, they have ignored the essential sense of texts as material objects that do not just provide accounts of the religious history of Mazu worship, but also carry group memory and communal religious experiences. For example, the *Pictorial Record of Sagely Manifestation from Holy Mother of Celestial Empress* was written in a simple language with illustrations that facilitated access by non-educated audiences, thereby further disseminating Mazu's cult throughout late imperial China. Here, the appeal was not simply one of conveying the stories of Mazu's miracles, but of touching the senses, allowing people to feel the goddess's power more directly. In other words, texts like the *Pictorial Record of Sagely Manifestation from Holy Mother of Celestial Empress* allowed believers to develop a stronger emotional bond with Mazu, and to have visceral experiences that could be shared with other devotees.

As one of the traditional forms of material culture in Mazu worship, the texts themselves became the material objects worshiped by individuals and groups of people. For

example, the Qing version of Mazu's hagiography, *Chifeng tianhou zhi*, was worshiped by the local community at the Xianliang port of Putian (see Zhang 2020). The Ming version of *Tianfei xiansheng lu* is consecrated and conserved in the museum of Mazu culture (*Mazu wenhua zhanlan guan*) as one of the most precious material objects (See Figure 1). Likewise, the *Pictorial Record* has been enlarged and exhibited in the museum of Mazu culture. In sum, hagiographic texts are not just the most influential literary sources in the formation of dominant narratives in Mazu worship, but also essential material objects worshiped by Mazu devotees.

**Figure 1.** The hagiographic texts in the Museum of Mazu Culture. Source: author's own photograph.

The above review of the history of Mazu's ancestral temple at Meizhou and Mazu's mythical hagiographies illustrates the material dynamics of temple buildings, texts, and the interaction of the two. In all of these cases, the construction of the temple buildings as a form of religious materialization became the most visible way to glorify the goddess and to bolster her sacred power and prestige, which, in turn, enabled the spread of devotion. In a process of mutual constitution, the enlargement and elaborateness of the Mazu temple, the crafting of mythical narratives, and the strong belief in the salvific power of the goddess went hand-in-hand with her rising status as an efficacious sacred figure. This tight connection between the glorious stories of Mazu's miraculous power on behalf of her devotees and the latter's gratitude expressed through wood and stone in subsequent enlargements of her ancestral temple have contributed not only to the promotion of Meizhou as the primary sacred site for the worship of the goddess, but also to her popularity. The economic and political nexus here is clear, for only economically and politically influential devotees had the resources to materialize their gratitude and piety in this manner.

However, a third traditional expression of material culture in Mazu worship is the image of Mazu, particularly materialized in her statues. According to David Morgan, images serve as "an effective means for conveying messages because they can be easily reproduced in a variety of media, [and] work among literate and illiterate audiences." (Morgan 2021, p. 88). In the case of Mazu, images of the goddess have been produced in different media, such as stone, clay, and wood, starting from the Song dynasty. A wooden statue of Mazu, enshrined in the Bedroom Palace (*Qindian*) of the Meizhou ancestral temple, is commonly believed to be the golden body (*jinshen*) or true body of Mazu.12 This statue was crafted with a movable head as well as hand and feet joints to make it more human-like (see Figure 2). This soft body allows the statue to be easily dressed up with the empress robe, the royal diadem, and beaded shoes appropriate to Mazu's title as the Celestial Empress. We see here how materiality makes it possible for believers to experience the full presence of the sacred: Mazu as an embodied goddess. As the *Temple Inscription of Meizhou Ancestral*

*Temple* (*Meizhou zumiao miaoji*) has it, this statue was the one sitting in the sedan that was carried by devotees during religious processions and presented at key religious rituals, during which individuals and the local community paid respects and offered incense to it (Jiang and Zhu 2011, p. 339). As the material embodiment of Mazu, the statue is believed by the devotees to be the goddess' presence, with efficacious power. Praying in front of the Mazu statue during the religious procession and other religious events is the most effective way to communicate with the goddess and trigger the strongest emotions.

**Figure 2.** The soft body statue of Mazu. Source: author's own photograph.

Another prominent traditional expression of material culture in Mazu worship is the use of incense. In the Chinese religious landscape, the use of incense in religious ceremonies and events is very popular. First and foremost, incense, incense ash, and incense burners are considered crucial media to interact with spiritual beings. To burn incense is to open communication with the deity. Just like burning incense during the formal greeting of honored visitors is considered proper etiquette, 'burning incense is an invitation (to the god)' or 'a polite formality' and 'a signal of respect', 'to open communication' (Stephan Feuchtwang 2001, p. 133). Moreover, because of its wide access and portability, incense serves to bridge the gap between the sacred space of temples and the secular spaces of devotees' daily lives in Chinese religious traditions.

Second, burning incense is also a vehicle to build a religious community (Habkirk and Chang 2017, p. 158). Incense ashes are considered the foundation to establish a new temple through the ritual tradition of "dividing the incense" (*fenxiang*) or "dividing efficacy" (*fenling*) (Schipper 1990; Ter Haar 1990; Sangren 1993). Namely, devotees and ritualists who are responsible for building a new temple branch have to go to the ancestral temple to perform the ritual of *fenxiang*. Through infusion with the ancestral temple's incense fragrance, the statue enshrined in the newly established temple is sacralized and gains efficacy and miraculous powers from the deity of the ancestral temple. In addition, incense ash from the ancestral temple's burner is believed to carry the temple's spiritual power. By bringing these incense ashes to the new building, the new temple also builds a strong affinity and connection with the ancestral temple.

The Mazu ancestral temple established the tradition of dividing the incense as far back as the Song dynasty. Through dividing the incense, Mazu worship "flourished all throughout Fujian province, and later spread all over China."13 Through the material medium of incense, a complex system of belonging was established in which the new temples and enshrined statues were put into a subordinated position vis à vis the mother temple. With new temples created in the Chinese diaspora, a large and transnational religious community has been built and maintained through the material connection of the circulation of incense and incense ashes.14 We see here how Morgan's suggestion to follow the life of the sacred object is helpful to our understanding of religious efficacy.

Incense and burning incense are commonly used in daily worship or sacrificial ceremonies dedicated to Mazu because they allow individual devotees to have more effective communication with the goddess. To be more specific, the smell of incense and incense smoke serves as material media to trigger the worshippers' visual and olfactory perception, thereby intensifying their spiritual experience and drawing them together in a special community of devotion and memory. During my fieldwork on Mazu's ancestral temple at Meizhou Island, devotees on many occasions mentioned that they believed the fragrant smell of the incense smoke would attract the goddess and convey their respect and love for her. Morgan makes a similar point regarding material offerings in general: "religious practitioners transfer living or useful things and convey respect to gods or spirits in order to secure forgiveness, favor, or benefit from the forces that can affect events in human life." (Morgan 2021, p. 95).

Material expressions of Mazu worship in history have not just been limited to the four aspects that I discussed in this section. Other objects have been crucial in the historical development of Mazu worship, such as inscriptions, sacrificial offerings in the ceremony, divination blocks, and inscribed boards. Nevertheless, the ancestral temple complex, Mazu statues, hagiographical texts featuring on Mazu, and incense and incense ash have been essential material media for devotees to express their religious beliefs and values. As these forms of materiality sustain powerful personal and collective memories and spiritual experiences, they constitute and have transformed individual and community identities, forging enduring social relations that link the local, regional, national, and transnational.
