*Article* **Between Plain and Plateau: Micro-Transitions in Zooarchaeological Landscapes in the Guanzhong Region of Northwest China**

**Marcella Festa 1,2,3 and Francesca Monteith 1,2,3,\***


**Abstract:** Transitions in animal exploitation patterns are caused by topographical and climatic variations on both macro and micro scales. This paper presents temporally and spatially contextualized faunal profiles from 27 sites in the Guanzhong (关中) region of Shaanxi province (陕西省), PRC which date from the Early Neolithic to the Bronze Age (ca. 6000–1000 BCE). Climatic and environmental data was cross-referenced with archaeological, archaeobotanical and (where appropriate) historical sources to examine the reasons for the clear micro-transitions observed. Faunal profiles from sites in the Wei River plain (渭河盆地), loess plateau, and the transitional zone between them were analyzed. Animal utilization was found to vary substantially between different zones during the period under analysis. The transition in praxis between the Wei River valley and the loess plateau was not gradual. The hilly transition zone was found to have its own distinct animal exploitation pattern. These spatio-temporal differences in animal exploitation were caused by changes in both the local microclimates and the topography of the landscape in which the communities were living. Some regions apparently reverted to 'earlier' animal exploitation patterns in response to climatic changes. These environmental factors were also augmented by internal social developments and interactions with neighboring communities.

**Keywords:** Guanzhong; loess plateau; zooarchaeology; landscape; Neolithic; Bronze Age

#### **1. Introduction**

The analysis of faunal remains within archaeological contexts usually focuses on the reconstruction of subsistence strategies, ancient economies, and past diets [1], but they can also provide useful insights into past environments and landscape use. In China, zooarchaeology has been applied on a site-by-site basis, with its main objectives being to understand: (1) faunal temporal and spatial distribution; (2) human-animal relationships; (3) past environments [2]. An increasing number of studies have enhanced our understanding of domestication [3,4], regional trajectories [5,6], secondary products [7–9], and craftsmanship [10–12]. Another application has been to reconstruct the impact of humans on past environments. Research in this direction has often focused on animal extinctions [13,14]. Paleoenvironmental reconstruction through the study of mollusks, small mammals, and parasites has also proved effective [15,16].

Most of the zooarchaeological and archaeobotanical research conducted to date is based in and around the Songshan (宋山) region of Henan Province (河南省) [12,17–22]. This is demonstrative of the tendency of research in China to coalesce around large and famous sites, which having been located according to historical texts, are considered to hold the greatest importance, for instance, Shimao (石峁) in North Shaanxi or Yangshao (仰韶) in Henan [23].

**Citation:** Festa, M.; Monteith, F. Between Plain and Plateau: Micro-Transitions in Zooarchaeological Landscapes in the Guanzhong Region of Northwest China. *Land* **2022**, *11*, 1269. https://doi.org/10.3390/ land11081269

Academic Editors: Paolo Biagi and Elisabetta Starnini

Received: 4 July 2022 Accepted: 30 July 2022 Published: 8 August 2022

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**Copyright:** © 2022 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

The Guanzhong plain and surrounding areas in Central Shaanxi are significantly less studied. The majority of the studies of ancient human occupation in this region from the Neolithic to the dynastic period to date have focused on archaeological evidence drawn from artifacts and ancient written sources [24]. Although there is some research that engages with the ancient climate through the use of zooarchaeology and archaeobotany, many of these studies are based on assumptions of a causal relationship between the environment and human actions, which remove human agency from the equation. The tendency for studies of human mobility and landscape exploitation to resort to environmental determinism and Euclidian approaches to the landscape has also previously been highlighted, but bears repeating [25].

This study takes 27 sites from the Guanzhong region which date from the Neolithic through to the Bronze Age (Figure 1, Table 1) to explore the exploitation of the landscape in different ecological regions through frequencies of the different taxa.

**Figure 1.** Map showing sites referenced in this paper.

For the purpose of this study, these sites have been divided into three topographically determined regions: plain, transitional, and plateau. The plain occupies the primary and secondary river terraces of large river valleys. These rivers are loess heavy and have a strong tendency to flood. The transitional zone consists of deep gullies carved into the soils of the loess plateau. These regions are formed of pockets of dense vegetation interspersed with scrubby bush. Small areas of flat land in the river valleys provide small areas of flat land for cultivation. The plateau sites are set in the broad plains of the loess plateau (黄土高原), which are relatively dry and can only be cultivated with irrigation.

Since many of the excavations from which our faunal profiles are taken were undertaken in the mid to late 20th century, zooarchaeological protocols were not followed to a modern standard. In particular, collection tended to be manual, with methods such as sieving and screening being the exception rather than the rule. This naturally has a significant

impact on the resulting zooarchaeological profiles, which are often biased against small animals and small elements [26]. Additionally, these profiles are taken from the excavation of settlements and can therefore be taken to represent the diet of the occupants, and to a certain extent the local ecology [27].

**Table 1.** Chronology of Northern China and coordinates of the sites included in this study. Chronologies for Chinese archaeological cultures are determined on the basis of a large number of calibrated radiocarbon dates obtained from archaeological sites, which are published in [35].


\* The regional transitional period between the Late Neolithic and the Bronze Age is culturally unclear, with a possible Erlitou (二里头)cultural phase between 1900–1600 BCE. Relevant archaeological (and zooarchaeological) evidence is, however, too little to make definitive claims. Therefore, this time period is referred to as "Pre-Shang" in this paper. <sup>1</sup> This site occurs across multiple phases and is therefore included in each.

The earliest sites included in this study show faunal profiles which are dominated by wild species, especially deer and other large or medium-sized mammals. Domestic species, such as pigs and bovids are notably scarce or absent. With the advent of animal domestication, humans have considerably extended the natural range of domesticated species through artificial feeding, landscape modification, and selective breeding [28–30]. The post-domestication assemblages are dominated by domestic species, this means that the potential for faunal data which might provide information on past ecologies is reduced. Nevertheless, the distribution of domesticates is still limited to a certain degree by their basic physiology and dietary adaptations and has the potential to give indications, albeit generalized, of past environments and ancient landscape exploitation. For example, the mobility of the populations and their livestock within and across the landscape provides insights into the use of and impact on the landscape by humans and their animals. Certain animal types require a more sedentary existence (e.g., pigs and fowl), whilst others require and can tolerate greater mobility (e.g., bovids and equines). This leads to different faunal profiles:


As the distribution of species is to some degree limited by their physiology and foraging behavior, the result is that some animals are associated with certain environments [36,37]. In mapping the sites in terms of their topographic locations it is possible to trace the variations in animal exploitation on a much smaller scale. Faunal data from 27 sites in Guanzhong have been collected and mapped onto a satellite image with contour lines and considered alongside chronological and environmental data. This was done with the aim of understanding micro-transitions in animal exploitation patterns and, thus, exploring past human strategies of landscape exploitation. This study found that even within this limited region (<10,000 km2) the animal utilization varied substantially between different zones during the period under analysis, each showing distinctive exploitation patterns, and with some regions apparently reverting to 'earlier' animal exploitation patterns in response to climatic influences.

#### *Study Area*

The study area includes three zones: the Wei River plain, transitional zone, and loess plateau. Twenty-one of the sites selected for this study are located in the Guanzhong plain and its surrounding transitional zones with six of the sites located 200 km to the north on the loess plateau. These sites have been included since they represent the only available zooarchaeological profiles for the loess plateau against which to contrast the animal exploitation present in the Guanzhong plain and its surrounding transitional zones.

The Guanzhong plain runs west to east across central northern China and occupies an area of 12,000 km. It is surrounded by the loess plateau to the north and the Qinling mountains (秦岭山脉) to the south. The Wei River flows through the region from west to east, from Baoji (宝鸡) where it enters the plain between the Liupan (六盘山) and Qinling mountains at an elevation of 600 m asl and continues 300 km to the confluence of the Wei and Yellow Rivers to the east of Huayin (华阴市) at 300 m asl [38]. Many small rivers feed into the Wei River from the Qinling Mountains, but its largest tributaries, the Jing 泾 and Luo 洛 Rivers, flow from the north. The Wei, Jing, and Luo all drain from the loess plateau and, therefore, have a high silt content and large seasonal variations in flow [39]. This high silt content means that the soil of the Guanzhong plain is mostly composed of loess which has been eroded and redeposited by water, before being modified by millennia of farming. The rivers running from the Qinling run clear and have a more regular flow than those which run from the north due to the monsoon winds which deposit precipitation on the mountains [40,41].

The Guanzhong region has seen continual human occupation from the Neolithic period through to the modern day. The Neolithic period is generally divided into three phases: Laoguantai, Yangshao, and Longshan. The regional transitional period between the Late Neolithic and the Bronze Age is unclear, with a possible occupation of the Erlitou Culture between 1900 and 1600 BCE. This is then followed by the historical period which is divided according to dynasties. In this paper, sites dating from the Early Neolithic through to the Bronze Age are analyzed with the terms Early, Mid, and Late Neolithic being used to improve the accessibility of the paper to scholars outside of China (Table 1).

The distribution of sites in the region shifts significantly during the course of this time period [42,43]. In the Neolithic, the majority of sites are found in the Hanjiang Plain (汉江盆地) of the Qinling Mountains and eastern Gansu Province (甘肃省) in the region close to Tianshui (天水市). It has been suggested that deforestation in the Qinling during the Early and Mid Neolithic caused erosion, which raised the level of the river beds, meaning that the seasonal floods became a greater threat to the settlements on the secondary terraces within the mountain valleys and increased the potential for catastrophic landslides [44]. There is a sharp increase in sites in the Guanzhong plain region during the Mid Neolithic. It has previously been suggested that this increase in sites was made possible by the advent of irrigation which allowed for the cultivation of the fast-draining soils of the Guanzhong plain [45]. However, the fact that settlement in this area would have also been subject to even greater flooding risks than those of the mountain valleys makes these interpretations problematic.

