**5. The Transition of Tourism from 3S to 3E**

A few decades ago, mass tourism was criticized not only for its negative impact on destinations, but supporters of alternative tourism, and many other scholars and experts, were pointing out very little benefits for tourists [20,21,77,78]. Tourists who spend whole days passively lying on beaches did not get much knowledge about the places they visited and had very little contact with local inhabitants and their tangible and intangible cultural heritage [22]. Almost identical remarks were referred to sightseeing trips that were also very popular at that time and perceived as a form of mass tourism. Such trips were concentrated on "ticking places off a list," maximizing the number of must-see attractions during one trip and, as a consequence, reducing the time spent in particular places as much as possible. The relationships between visitors and their destinations were extremely shallow and concentrated on tangible heritage, while completely omitting people currently living in particular places [20].

However, more and more tourists have become interested in local intangible cultural heritage, such as traditions, food, dress, dances, etc. Their needs were often satisfied with what MacCannel [23,24] described as staged authenticity. These were often artificial shows (but this could also include shops or restaurants dedicated to tourists) produced for tourism purposes that presented the local culture, only in a more or less detailed way. MacCannell [23,24] developed this concept to illustrate the fact that tourists are often provided with experiences or performances that are theatered or orchestrated in order to meet the expectations of tourists. These experiences or performances are usually superficial,

featuring only the 'front stage' area of a particular culture. Therefore, tourists who seek the 'real' or the 'genuine' in a foreign culture end up with experiences that are staged, which is a restriction for tourists who seek to peek into the 'backstage' area of a community to get a comprehensive understanding of a particular local culture. However, Mohamad et al. [79] argued that although tourists can afford these experiences, they do not have the right to the 'back region' unless communities are willing to show it to them. It should be up to the local communities to decide what they deemed appropriate for the tourists to see and experience [80]. In that sense, staged authenticity events played an important role as a security buffer for inhabitants who did not want to introduce tourists to their everyday life and also for tourists who feel safe in a situation arranged especially for them [80].

In the 1980s, some of the tourism scholars announced a huge shift in the nature of tourism that took place at the time. This shift was later on briefly described as a transition from 3S tourism to 3E tourism, where the three "S"s were symbols of "sea, sun and sand" while the three "E"s were symbols of "education, entertainment and experience (or excitement, or emotions)" [81,82]. This shift was enthusiastically welcomed by the academia and practitioners as a highly favorable trend. Since that time, elements included in 3E have been playing an increasingly larger role [83,84]. Typical trips to coastal resorts are still the leading products of tour-operating companies, but their customers often do not spend the whole time on passive relaxation, sharing their time between beaching, visiting monuments, sporting activities and cultural events.

At the beginning of the 21st century, two new economic theories mirrored the growing importance of tourists' experiences in tourism: experience economy [85] and experience marketing [86–88]. Both of them found tourism among the most important areas of the current economy where customers' experiences play a key role. This role was also noticed by tourism practitioners who started to adjust their products and their marketing activities to underline the special experiences that they can offer. At the end of the second decade of this century, nobody doubts the crucial role of tourists' experiences in different kinds of tourism, including city tourism [88,89]. Tourists who search for their experiences have begun to be more and more active, mobile and open for contacts with local inhabitants [49].

All those processes were warmly welcomed by tourism scholars as they are at least partial implementation of postulates of advocates of alternative tourism, however, on a much bigger scale. Still, we should not forget about the negative consequences that also exist. Partially, they are strictly related to city tourism and tourism-phobia that accompanies overtourism in cities. Many contemporary tourists are no longer satisfied with a shallow relationship with a visited city, which is limited to a short stay and concentrated on visiting the most famous monuments [49]. The factor that started to play a very important role in the competition between cities on the tourism market is the ambiance. Traditional city destinations that built their competitive position on the bases of monuments and heritage such as Rome or Paris had to face competition from cities such as Amsterdam, Barcelona, Milan or Berlin. The growing popularity of the so-called city breaks [90–92] made tourists visits in a single city a bit longer, and during their stays, tourists are not concentrated so much on visiting monuments, but rather on having fun, shopping and spending their time nicely. This effect was even strengthened by the Airbnb adverts suggesting tourists will be "living like a local" [13] p. 5. Indeed, spending time in, for example, Barcelona in the way that Barcelonan people do started to be fashionable in the tourism market. The citizens' way of living in Barcelona, Amsterdam or Milan started to be tourism attractions, and many tourists have been visiting those cities for that reason. The problem is that nobody asked citizens if they want their way of living to be a tourism attraction. Unlike cities with more precisely set borders of the old city such as Prague or Cracow, in those cities, it is not possible to keep tourists in a tourist ghetto that is not visited by citizens too often. In fact, inhabitants and visitors compete for the access to exactly the same places that are precious assets for both these groups. As an example, La Rambla in Barcelona can be pointed out. Visitors who try to follow the inhabitants' way of life can be a real burden for the locals [49]. They want to stay overnight in places where citizens live, eat in restaurants for the locals, shop in the same shops, etc. Visitors are searching for 'alternative public spaces,' 'creative urban areas' or 'ethnic precincts.' Wandering 'off the beaten

track' is considered an important strategy to find these places [49]. They perceive their product as authentic. As a result, citizens may have difficulties to escape from tourism to a "safe shelter," and this strengthens the tourism-phobia attitudes.

Contemporary city tourism seems to be a good example of the implementation of postulates of the tourism literature. Tourists here are active and open for meeting local people, searching for authentic products without being satisfied by staged authenticity. It turned out that the implementation of those postulates produced nightmares for the city's citizens.