It should be noted that many sites are attributed to different time periods on the basis of the different forms of pottery found therein. This, therefore, means that all sites at which Laoguantai style are found are dated to a single time period with only a few sites being dated using other methods. If the persons occupying the sites in the Hanjiang valley continued to use Yangshao-style pots after the adoption of Longshan potteries in the Guanzhong plain and loess regions, it is possible that these sites might have been misattributed. This could explain the relative absence of sites in this region recorded as belonging to the Longshan periods. This sort of residuality has been observed in European and West Asian contexts [46] but is rarely considered in terms of Chinese archaeology.

#### **2. Materials and Methods**

#### *2.1. Zooarchaeological Approach*

This study is based on zooarchaeological data from 27 Neolithic and Bronze Age sites (25 already published and 2 in publication) in the Guanzhong region dated to between 6000 and 1000 BCE, including 2 sites (Gongjiawan and Dadiwan) at which the zooarchaeological data spans more than one phase. These sites were re-examined individually. The locations of these sites are shown in Figure 1. The main faunal data analyzed in this paper is the NISP (Number of Identified Specimens) for each site. NISP is a straightforward system used to compare species representation across multiple contexts and datasets [47–49]. MNI (Minimum Number of Individuals) accepted standard practice zooarchaeology [2,50]. Where possible MNI data have been excluded from these analyses due to the inherent subjectivity of the analysis when it comes to combining bones, the variety of data aggregation methods, and the MNI positive correlation with NISP [47,50,51]. In some cases, it was necessary to use MNI data for comparison with other regions.

With the exception of two assemblages (Lingkou and Gongjiawan), the NISP exceeded 100, providing a reasonably sized data set for comparisons. The NISP was not reported for the faunal remains from Wuzhangguoluo, but only the percentage proportion of the taxonomic representation. However, this was a minor issue because the percentage of NISP of different fauna was calculated for each site, and then, the average value in different areas and periods were used. This prevented bias related to the potential differences in the NISP from different sites. The %NISP distribution per site is included in Appendix A. In order to assure transparency, the standard deviation of each set of percentages was also calculated. Although it should be noted that in some cases the standard deviations were notably high this is to be expected with such a small dataset. The analysis herein presented focuses on those percentages which have relatively low standard deviations.

The total NISP analyzed was 48,545, 1106 from 2 Early Neolithic sites (Laoguantai Culture), 21,565 from 13 sites dated between 5000 and 3000 BCE (Yangshao Culture), 6071 from 6 sites dated to between 3000–1900 BCE (Longshan Culture), and 19,803 from 6 sites dated to between 1900–1050 BCE (Pre Shang/Shang/Proto Zhou Period). The distribution of data is biased by local researchers' tendency to focus on the intricacies of the Yangshao economy and the early phases of the domestication of pigs [52,53]. Chisquare test suggests that the difference in the distribution is statistically significant at *p* < 0.05 (X2 = 15,466.1, df = 12, *p* < 0.00001).

This study divides the faunal remains into four main groups: one wild taxa, deer, and three main domesticates, cattle, pig, and caprine. Owing to the morphological similarity of sheep and goat and considering the uncertainties surrounding the standards to distinguish the two [54–57], these two animals ertr were combined into a single "caprine" category, which is used to refer to "sheep/goat". These taxa were selected because they were sufficiently evenly represented in the study area to be used for comparison across time and space. In addition, they are fairly common, and their bones have been well studied, making them relatively easy to identify in (and therefore more likely to have been reported for) each of the sites; these animals (and their bones) are also large enough to reduce the chance of recovery bias. They, however, may have been subjected to unavoidable fragmentation bias for the same reasons (i.e., larger bones produce more fragments) [49]. All the other taxa were included in the category "Others", and specific species are mentioned where relevant.

#### *2.2. Mapping the Data*

The faunal assemblages were mapped onto satellite and contoured maps using Tableau; this then permitted a clear understanding of the elevation and physical geography of the sites. The proximity to the nearest river, flat land within the vicinity of the site, elevation, and, where possible, the modern vegetation at the site were recorded. These factors were then combined to group the sites by type of site location according to overall topography: plain, transitional, and plateau.

The overall distribution sites in the region during each time period were plotted according to the data published in the *Zhongguo wenwu ditu ji: Shaanxi ce* [58]. As the result of the third round of the archaeological survey, these 'cultural heritage maps' are the most complete data available for the location of archaeological sites, despite being over twenty years old at this point.

#### **3. Results**

When the data from *Zhongguo wenwu ditu ji: Shaanxi ce* were mapped according to their time period, as expected, the resulting distribution was uneven, with the majority of the sites being dated to the Mid and Late Neolithic (Figure 2). This has been attributed to both recovery bias and apparent historical migrations of populations [42,59,60] (Figure 3).

It was, nevertheless, possible to identify clear temporal and spatial variations in the occurrence and abundance of animal species in the overall study area (Table 2). High standard deviation values were expected, given the small sample size and, in some cases, lack of reports of certain taxa (see Appendix A), while we acknowledge that it is problematic, we are constrained by the quality of the data available. There is also a significant reduction in the variety of taxa, which appears to be, at least partially, due to habitat loss [61,62], however, the impact of recording bias in favor of domesticated and well-known species is also a factor [2,52].

**Figure 2.** Maps showing the distribution of sites within the study region divided by time period with the three regions highlighted. The pie charts correspond to sites with zooarchaeological assemblages included in this study, while all other sites from each of the time periods are shown as small dots. (N.B. The dots for the Early Neolithic are by necessity larger than those of the periods due to the paucity of sites during this period). (Tableau, F. Monteith).

**Figure 3.** Landscape definitions, with the sites of Quanhucun, Dadiwan, and Miaoliang as examples. (Tableau and Inscape, F. Monteith).

The faunal profiles for the Early Neolithic sites in this study are dominated by wild fauna, with deer taxa making up to the 64% NISP on average. The Mid Neolithic shows a sharp increase in the prevalence of pigs (40% NISP on average), although the presence of deer remained significant (31% NISP on average). The assemblages from the following periods (Late Neolithic and dynastic periods) show a marked increase in the number of bovids, especially caprines (31% NISP on average in the Late Neolithic) and cattle (33% NISP in the Bronze Age).


**Table 2.** Average taxonomic abundance for Deer, Pig, Caprine, Cattle, and Others by NISP per time period. Data are presented in raw numbers (N) and percentages (%). Data sources are available in Appendix A. Differences between sites are highlighted using Standard Deviation (SD).

Further resolution is achieved when micro-variations in the physical geography of the region are considered. Three broad categories have been identified, plain, transitional zone, and the plateau (Figure 3).

In this study 'plain' is used to describe sites located on the Wei River plain. This region is at a relatively low elevation (c. 400–600 m asl). The land here is formed of almost flat terraces, which rise in steps from the river channel. The Wei River has a large seasonal variation in flow, historically it tended to flood and change course. This means that settlement on the plain usually occurred in areas of relatively increased elevation, with no sites being recovered from the primary terraces of the rivers. Set in the rain shadow of the Qinling Mountains, it is relatively dry with the majority of its water being supplied by the rivers. This means that prior to the advent of irrigation systems the potential for cultivation would have been restricted to the primary river terraces [38].

The transitional zone is formed by deep gullies which have eroded from the loess plateau. Aridification over the course of the 20th and 21st centuries has led to increased erosion in this region making an accurate reconstruction of the original form of the landscape here problematic. This region is characterized by small pockets of scrubby vegetation within the gullies. Although the hillsides are now terraced, this is a relatively recent innovation. Historically, this region would have only had limited land for cultivation. Although the Gongjiawan site is located in the Qinling mountains rather than the loess transitional zone, it is included in the latter category since the topography of the site is similar to that of the transitional zone.

The plateau is characterized by expanses of flat land cut across by rivers. These rivers run in relatively deep and narrow valleys, which only gradually change their courses. The climate here is presently semi-arid with sand dunes being evident on the satellite imagery. During the period of study, this region would have been less arid than it is in the modern day [63,64]. Although it would have been ideal to compare the sites in the plain and transitional zones with sites on the plateau closer to the Wei River Basin, those included in this study were the closest sites at which zooarchaeological studies had been undertaken for which the data had been published in a publicly accessible format. The concentration of sites in this region is likely due to its proximity to the Shimao site, which is a focal site for the Longshan Culture.

When these zooarchaeological profiles are divided into three broad categories in terms of the physical geography in their vicinity—plain, transitional, and plateau—the micro-regional differences in the taxonomic abundance and faunal exploitation in different time periods are highlighted (Table 3, Figures 2 and 4). Again, the presence of high standard deviation values while unfortunate was expected and may be attributed to the small sample size and the aforementioned research biases.

**Table 3.** Average taxonomic abundance for Deer, Pig, Caprine, Cattle, and Others by %NISP per time period and per zone. Those instances for which there are no data available are marked with the notation NR. Differences between sites are highlighted using Standard Deviation (SD). Given the small sample size, high standard deviation values are expected. Data sources are listed in Table Appendix A.


**Figure 4.** Pie charts showing the % NISP on average in each of the zones divided according to time period. (Drawn using tableau by F. Monteith).

#### *3.1. Early Neolithic (Laoguantai Culture)*

There are only 2 sites with faunal profiles in the transitional zone during this period. The faunal assemblages are dominated by wild species, among which cervids are the most common (64% NISP on average). Evidence of rhinoceroses (*Didermoceros sumatrensis*) and wild horses (*Equus caballus przewalskii*) have also been recorded along with golden snub-nosed monkeys (*Rhinopithecus roxellana*).

The proportion of pigs was relatively high (13% NISP on average). Given the fairly early domestication of pigs in the region at around 7000–7500 BP [65,66], some of these specimens may be domesticated, however, this is difficult to ascertain, since the process of pig domestication appears to have gradually arisen from commensal interactions. Additionally, there are methodological problems in the identification of domesticated versus wild suines during these early phases [66,67]. Bovids recovered in these assemblages are presumed to have been wild, on the basis of the identification of wild water buffalo (*Babulus* sp.) in the Guantaoyuan site and the relatively late introduction of domestic bovines and caprines into Central China [2].

#### *3.2. Mid-Neolithic (Yangshao Culture)*

There are faunal profiles for all three micro-regions during the Yangshao period with 5 sites on the plain, 6 sites in the transitional zone, and 2 sites on the plateau. The average site data for the faunal assemblages recovered in each of these three regions during this period is markedly different. These results show that during the Yangshao period, pigs were dominant in the plain (57% NISP on average) and that they were also an important taxon in the transitional zone (34% NISP on average). However, they only represent a minor percentage of the faunal assemblages in the plateau sites (11% NISP on average). During this period the majority of specimens are established as being domestic, with only a few individuals exhibiting the taxonomic characteristics associated with wild pigs [68].

The transitional zone was characterized by the highest proportion of deer remains (45% NISP on average), in contrast to the plain and plateau (23% NISP on average and 8% NISP on average, respectively).

The faunal profiles of the sites in the plateau are dominated by small mammals (79% NISP on average), especially hares (*lepus capensis*) (67% NISP on average), during this phase. This is in contrast to the plain and transitional zones, wherein the "Others" category only represents a relatively small proportion of the data (16% NISP on average and 19% NISP on average, respectively), but shows more taxonomic variety.

#### *3.3. Late Neolithic (Longshan Culture)*

There are faunal profiles available for all three regions during the Longshan Period with 1 site on the plain, 1 site in the transitional zone, and 4 sites on the plateau. There is a notable increase in domestic bovines in all three areas (plain 16% NISP up from 1% NISP on average in the Yangshao period, transitional zone 11% NISP on average up from 1% NISP on average, and plateau 18% NISP on average up from 0% NISP on average) during this period. In the plateau, a sharp increase in caprine (43.8% NISP on average up from 1.65% NISP on average in the Mid Neolithic) is recorded. The proportion of pigs is reduced compared to the Mid Neolithic, nevertheless, this taxon remains well represented in all the assemblages (plain 15% of NISP on average, transitional 11% of NISP on average, and plateau 16% NISP on average). The percentage of deer remains relatively high, particularly in the transitional zone (48% NISP) and the plain (36% NISP), while it is much lower in the plateau (3% NISP on average).

In one site on the plain, Kangjia, antler fragments make up 27% of the deer NISP [69], boosting the overall deer NISP. There has been much debate about whether to include antlers in the quantification of deer, since a single deer may shed multiple antlers during the course of its lifespan. Best practice does not include antlers that are not still attached to the cranium since they may have been collected individually from elsewhere and brought

to the site [70]. If such practice is to be followed, the % NISP for deer would be around one-third lower in the plain.

The faunal assemblage for the Kangjia site shows a significantly greater variety of species within the category herein described as 'Others'. This includes small quantities of canids, both domestic (*Canis sp*.) and wild (*Vulpes sp*.), as well birds (*Phasianus* sp. and *Gallus* sp.), small mammals (*Lepus* sp.), and aquatic species including mollusk shells and fish bones. The "Others" forms an important category in the Gongjiawan site which is located in the transitional zone, however, the taxonomic variety is reduced when compared to the Yangshao-phase faunal assemblage [71]. In Miaoliang which is located in the plateau region, a large number of wild horses have been found.

#### *3.4. Bronze Age (Shang, Proto-Zhou)*

There are only faunal profiles for the plain (1 site) and the transitional zone (5 sites) during the Bronze Age. In both regions the domestic assemblage was prevalent, the deer category only representing 15% NISP in the plain, and 7% NISP on average in the transitional zone. The domestic assemblage was fairly homogenous with only a few taxa represented.

In the Fengxi site which is located on the plain, pigs are prevalent (41% NISP), in contrast to the transitional zone, where they are less represented (23% NISP on average). In both cases, there is a further sharp increase in cattle (27% NISP in Fengxi up from 16% NISP on average, and 34% NISP on average in the transitional zone up from 11% NISP). These bovines have been identified as domesticated species. There is a slight decrease in caprines on the plain (8% NISP), but a sharp increase in the transitional zone (20% NISP on average up from 0% NISP on average). Other domestic species, such as dogs (*Canis familiaris*) and horses (*Equus caballus*), were also found in the plain and the transitional zone.

#### **4. Discussion**

From the Early Neolithic to the Bronze Age, the Guanzhong region underwent a shift in animal exploitation, from wild species to pigs between the Early to Mid Neolithic, to an increasing number of bovids from the Mid Neolithic through to the Bronze Age. Looking at the data from the perspective of subsistence strategies, they are in line with current research on the topic, which shows that hunting and fishing were practiced in the region in the Early Neolithic, but that their importance declined during the Mid and Late Neolithic (Yangshao and Longshan periods), possibly due to population growth and increased demand for meat for both consumption and ritual purposes. Husbandry, by contrast, developed along with agriculture [72–76].

The original environment of the Guanzhong region has been almost completely erased. Fossil pollen, which is often used to track changing vegetation over time, does not preserve well in the loess soil of the Guanzhong region, and those wetlands, which might have existed, and which would have preserved the pollen record, have been almost completely eliminated by anthropogenic activities [77]. A growing corpus of studies of paleoclimatic indicators, which are discussed more in detail in the following sections, have argued that prehistoric regional vegetation was highly spatially variable with different ecosystems characterizing the three locations, plain, transitional, and plateau, across time. Zooarchaeological finds have also shown important regional differences that are addressed below.

#### *4.1. Early Neolithic (Laoguantai Culture)*

Our Early Neolithic assemblages come from the transitional zone. While the fragmentary distribution of the published material (especially old reports) may have led to some data being overlooked, the paucity of information reflects the low number of Early Neolithic sites discovered in the Guanzhong region. There are only 20 or so small settlements, which have not all been reported archaeologically and zooarchaeologically [58,78]. This region may have originally been scarcely populated, or the continual migration of the

river channels might have erased the presence of such settlements from the archaeological record [77]. However, it is also possible that future research will recover further sites.

The faunal assemblages mostly include wild species, of which deer are the most prevalent. Palaeoecological studies undertaken in the region suggest that gullies and valleys were covered by forests and small grassland patches, therefore, the abundance of cervids is unsurprising [79–81]. The same habitat could have been shared by other wild hoofed animals, such as wild horses and Sumatran Rhinos, and carnivores, like bears and wild canids, which are also present in our Early Neolithic faunal assemblages. The discovery of golden snub-nosed monkeys in Guantaoyuan also suggests that the area was still forested during this period [82–84].

The pigs in these Early Neolithic sites would have been predominantly wild, with perhaps a few domestic or semi-domestic specimens. Although pigs seem to have been domesticated at around 7000 BP in Central Shaanxi [65,66], distinguishing wild and domestic specimens in these early stages of domestication has proven to be problematic. One problem is that the domestication of pigs probably progressed through a "commensal" pathway in three phases, "dependence", "initial exploitation" and "exploitation", with a high degree of interbreeding between domestic and wild individuals [66,67]. This makes a clear-cut taxonomic identification problematic. Methodologically, dental size and morphology have been the dominant technique to distinguish between wild and domestic pigs [85]. Reference, however, has usually been taken from larger western specimens of Eurasian boar [86], which, as noted by [87], may not be appropriate for comparison with inherently smaller Chinese pigs. C and N isotopes analysis increasingly used to assess domestication by examining the nutrition of individual specimens, has produced controversial results for pre-Yangshao pigs in Dadiwan [88–90].

Those few bovines and caprine specimens found in the Early Neolithic faunal assemblages were wild specimens. For bovines, more detailed information has been provided in the reports, where they were identified as wild water buffalos. Although many aspects of cattle domestication are still poorly understood, the sharp increase in specimens in the Late Neolithic would indicate that it occurred in this period or slightly earlier, thus supporting the wild status of our specimens [91–93]. The reports give little data on the caprines recovered. It is believed that domestic sheep and goats were introduced into China from Western Asia through the Hexi corridor ca. 3000–2500 BCE [2,6,94]. Early Neolithic caprines from our sites were, therefore, presumably wild. However, the recent discovery of domestic sheep's remains dating to 6000 BCE in Southern Kyrgyzstan [95], leaves room for further research on the timing and modes of introduction of this taxon into China.

The profile for our sites suggests the existence of hunters in the transitional zone, who mainly preyed on deer. Cervids mostly require woodlands and grasslands. Palaeoecological research indicates that, indeed, the gullies and valleys north of the plain were covered by forests in the Early Neolithic period [79–81]. Therefore, it is reasonable to argue that Early Neolithic communities likely exploited their immediate environs to some extent. This included wetlands, which were likely relatively extensive [96]. The exploitation of freshwater resources—mollusks and fish for food, and shells for making tools and ornaments—has been attested by recent studies on aquatic finds in Guantaoyuan [16,97].

There has only been limited research to date on the agriculture in this region during the Early Neolithic [98], however, the contribution of farming to local subsistence strategies was presumably small. There is significant data to affirm the presence of agricultural practice in the contemporaneous Peilingang (裴李岗) and Cishan (慈山) cultures, in presentday Henan Province [19,99]. Domestic pigs and dogs have been found to be relatively abundant [66,100]. Fowl were also recovered and they are usually presumed to be chickens or pheasants, although the early date of bird domestication in Central China is somewhat controversial [101,102].

In contrast to the faunal assemblages found in Henan, the faunal assemblages in the Guanzhong region are more consistent with low-investment or incipient farming profiles than cultavist or pastoralist profiles. There is also very limited evidence for anthropogenic deforestation for agricultural or husbandry purposes during the Early Neolithic, with even deforestation through fire apparently being absent [103]. There is some evidence of incipient farming at the Dadiwan site. Isotope analysis of pig and human bones at this site provides some convincing (though not definitive) evidence for pig domestication [88]. Similarly, the retrieval of some broomcorn millet (*Panicum miliaceum*) at the site represents the earliest potential evidence to date of regional millet cultivation [98].

#### *4.2. Mid-Neolithic (Yangshao Culture)*

Our dataset for the Mid Neolithic is richer than that of the Early Neolithic, with data being available for all three zones, plain, transitional, and plateau. When compared to the Early Neolithic, the number of sites discovered in Guanzhong is two orders of magnitude larger (ca. N = 1500 compared to ca. N = 20 in the Early Neolithic) [78]. It is difficult to ascertain whether the area came to be more extensively occupied during the Mid Neolithic, if the sites are better preserved during this period due to changes in site selection criteria or environmental factors, or if research is biased by selective archaeological excavations. It is likely to be a mix of all three factors, Chinese archaeologists have to date shown greater interest in the large Neolithic sedentary centers, which formed the foundations of the Chinese Civilization [2,52,53]. Yangshao cultural sites have been well studied in terms of agricultural development and diversification, as well as the rise of intensive animal husbandry [88,104]. It is these factors, prompted by favorable climatic conditions of the Holocene Climatic Optimum, which appear to have been the prevailing forces behind the demographic growth and more extensive land occupation present in this region during this period [105–107].

In the plain, the faunal assemblages are dominated by domestic species including a large number of pigs, alongside fewer fowl and dogs. The domestication status of these animals has been assessed by zooarchaeological methods [85,108–112], isotopic, and DNA research [113–115]. Deer were exploited, as well as local freshwater sources, fish, turtles, and mollusks, for subsistence, tool making, and decorations [16,116]. This zooarchaeological profile is consistent with a relatively sedentary lifestyle, in which cultivation and pig husbandry were the main means of subsistence and were supplemented by hunting and fishing.

Early Yangshao sites in the plain, such as Banpo (半坡) or Jiangzhai, were small and likely occupied discontinuously (but repetitively) [117,118]. The presence of fences in these sites suggests, however, that livestock husbandry was already an established practice [119,120]. In time settlements became progressively larger, suggesting an increase in population, and were occupied more consistently for more prolonged periods of time [116]. Water management constructions, such as ditches for drainage may have been intended to mitigate the frequent flooding of the loess-heavy Luo, Jing, and Wei rivers [121,122]. Such water management constructions could also have assisted cultivation. Evidence of localized fires related to anthropogenic activities, such as vegetation clearance for land reclamation, further supports the presence of intensive agriculture during the Mid Neolithic [103]. Most importantly, archaeobotanical and isotopic research has indicated that substantial cultivation of dominantly dry crops—broomcorn millet (*Panicum miliaceum*) and foxtail millet (*Setaria italica*)—was established in the plain, in order to feed both humans and livestock [74,123,124]. As the yield of foxtail millet is higher than that of broomcorn millet, its introduction in the Wei River plain could be one of the factors behind the increase in population and the intensification of husbandry during the Mid-Neolithic [88]. It also suggests that the climate may have been more humid, as foxtail millet is less draught-tolerant than its broomcorn counterpart. Phytolith evidence for rice (*Oryza sativa*) recovered in at least two of our sites, Quanhucun and Yangguanzhai, indicates greater access to water at these sites [104].

The discovery of foxtail millet and rice in Guanzhong raises also the question of possible interactions between the Central Plain of Henan with the communities in the Guanzhong region during the Mid Neolithic. Foxtail millet is common in the eastern regions of China throughout the Neolithic, however, it has not been frequently found in sites in Guanzhong until the Mid-Neolithic period [125]. Early evidence of mixed rice–millet farming has been discovered in Peiligang cultural sites in eastern and central China [53,126]. The westward spread of crops seems to have occurred along with certain types of pottery, by the gradual migration of small communities of farmers [126].

Faunal assemblages recovered from the transitional zone show some degree of continuity in animal exploitation with the Early Neolithic, with a high proportion of deer and a fairly high proportion of small mammals, and a lower, yet significant, presence of pigs. Deer are the most prevalent species, which indicates that intensive hunting on the hills and gullies remained a factor in the local subsistence. However, domestic pigs raised on fodder [88,127–129] would have provided a stable meat supply, making intensive hunting—which is high risk and does not provide a secure form of sustenance—unnecessary [130]. It is possible that deer were hunted for more than just their meat. Hunting was possibly a resource collection activity in the transitional zone [98] especially since deer bones, in particular metapodials and antlers, are good for tool making, since they are straight, dense, and easy to shape. At Wayaogou 4% NISP of deer elements were reported as being worked, and they make up 95% of the whole assemblage of worked bones at the site [131]. The acquirement of skin and leather could also have been other reasons for hunting aside from meat.

The presence of deer, and the great majority of sika and roe deer, suggests that the surrounding area, although not necessarily directly adjacent to the site, was formed of scrubby forest interspersed with meadowland. This habitat would also have been ideal for hares, which were similarly well represented in the assemblages. Hare bones were tested isotopically, revealing that their C3-based diet was different from the C4-based one of the humans, pigs, and dogs. This indicates that they were hunted at some distance from the site, possibly even in plateaus, where hares have been abundantly found in relation to settlements (see below). By contrast, isotopic results for rat bones indicated that they shared a similar diet with humans and domestic animals, suggesting that they live in, or very close to human settlements [127]. Insufficient bovine and caprine skeletal elements (0.92% and 0.22% NISP on average respectively) are present for the domestication status of these taxa to be established with any degree of certainty.

The plateau is characterized by a high proportion of small mammals, along with a significant presence of pigs. This suggests that, while the economy may have been dependent upon pig husbandry for meat, small game rodents were also exploited as a source of meat/marrow and fur. It is usually difficult to evaluate the presence of small mammals in sites, as they may have been deposited through accidental intrusion, by nonhuman predators, or as by-products of human habitat niches, which created favorable contexts for these taxa. However, given the relatively high quantity and concentration of specific *lepus* sp. in these settlements, it can be suggested that their deposition was probably related to subsistence, and may be taken as evidence of some hunting activity. Bone and stone hunting tools discovered in the sites support this conclusion [132]. Hunting may have occurred near, around, or in the site: results of isotope analysis on hare bones from Yangjiesha have revealed that these animals shared a C4-based diet similar to humans and pigs, suggesting some form of commensal relationship with humans [133].

Deer did not play a significant role in the regional economy. This can be understood in the context of different ecological conditions. Early studies, largely based upon written sources, claimed that the plateau was heavily forested in the mid-Holocene [40]. However, more recent research into climatic indicators has revealed that this was never the case: the plateau appears to have always been dominated by grasslands with no large areas of stable forest vegetation [80,81,134]. This is a niche environment, which would only have supported certain herbivores, including a few deer species, and small mammals, such as hares. Increasing human disturbance in the landscape by burning for land reclamation [103] would also have further reduced the habitat for deer. At the same time, the loess friability and porosity would have made the area appropriate for plowing, draining, and growing

roots for millet. There is evidence of millet consumption at the Yangjiesha site, where fairly abundant grains of broomcorn and foxtail taxa were recovered [135].

#### *4.3. Late Neolithic (Longshan)*

The dataset for the Longshan period is smaller than the one for Yangshao, and most of the data comes from the plateau, with only one site with a faunal profile available for the plain and the transitional zone, respectively. While the above-mentioned research bias likely affected the sites' distribution to some extent, this scenario may also reflect the decrease in density of human occupation in the Wei basin, and a relative increase in Northern Shaanxi during the Late Neolithic. This has largely been attributed to northward human migrations from the plain, and southward migration of communities from Inner Mongolia, which are believed to have occurred as a response to climatic deterioration [42,59,60].

Our evidence shows that the Late Neolithic was characterized by a general increase in caprines and bovines, at the expense of pigs, across the whole Guanzhong area. Diversified use of animal resources might have augmented human adaptability to the progressively cold and dry climate, which followed the Holocene Climatic Optimum [136–138]. Climatic deterioration had a significant impact on agriculture. Foxtail millet became the most important crop, although broomcorn millet and rice were also cultivated in some areas [126,139]. The reorganization of agricultural production may have led to an adjustment of subsistence strategies in different regions in response to various degrees of climatic deterioration [140,141].

There is only one faunal profile for the plain during this period, from the Kangjia site. The three main domestic taxa (pig, cattle, and caprine) are all fairly well represented as well as wild species. This profile suggests that pig husbandry was still central in the local economy, although it was increasingly supplemented by herding and hunting.

Deer are prevalent. Although the % NISP may have been boosted by antler fragments (which make up 22% of the deer NISP), this points to hunting as being a significant activity for the community. As discussed above, the presence of domestic species at the site would reduce the need to hunt for meat and suggests that deer were exploited for other purposes. In Kangjia, deer bones and antlers were important materials for producing utilitarian tools and oracle bones. Oracle bones were crucial tools for divination and their processing has been associated with the emergence of social complexity, with a gradual emergence of craft and ritual specialists taking control over ritual practices from the Late Neolithic onwards [142]. The relationship between hunting and social stratification has been suggested by ancient written sources and archaeological evidence, according to which hunting was a significant social activity carried out by the elites in the pre-Shang and early Shang periods [143]. It is apparent that Longshan cultural communities had already undertaken the process of social stratification [144]. It is therefore possible that in addition to complementing the community's diet, hunting deer was a symbol of emerging social power.

Domestic species, including pigs, cattle, and caprines are all well-represented. The presence of domestic cattle and caprine specimens at these sites aligns with previous research, which indicates that these species had been introduced into China by the Late Neolithic [2,6,93,145,146]. Although pigs would still have represented a significant source of meat, it appears that cattle and caprines would have also been raised for their meat and their secondary products. It is possible that cattle were also employed for draught or transportation, however, paleopathological data for the bones in this assemblage are insufficient for firm conclusions to be drawn.

Climatic deterioration, alongside the frequent floods, would have affected agriculture on the plain, reducing the viable arable land area, especially for millet, which requires dry cultivation. However, this land could still have been suitable for growing rice [59,104,116]. In order to cope with changing conditions, the local economy, previously based on dry agriculture and pig husbandry, may have been integrated with some form of bovid herding. This implies a wider and seasonal use of the surrounding environment, possibly transhumance into the valleys of the transitional zone [147].

The faunal profile of the transitional zone shows a prevalent presence of deer and a significant proportion of pigs and cattle. The report of the faunal remains from Gongjiawan suggests that deer were semi-domestic. While there is no sufficient zooarchaeological data to confirm this hypothesis, and no relevant research has been conducted on deer domestication, it is plausible that these animals would have orbited around the settlements for food and interacted with humans to some degree. Further zooarchaeological research and isotopic analysis would provide some clarification for this question.

The presence of fairly numerous domestic species, suggests that deer was exploited for purposes, other than meat acquirement. Deer skeletal elements were used for tool-making. Moreover, there is clear evidence for hunting being a significant activity in the transitional zone, rooted in the early communities of hunters-gatherers that inhabited the region in the Early Neolithic, and even prior to that [98], and it may have evolved in a symbolic social practice [143].

The dominant presence of sika deer in Gongjiawan suggests the existence of fairly extensive temperate, broad-leaf deciduous forests and woodlands, which would have been necessary for this species to proliferate [71]. Persisting relatively humid conditions are evidenced by discoveries of local freshwater mollusk shells, although their quantity and variety significantly reduced compared to the Mid Neolithic [16,71].

Dry agriculture, which had become increasingly difficult in the plain, may still have been practiced to some degree in the transitional zone [59,148,149], however, insufficient analyses have been undertaken to date in this section of the Guanzhong region. This lacuna could also be symptomatic of a relative decline of agriculture in the region in favor of other activities. Deterioration in climatic conditions would have led to cultivation being less productive [64], however, there is no notable change in demography [149]. In order to support the community, subsistence strategies would have shifted toward (or have been heavily supplemented by) herding of caprines and cattle. If agriculture was not fully productive, it would have provided a limited surplus to feed livestock. In this regard, bovid husbandry would be more efficient than raising pigs, since bovids do not compete with humans for food. They would also be used for secondary products such as milk, hides, and wool [7].

The climatic deterioration during the Longshan period affected the three zones outlined in this study to varying degrees, with the transition in climate being most intense in the plateau [64]. This is reflected in the faunal assemblages from the four relevant sites, which display the use of a diversified set of taxa, with a prevalence of caprines, and a fair proportion of other domestic and wild species. The profile is consistent with an incipient mixed agro-pastorist economy.

Wild fauna still played a significant role in the regional economy, but the deer was little represented. A large majority of deer were sika. According to C13 isotopic research for Shimao and Gaojiawan, they survived on a relatively rich C4 diet, suggesting that they interacted with humans, perhaps by living close to the sites [150]. This, in turn, may indicate that the ecological deterioration, brought about by the increasingly dry and cold climate (and farming-related anthropogenic activities), may have led deer to establish some form of commensal relationship with humans for survival. The high proportion of wild horses (*Equus ovodovi*) in Miaoliang (70% NISP) suggests that hunting was still a significant practice, either to acquire meat, material for making tools, or social status, as discussed above.

Agriculture was practiced [140,151] along with pig husbandry, which was still an important activity for meat provision. It was, however, supplemented with bovid herding, which appears to have become the staple form of subsistence. Research on paleoclimate by [64,152] has shown that climatic deterioration towards aridity in the Loess Plateau caused many agricultural economies to shift toward agro-pastoralism and mobile pastoralism from the beginning of the second millennium BCE. The diversified use of faunal resources in the plateau during the Late Neolithic can represent the early stages of this process. While bovids are fairly tolerant of arid conditions, pigs require a plentiful and dependable source

of water [153]. The increase in caprines, in particular, may also be related to the southern migration of pastoralist communities from Inner Mongolia, which has been mentioned in written sources [60] and supported archaeologically [113].

The diversification of the regional economy should also be considered from the perspective of an incipient regional social complexity during the Longshan period [144]. In Shimao, a large walled center, which survived intensive millet agriculture [140], the proportion of pigs is larger compared to other sites. By contrast, in Muzhuzhuliang, a great deal of the local economy was based on herding, with sheep being exploited for their secondary products—milk, skin, and wool—in addition to their meat [154]. Analyses in Miaoliang suggest that foxtail millet farming production was likely not sufficient to feed the community, which in turn would have to rely on sheep and cattle herding and horse hunting [151]. Notably, the horse species hunted by the resident of the Miaoliang site, *Equus ovodovi*, had long been believed to be extinct in the Pleistocene. Only recent genetic evidence on various groups of remains, including those from Mioaliang, has indicated that it survived until ~3500 BP [155].

#### *4.4. Bronze Age (Shang, Proto Zhou)*

Evidence for the Bronze Age period comes from the plain (1 site) and the transitional zone (5 sites). Coincidentally, these two zones cover what is historically known as the Bin region, which is presumed to be the ancestral land of the Zhou [156,157]. It has recently been intensively investigated by Northwest University and the Shaanxi Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology in the context of the project "The Archaeological Investigation of the Ancient Bin Area", with the main goal of understanding the dynamics of the rise of the Zhou dynasty, culminating in the defeat of the Shang. This can explain to a certain extent, the abundance of sites in the plain and the transitional zones, in comparison with the relative paucity of known sites in the plateau zone. Other than Fengxi, zooarchaeological reports used in this study were conducted under the umbrella of this project.

The Bronze Age in Central Shaanxi is characterized by further climatic deterioration, which promoted a further increase in bovid herding. This came to increasingly supplement pig husbandry, although to varying degrees in different zones.

The faunal assemblage from the site of Fengxi, located in the plain of the Wei River Valley, includes a relatively large proportion of pigs [76]. This, along with the discovery of significant quantities of millet [158], suggests that millet-based agriculture and pig husbandry remained the main subsistence pattern on the plain. A significant proportion of cattle and a small number of caprines indicate the existence of supplementary herding activity. Mortality profiles for these taxa suggest that sheep were killed in their early life, thus likely used for meat, while cattle usually survived into adulthood, which would have allowed for their exploitation for milk and, possibly, strength for agricultural purposes.

The faunal assemblages from the transitional zone are dominated by domestic species, wild animals being significantly scarcer. This suggests an economy based on animal husbandry, with a small contribution from other activities. Although the Bronze Age witnessed a general decline in hunting, this may have been practiced to different degrees: while in Zaoshuguonao deer finds were more numerous and hunting tools relatively common, paucity of bones and antlers and the dearth of arrowheads from Xitou and Sunjia indicates that hunting did not form a significant part of the local subsistence [75,159,160]. Ref. [161] argued that, from the Late Neolithic to the Bronze Age, the Guanzhong region underwent a shift from a meat-oriented toward an antler-oriented hunting practice. MNE (Minimum Number of Elements) analysis results for the assemblages in Zaoshuguonao, Sunjia, and Xitou support this conclusion and more specifically indicate that deer antlers and bones were largely exploited for tool-making [160,161]. Archaeological and textual evidence both indicate that during the Bronze Age, the importance of hunting became increasingly social rather than necessary for survival [74,143].

The exploitation of aquatic resources was also nominal. In spite of the increasing regional aridity, the paucity of mollusks and fish in these sites is unexpected, given the large local water system. While this lack in our assemblages is likely due to poor sieving and taphonomic agents, it can also reflect a decline in fishing practices [16,74].

Bovids were prevalent in the transitional zone during this period. The growing importance of bovines and caprines in the region, as discussed above, could be due to the climate becoming colder and dryer during this period [64,152]. Under such climatic conditions, agricultural productivity would have declined, prompting a wider and more diversified use of the landscape, including expansion into marginal lands, in order to permit bovid herding. Research in Central Asia and Northern China has demonstrated that in the Bronze Age and in the Iron Age a flexible agro-pastoralist system was successfully established in arid and semi-arid regions to cope with this harsher environment [162–164].

Increasing caprine and cattle herding may have occurred under the influence of neighboring pastoral communities in the north, which had started their southward migration during the Late Neolithic. At the end of the second millennium BCE, small and large-scale movements of mobile and semi-mobile pastoralists dramatically increased and created a solid network of interaction across Central Asia, Northwest China, and Mongolia [162,165]. Interactions between residents of Central Shaanxi and northern agro-pastoralists and pastoralist societies are documented by archaeological evidence of steppe-type of artifacts in the former region [157,166] and are further suggested by written sources [156].

Mortality profiles available for four of the sites indicate that the three main domestic species (pigs, cattle, and caprines) were exploited for meat and secondary products to different extents at different sites [75,160,167]. This can be explained in terms of various degrees of reliance on agriculture and discussed from the perspective of emerging social complexity. Few archaeobotanical studies have been undertaken in the transitional zone [168], however different caprines/cattle-pigs ratios can be indicative of more intensive agricultural practices in some sites than in others [31,75]. Zooarchaeological research conducted in Zaoshuguonao and Zoalinhetan has revealed profiles consistent with the former being a larger agricultural center and the second being a smaller settlement [75,169]. Also, our zooarchaeological analysis of Xitou and Sunjia faunal assemblages has revealed a clear size difference in pigs and, especially, in cattle between the two sites. This may reflect diversity in economic structures, with a larger agricultural center requiring sizable animals (i.e., Xitou), and a smaller settlement (i.e., Sunjia), where smaller less-demanding specimens, would be preferred for their secondary products and light work [160].

Evidence of finished and unfished worked bones from all sites indicates that some taxa were exploited for the local production of tools and ritual objects. Not only deer, but also cattle bones, were used to make artifacts. In particular, by the Bronze Age, cattle had become the most important taxa for oracle bone production [142]. Indeed, cattle scapulae were fairly commonly recovered in all our sites, although at Nianzipo, specimens made of horse and other animals' scapulae were also found [167]. This further suggests a certain degree of regional variability in animal exploitation for ritual purposes, which can be related to a greater development of social complexity in the local Bronze Age [75,160,161].

#### **5. Conclusions**

This study has found that the Guanzhong region underwent a shift in animal exploitation, from wild species in the Early Neolithic to pig husbandry in the Mid Neolithic, when the area was experiencing the Climatic Optimum and a consequent substantial agricultural development. Climate deterioration from the Late Neolithic meant that localized communities had to adapt to new, less favorable conditions for cultivation. Generally, this appears to have been achieved through the resumption of hunting practices and, especially, the adoption of bovine and caprine herding.

Considering regional ecological variability, we found that even within the limited Guanzhong region (<10,000 km2) animal utilization varied considerably between three different zones, the Wei River plain, the transitional region, and the Loess Plateau, during the period under analysis. Against expectations, it was found that there was not a gradual transition in praxis between the Wei River valley and the loess plateau with the hilly transition zone having its own distinct animal exploitation pattern.

In the Mid Neolithic, the economy of the plain was dominated by dry agriculture and pig husbandry. Agriculture and husbandry remained central economic activities even during the climatic deterioration from the Late Neolithic onward: the former, however, would have switched into mixed dry and rice farming, and the latter was integrated with some bovid husbandry and deer hunting. Herded animals were used for their secondary products and aid in agriculture, in addition to their meat. Deer hunting would have provided supplementary meat and important material for tool-making. It also increasingly became a significant social activity, related to emergent social complexity in the Longshan Culture. In the Bronze Age, millet-based agriculture and pig husbandry were still the main subsistence strategies on the plain.

The exploitation of wild species underpinned the socio-economic foundation of the communities of the transitional zone until the Bronze Age. Throughout all the periods under study, deer hunting was particularly important, either for food, tool-making, or practiced for socio-ritual purposes. Pigs appear in significant numbers in the transitional zone, only in the Mid Neolithic, when an intensive agricultural system was developing in the whole Guanzhong region. Climatic deterioration following the Climatic Optimum prompted the need to diversify animal exploitation. In addition to hunted deer, herded bovids became increasingly important, for meat and their secondary products, including as draught animals. Diversification in animals' exploitation could also be favored by incipient social complexity and contacts with mobile and semi-mobile pastoralists from present-day North Shaanxi and Inner Mongolia.

The plateau presented a more complex scenario, partially because of the scarcity of zooarchaeological data, compared to other zones. Pig husbandry and dry-agriculture were practiced in the Mid Neolithic, supplemented by small game rodents, which were either orbiting around the site or were kept captives by the communities. The Late Neolithic witnessed an increase in caprines herding, which was integrated into the local subsistence strategies, perhaps as a consequence of the interactions with pastoral communities in the North. We did not have data for the Bronze Age, however, information collected by isotopic studies suggests that dry-agriculture and pig husbandry was practiced in the plateau during this period [170].

While this research is based on a limited number of sites, in their regional context, the results show the existence of micro-transitions in animal exploitation patterns and a variety of human landscape exploitation strategies on a smaller scale. Spatio-temporal differences in animal exploitation were caused by changes in both the local microclimates and the form of landscape in which the communities were living. In each case, the animals represent efficient exploitation of the immediate environment. These environmental factors were also augmented by internal social developments and interactions with neighboring communities. Further, more extensive and interdisciplinary research in North China would allow for a better understanding of different local zooarchaeological landscapes and, thus, effectively inform research on long-term, large-scale phenomena, such as pastoralism and ecological and climate change.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization: M.F. and F.M.; Methodology: M.F. and F.M.; Validation: M.F. and F.M.; Formal analysis: M.F.; Investigation: M.F. and F.M.; Resources: M.F. and F.M.; Data curation: M.F.; Original draft preparation: M.F.; Review and editing: F.M. and M.F.; Visualization: F.M.; Supervision: M.F. and F.M.; Funding acquisition: M.F. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research was funded by the National Foreign Young Talents Program. Grant number QN20200241002.

**Institutional Review Board Statement:** Not applicable.

**Informed Consent Statement:** Not applicable.

**Data Availability Statement:** Data are available in Appendix A.

**Acknowledgments:** We are grateful to Ma Jian, Duo Haifeng and Li Yue for valuable insights into various aspects of the Guanzhong region. We also thank Northwest University for providing the environment conducive to writing the article. We gratefully appreciate the insightful and constructive suggestions of two anonymous reviewers. Financial support was provided by the National Foreign Young Talents Program (QN20200241002).

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **Appendix A. Taxonomic Abundance by %NISP for Each of the Sites Considered in This Study**


<sup>1</sup> 49% shellfish, <sup>2</sup> 55.7% hare, <sup>3</sup> 67% hare, <sup>4</sup> 67% wild horse.

#### **References**


### *Article* **Kiukainen Culture Site Locations—Reflections from the Coastal Lifestyle at the End of the Stone Age**

**Janne Soisalo 1,\* and Johanna Roiha <sup>2</sup>**


**Abstract:** The Kiukainen culture constitutes a poorly known phase at the end of the Stone Age in Finland, approximately 2500–1800 cal. BC. It is best known for its pottery, and most of the finds are from the coastal area of the Baltic Sea between Helsinki and Ostrobothnia. Previous research on the culture was done several decades ago, so this study aims to define the geographical distribution of the sites known thus far and discuss the landscape around the settlement sites. Creating an overall view of the culture and lifestyle of the people is also an important part of the study. First, it focuses on different collections of Kiukainen pottery and then maps the location of all the sites where pottery has been found. For the landscape visualizations, three different areas were chosen for closer evaluation. Elevation models were, then, used to visualize the Stone Age coastal landscape. Altogether, we identified 99 settlement sites with a confirmed connection to Kiukainen culture. One common feature of the locations is a connection to the sea. The sites are located in various types of environments, but they all have easy access to seafaring and good landing possibilities from the sea.

**Keywords:** Stone Age; Kiukainen culture; pottery; settlement site; Baltic Sea; shoreline modelling; landscape archaeology; coastal changes

#### **1. Introduction**

The Kiukainen culture was a coastal Neolithic culture that existed on the southern and western coasts of Finland during approximately 2500–1800 cal. BC, starting at the beginning of the Final Neolithic and continuing until the Bronze Age. Its central distribution area extends from southern Ostrobothnia to the Gulf of Finland near the Helsinki region (Figure 1), but only a few inland settlements have been discovered to date. Outside the actual core area, Kiukainen ceramics have been found in some known Neolithic settlement sites. The Kiukainen culture was a uniform cultural group in terms of pottery and stone artefacts, as well as in terms of living in a maritime environment, along the coastline of the Baltic Sea. It was first identified as a unique cultural form by the Finnish archaeologist Julius Ailio in 1909 [1], and since then, the Kiukainen culture has, periodically, been the subject of more focused research. The last in-depth study dealing with the culture is Carl Fredrik Meinander's 1954 book *Die Kiukaiskultur* [2].

The Kiukainen culture was preceded by the pan-European Corded Ware Culture, 2900–2200 cal. BC, which spread to Finland from the southern Baltic region by two local cultural groups. They included the Pyheensilta group [3], which lived on the southern and western coasts of Finland during approximately 3200–2400 cal. BC, and the Pöljä group, which mainly inhabited the inland and the coast of Ostrobothnia during 3200–2500 cal. BC [4]. Scholars believe that the Kiukainen culture arose as a result of the diffusion of these different populations and cultural forms, but the populations also had significant connections with contemporary Scandinavia at the time [2,5]. The diffusion can be seen in material culture. It has recently been suggested that the Kiukainen culture ended with a period of desolation and cultural interruption before the Bronze Age began on the coasts

**Citation:** Soisalo, J.; Roiha, J. Kiukainen Culture Site Locations—Reflections from the Coastal Lifestyle at the End of the Stone Age. *Land* **2022**, *11*, 1606. https://doi.org/10.3390/ land11091606

Academic Editors: Paolo Biagi and Elisabetta Starnini

Received: 27 August 2022 Accepted: 13 September 2022 Published: 19 September 2022

**Publisher's Note:** MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

**Copyright:** © 2022 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

of Finland [6]. However, the continued presence of people in the Bronze Age in many settlement sites and distribution areas used by the Kiukainen culture speaks against this theory. The beginning of the Bronze Age eventually occurred gradually due to strong Scandinavian connections and cultural influence, but from an archaeological standpoint, the change of eras is a time of few discoveries.

**Figure 1.** Southwestern Finland, highlighted in yellow. The central distribution area of Kiukainen culture extends from southern Ostrobothnia to the Gulf of Finland near the Helsinki region.

Kiukainen culture settlements have typically been discovered on sandy beaches by the sea, with the largest concentrations being in the inner archipelago and in the estuaries of rivers that flow into the sea, such as in today's Turku city region, at the mouth of the Kokemäenjoki River in Harjavalta and Lappfjärd in Kristiinankaupunki. In many places, the settlements have been several hectares in size, and inhabitation continued in such places for hundreds of years. However, it is difficult to determine, without available datings, whether the use of the site was continuous or whether nearby settlement sites were used at different times. In addition, the use of the sites continued in many places into the Bronze Age, which has often made it difficult to date discoveries. Inhabitation along the coasts only became permanent, at latest, during the time of the Kiukainen culture, and scholars have suggested that the late settlements were no longer located on the sandy beaches next to the sea but on the other side of meadows, suitable, perhaps, for grazing, located between such former sites and the sea [7,8]. Settlement sites have also been discovered far out in the archipelago. These were possibly seasonal sites focused on marine fishing and hunting [9].

The connection between archaeological site locations and shoreline displacement has been a point of research interest in many studies in Finnish archaeology, e.g., [10–13]. Some more recent studies with more precise GIS materials and methods have been done in the last 15 years, as more open-access materials have become available [14]. Recent studies in geology have also begun to focus on land uplift and shoreline displacement since more precise GIS data is now available [15,16]. In 2001, researchers conducted an interesting study that modelled dwelling sites and sources of livelihood in the Espoo area near Helsinki [17]. The study concluded that Kiukainen sites in the Espoo area had a strong connection to marine resources, with sites being located on the seashore and islands. According to the study findings, change in the location of the settlements reflected major cultural changes during the formation of Kiukainen culture. However, it only included five Kiukainen sites, and the area of the study was quite limited, so statistical methods could not be used in the study. In Finland, more modern GIS analyses or methods have not yet been fully adapted to archaeology, but some basic studies have been done using, for example, interpolation methods [18] and cost surface analysis [19]. In Norway, a very interesting and relevant study was conducted in 2021 [20]. The research established that the peopling of the coastline in prehistory involved a series of active choices, and the main factors informing these decisions were good landing conditions and monitoring locations, followed by sufficient shelter from prevailing winds.

The first aim of this study is to define the geographical distribution of Kiukainen pottery and Kiukainen culture. Though some basic studies on Kiukainen culture were done decades ago, the results of those studies are outdated. The overall view of Kiukainen culture is indistinct, and more information is needed about the essence of Kiukainen culture. The geographical distribution of the culture has not been fully studied before, since the research focus, to date, has been more on individual sites or certain areas, as one study from the year 2001 points out [17]. The second aim of the study is to determine the types of landscapes or environments in which the settlement sites of Kiukainen sites were located. The choice of residence and local environment around the sites can give hints about the subsistence strategy of the culture. The third aim is to discuss the lifestyle of Kiukainen culture settlements based on research knowledge collected thus far. By lifestyle, we mean more than just subsistence strategy or nutrition. The term also includes, for instance, cultural contacts, traveling, social networks, and artefacts, which together constitute the mode of living of an individual or group. A broad perspective is important, and thus, this article highlights and especially discusses such an aspect.

The existing studies of individual archaeological sites and interpretations, based on only one site, are comparable to a study of finds without any context. Without a broader overall cultural picture in the background, the interpretations of individual sites remain weak and thin. From the fieldwork perspective, an overall picture is needed to provide more of a specific research focus during field studies. Knowledge about the geographical distribution of Kiukainen culture can also support future field studies because, most likely, many sites are still unidentified or undiscovered. Similar to artefacts, archaeological sites or monuments also have their own context, which is an idea that has inspired us in this research project.

#### **2. Materials and Methods**

Kiukainen ware forms its own uniform group that differs from preceding or contemporary pottery styles in the Northern Baltic Sea region. The vessels are thick-edged and rough-made, always flat-bottomed, and are usually straight-edged designs. Mild profiling also occurs sometimes. The vessels vary in size from small beakers to large storage vessels, but most are a few litres in size. Clay material was often mixed with crushed stone or sand, but organic temper or limestone was often used as well, causing the ceramics to be porous. Only the upper part of the surviving vessels is decorated. However, the lower undecorated parts often contain a textile imprint. The decoration consists of horizontal rows of pits, dots, lines, comb or ring stamps, and sometimes, spiral cord prints (Figure 2). Horizontal or vertical zig-zag lines are also typical. Though other decorations have also been found on vessels, the vessel is usually decorated only with pits and one other decorative element; for more, see [1,2,5].

**Figure 2.** Kiukainen pottery, photo by Marjo Karppanen. Upper right bottom of a vessel with textile imprints; the rest are rim sherds.

The preliminary search for settlement sites representative of Kiukainen culture has been based on information provided in the Register of Ancient Monuments, previously published studies, and excavation reports. Based on this information, we have viewed all the finds from settlement sites that seem promising and have confirmed that they belong to the Kiukainen culture as a result of Kiukainen-type ware found at the sites. Most of the work has been done in the collections of the Finnish Heritage Agency, the Museum of Åland, and the Museum of Satakunta.

One challenge in defining the settlement sites is that little research has been done on them, and none of them have been fully excavated. Many of them have been found as part of archaeological surveys, meaning that, typically, only a small amount of material has been found, and it can be difficult to identify ceramics with certainty. The easily corroding and largely undecorated ceramics have also presented difficulties of their own because only decorated or otherwise clearly diagnostic pieces of pottery can be identified as Kiukainen with any degree of certainty.

After analysing and recognizing Kiukainen pottery, the coordinates of site locations confirming a connection to the culture were collected from the Register of Ancient Monuments. The Finnish Heritage Agency maintains and updates the register. The register includes information about site type, location, possible dating, descriptions, and possible links to research reports. Sites also have a name and individual number code, which are used to list the sites. Every archaeological site in the register has coordinates in point format, and most of the sites have protected area definitions in polygon format. All information about archaeological sites in Finland is open-access form. The register can be found at the Finnish Heritage Agency's website, at its Cultural Environment service window (Kulttuuriympäristön palveluikkuna), but only in Finnish [21]. It is also possible to download the register for GIS use or else use it in GIS programs via open geographic information interfaces (VMS and VFS forms). After downloading the site register, it was possible to identify and list all sites where Kiukainen pottery has been found with the QGIS program. However, some sites excavated decades ago are not in the register, so some of those site locations are uncertain. Additionally, a few sites located outside the present borders of Finland (the Karelia area of Russia) were left out because the locations of those sites are uncertain. Sites located in the Åland Islands were identified using the Kulturarv website [22], updated by the Åland provincial government.

The mapping of the sites where Kiukainen ware has been found revealed some interesting site clusters. After examining the distribution results, three areas were chosen for closer evaluation and comparison. One factor in the choice was previous research history and knowledge of the sites in the area. For instance, some excavations of possible importance were done decades ago with poor documentation levels, while at other sites, the available research is quite limited and was only done at a small scale. Not all sites have confirmed dating since radiocarbon dating was never done on the finds. Those sites where the amount of Kiukainen pottery that was found was very small and other pottery types were dominant were considered too uncertain to compare. Comparison areas were chosen far from each other, where the landscape and topography are different. Many interesting sites are located near the city of Turku. The Turku city area was not studied as part of this research project, though, due to heavy land use and buildings.

Three areas that were chosen are the municipalities of Kemiönsaari, Harjavalta, and Kristiinankaupunki. Two nearby sites from the municipality of Nakkila were included in the Harjavalta study area because of the close geographical connection between them. To visualize the Stone Age shoreline, digital elevation models (elevation model 2 m) were downloaded from the open-data file service of the National Land Survey of Finland [23]. The elevation models are raster datasets that are based on laser scanning data, the point density of which is at least 0.5 points per square meter [24]. With the QGIS program, basic data visualization tools (unique values) were used to colourize the water blue to illustrate the shoreline. Information about changing sea levels during the Stone Age was collected from many different available sources, such as excavation reports and shoreline displacement chronologies. The Geological Survey of Finland provides open access to GIS data about the different soil types [25] in Finland. Unfortunately, the Geological Survey of Finland's most accurate soil type datasets do not cover the full Kemiönsaari area or Kristiinankaupunki area. As a replacement, the datasets from the Finnish Forest Centre were used to identify rocky areas. The Finnish Forest Centre datasets can be downloaded from its website [26] or used via open geographic information interfaces (VMS and VFS forms). The datasets include information about soil type in the forestry areas of Finland and the datatype area polygons. For background information and knowledge about the site (found on the Finnish Heritage Agency's webpages, specifically its cultural environment research reports), previous fieldwork history, such as excavation reports or survey reports, were also used.

#### **3. Results**

Altogether, we identified 99 sites with confirmed connections to the Kiukainen culture (Figure 3). The list of the sites can be found in Appendix A (Table A1). Uncertain cases, where the pottery could not be clearly identified, and those sites that have an inaccurate

location were left out of the results. The distribution of Kiukainen culture sites is strongly connected to the Stone Age shoreline of the Baltic Sea. The core area, where the number of sites and pottery finds is highest, is the shoreline between Espoo and Kristiinankaupunki. The results include only six inland sites where Kiukainen pottery could be identified. Three of those sites could be reached from the sea via the Kokemäenjoki River. The distribution map also revealed an approximately 80 km gap in shoreline colonialization between Pori and Kristiinankaupunki. The reason for the gap remains unclear, but it can also reflect a gap in field research history. The distribution map of Kiukainen culture can be considered, to some extent at least, to also reflect the general state of research on the Stone Age in Finland, as archaeological surveys have primarily focused on areas of changing land use around modern growth centres. Almost all archaeological surveys in Finland are done by commercial archaeology companies for different types of zoning and construction projects. Surveys are rarely done in areas that do not have active land use. It should also be strongly highlighted that the Kiukainen pottery findings are from sites that have been excavated. Those sites that have not been excavated but that are listed in the register after an archaeological survey are difficult to identify because only a very limited number of finds are collected during the survey. The total number of Kiukainen sites is most likely much higher, and the distribution map only reflects the current research situation.

**Figure 3.** The distribution map of Kiukainen culture (**right**) where individual sites are marked with red dots. The heatmap of the Kiukainen culture (**left**). The heatmap was constructed by evaluating site density and also the number of pottery finds.

The three areas chosen for closer review, Kemiönsaari, Harjavalta, and Kristiinankaupunki, are located about 100 km apart from each other (Figure 4). Kemiönsaari, in the Southwest Finland region, is the southernmost of the sites, and it is also currently part of the archipelago. The Harjavalta area is in the middle of the Satakunta region, formerly part of the Western Finland Province. The northernmost review area is Kristiinankaupunki, in the Ostrobothnia region.

**Figure 4.** The Kiukainen culture areas that were selected for closer review.

The Kiukainen sites in Kemiönsaari are located on large rocky islands in the archipelago area (Figure 5). Only the northernmost site of Näset was located on the shore of a smaller island. The sites are oriented towards the east because it afforded the best shelter from the western winds and better landing possibilities while navigating at sea (Figure 6). Since the sites are on islands, it is obvious that seafaring was quite familiar to the people of the Kiukainen culture. Landing on sandy beaches must have been easier than landing on a rocky shoreline, which could be one explanatory factor for site locations in the area.

**Figure 5.** The locations of Kiukainen sites in the Kemiönsaari area. Grey areas in the background of the map are rocky areas, while the yellow areas are cultivated fields, and the light green or empty white areas in between are forests.

Archaeological excavations have been carried out at four of the settlement sites in the area. Jordbro and Knipängsbacken were partially excavated by C. F. Meinander in 1947, while small excavation was done in Hammarsboda by the University of Turku in 1991, and excavations were done at the Ölmosviken site in 2017–2021 [2,27,28]. Based on the research and C14 dating, the settlement sites may have been used at different points in time, but Ölmosviken shows signs of habitation for hundreds of years between 2300 and 1800 cal. BC. Jordbro is possibly younger than the other settlements, as five Bronze Age burial cairns have been discovered there, demonstrating a continuity of settlement to the Bronze Age.

**Figure 6.** The locations of Kiukainen sites in the Kemiönsaari area and sea are visualized at 19 MASL. Areas with the soil type solid rock or boulder soil are visualized as grey.

The soil near the sites is mainly sand and gravel and, therefore, not particularly fertile, but on the other hand, larger barren-rock areas are located a little further away. Pollen analysis has been done at the nearby Söderbyträsket Lake, revealing that Pinus, Betula, and Alnus were the dominant types of trees during the period of Kiukainen culture. Additionally, Quercus, Populus, Tilia, Fraxinus, Ulmus, and Corylus grew nearby, which, together, accounted for about 20% of the vegetation [29]. Thus, except for the most barren areas, the area consisted mainly of deciduous forest, and the vegetation was lusher than

today. The first signs of cultivation are from the Bronze Age, 1210–1010 cal BC. [29], but the surroundings close to the residences would have been suitable, at least, for keeping goats and sheep already at the end of the Stone Age. So far, however, research has revealed no signs of such livestock practices, but the burned bone material is dominated by seal bones, at least at Ölmosviken [30]. A considerable number of the bones come from young individuals, which suggests that the catch took place in the spring and early summer.

The archipelago area was particularly favourable for seal hunting and fishing in the Stone Age, which, together with seabird hunting, were the most likely reasons for people moving to the area and for the establishment of settlements. The west and south sides of the island group would have given way to a wide and open sea, but the surroundings of the settlements consisted of sheltered archipelagos. This type of environment provided an abundance of fish, birds, and seals and, thus, plenty of food for people throughout the year. While information is unclear as to whether the sites were inhabited year-round, Ölmosviken contains traces of the dwelling pits. The pits probably originated from buildings partially dug into the ground, which would have been warm enough for people to live in during the cold seasons. On the mainland, the nearest large settlements would have been in the Turku region, about 45 km away and close to the sea, so the settlement of the area can also be connected to the marine fishing practiced by the communities that lived there.

The landscape in Harjavalta is quite different than in the Kemiönsaari area. In Harjavalta, the topography is a plane, and sites are located in small, forested areas near cultivated fields (Figure 7). The Kiukainen culture was discovered and named after the settlement site of Uotinmäki in the area at the beginning of the 20th century. In addition to Uotinmäki, archaeological excavations were carried out at Kaunismäki and Saamanmäki, the results of which have been presented in the book *Die Kiukaiskultur* [2]. Later, excavations were also done at the Lyytikänharju site, which nonetheless dates mainly to the time of the Pyheensilta group [31,32]. In recent years, residences named Kraakanmäki 1–3 have been investigated, with newer research results and C14 dates available from two of the excavations [33,34].

**Figure 7.** The locations of Kiukainen sites in the Harjavalta area. Grey areas in the background of the map are rocky areas, while the yellow areas are cultivated fields, and the light green or empty white areas in between are forests.

The settlements are located on the shores of a large and sheltered sea bay. The Kokemäenjoki River flowed into the bay, forming an estuary there (Figure 8). Due to the large flow of the river and the shallowness of the bay, the water in the bay has been brackish with very little salt. Many of the shorelines were probably lined with thick reeds. The area has been attractive, especially, in terms of fishing, as Kokemäenjoki River was well known for its salmon during historical times. The shallow reed banks have also attracted other fish and waterfowl to the area.

**Figure 8.** The locations of Kiukainen sites in the Harjavalta area with different landscape visualizations. The Sea is visualized at 34 MASL (**upper left**), 32 MASL (**upper right**), 30 MASL (**lower left**), and 28 MASL (**lower right**). Soil types are visualized with different colours.

The maps clearly show how the environment changes quickly as the land rises from the sea (Figure 8). It seems likely that, due to such changes, many residences would have soon been located far from the beach and, thus, probably subject only to short-term use. On the other hand, due to the steeper topography, Uotinmäki, Kaunismäki, and Saamanmäki remained constantly close to the seashore, making them habitable from one century to the next. Kuusisto's site remained underwater throughout the Stone Age and only emerged from the water during the Bronze Age. However, Kiukainen pottery has been found at the site, so either the information about the height of the place is inaccurate or Kiukainen-type pottery was, perhaps, used relatively late in the Bronze Age.

The settlements were located in the areas protected from the wind because the ancient sea bay was wide and open. Based on their location, the immediate proximity to the sea was important, and settlement continued for a long time only in places that have remained close to the shoreline. Inhabitation also continued in such places during the Bronze Age, but Lyytikänharju and Kraakanmäki 1–3, were only used while they remained close to the sea. The surroundings of the residences inhabited for a much longer time at Uotinmäki, Kaunismäki, and Saamanmäki were suitable for early farming already at the time of the Kiukainen culture, for they were situated on lush slopes.

The settlements in the Kristiinankaupunki area have only been excavated at Langängen in 1950 and in Rävåsen in 1994–1999 [2,35]. The area is known for containing a large number of residences belonging to the Kiukainen culture, but due to the research situation, ceramics have only been found in a few (Figure 9). Most of the settlements seem to have been located by the sea, with the water level having been about 40 m higher than today (Figure 10). The same also applies to places where ceramics have not been found. At that time, they were located on the shores of a sheltered bay formed by the mainland and an island on its western side. The Gulf of Bothnia opened to the western side of the area, and the rivers Kärjenjoki and Lapväärtinjoki ran down to the southwestern end of the area. The waters near the residences would have been sheltered and well suited for fishing and catching waterfowl.

**Figure 9.** The locations of Kiukainen sites in the Kristiinankaupunki area. Grey areas in the background of the map are rocky areas, while the yellow areas are cultivated fields, and the light green or empty white areas in between are forests.

Land uplift in the area occurred quickly at the end of the Stone Age, having been more than a meter per century at the time. The landscape was, therefore, constantly changing, and the sheltered sea area narrowed into two lakes, which were later drained. Their height

would have been about 35 m, but many settlements would have already been far from the shore at this point. In terms of time, the separation of the lakes from the sea dates back to the Bronze Age, approximately 1500 cal. BC. The finds at the settlement called Langäng, which was located on the shore of a smaller lake called Lillsjön, continued to a height of about 35.5 m, and C. F. Meinander, who excavated the site, considers it possible that the settlement continued to be inhabited during the lake phase as well [2]. At other sites, settlement may have continued into the Bronze Age, as several Bronze Age cairns have been found in the area and at the settlement sites. However, the sea connection had already been lost by then, and the settlement's subsistence was probably based on something other than just marine resources.

**Figure 10.** The locations of Kiukainen sites in the Kristiinankaupunki area with different landscape visualizations. The Sea is visualized at 50 MASL (**upper left**), 45 MASL (**upper right**), 40 MASL (**lower left**), and 35 MASL (**lower right**).

Rävåsen is a clear exception to the other settlement sites along the shorelines of the sea, having been inhabited for a long time before the Kiukainen culture. However, some Kiukainen ceramics have been found there at a height of approximately 50 m above the sea level today [36]. At the end of the Stone Age, the settlement was located at least four hundred meters from the sea and the mouth of the river Lapväärtinjoki. The area between it and the sea consisted of low reeds and possibly meadows. The site may, therefore, have been used during the time of the Kiukainen culture more for the purposes of tending livestock and engaging in small-scale farming than for taking advantage of marine resources. The surroundings of other sites in the area could also have been suitable for small-scale farming in addition to fishing, as low, seaside meadows and fertile soil would have existed in the vicinity, especially at the very end of the Kiukainen culture.

It must be noted that many more sites in the area around Kristiinankaupunki have been defined as Stone Age settlement sites in the register (Figure 11). More Kiukainen culture sites may exist in the area, but the lack of field studies, and especially excavations, make it difficult to interpret just which of the sites may have been inhabited simultaneously or by the same culture. As seen from the previous map (Figure 8), the seven known Kiukainen sites are located at different heights, and some are multi-period sites. Landscaping and building activities have also damaged some of the sites, so the original site location and zone may have been different than how it appears in the register today.

**Figure 11.** The locations of sites that have been defined as Stone Age in the Kristiinankaupunki area. Grey areas in the background of the map are rocky areas, while the yellow areas are cultivated fields, and the light green or empty white areas in between are forests.

As seen from the comparison, the Kiukainen culture sites have been located in variable landscapes and topographies. Easy connection to the sea and landing possibilities have been one key demand for such sites. In the area around the rocky island of Kemiönsaari, the best places have been located on the eastern shores of the island, which would have given the best shelter from the open sea to the west or southwest. In the Harjavalta area, changes in the landscape and location of the seashore occurred rapidly, so some of the sites have been used only for a short period. In the Kristiinankaupunki area, sites are also oriented towards the east or, then, located in a sheltered bay, as the sea opens to the west. With respect to future research and, especially, GIS analysing methods, such great variation in landscapes makes it difficult to use f.x. predictive modelling. The results from the site environment confirm previous knowledge about Kiukainen culture having been a marine culture with certain local adaptations, such as possible small-scale cultivation at some sites.

#### **4. Discussion**

The adoption of farming and pastoralism in Finnish Neolithic cultures has been a topic of discussion for a long time. According to the latest research, communities in southern Finland engaged in farming and pastoralism even before the Kiukainen culture. Based on pollen studies and the location of the settlements, it has been suggested that small-scale farming may have been important, already, at the time of typical Comb Ceramic culture (4100–3550 cal. BC) [37]. At the latest, these subsistence strategies arrived from elsewhere in the Baltic region together with the Corded Ware culture, from 2900 BC onwards. So far, archaeologists have only found evidence of nomadism practiced in Finland at the time, but traces of dairy fats have been found in pottery [38]. In addition, goat hair has also been found in a grave dated to the time of the Corded Ware culture [39]. However, no evidence of cultivation has been discovered, though it would have been entirely possible based on the location of the settlement sites in fertile environments. The Pyheensilta group has been poorly studied, but based on the location of the settlement sites, marine fishing and hunting were of great importance to such communities. The Pyheensilta group, however, had active connections with groups belonging to the East Swedish Pitted Ware culture in the Åland Islands, where carbonized grains have been found [40].

The subsistence patterns of Kiukainen culture were based, mainly, on marine resources, but evidence of small-scale farming has also been found in recent years. In the excavations done at the Riihivainio settlement site in Turku, archaeologists found evidence of contemporaneous field cultivation in connection with the Kiukainen culture [41]. Most of the excavated settlements have been interpreted as places mainly related to hunting, but archaeologists have discovered grinding stones, especially in the settlements located at the mouth of Kokemäenjoki River, with the stones probably having been used to grind grains [42]. However, all the grinding stones have been found in settlements that continued to be used in the Bronze Age. Farming possibly also included the use of arrow-bladed stone axes, most likely used as hoes [42]. In the distribution area of the Kiukainen culture, signs of cultivation have also been found in the sediments of lakes and moors dating to the end of the Stone Age [29,43,44].

The Kiukainen culture exhibited inhabitation practices in the Åland Islands after the disappearance of the Pitted Ware culture from the same settlement sites. The radiocarbon dates suggests that domesticated animals, such as cattle, sheep, and pig, were kept in the Åland islands during the Late Neolithic by the Pitted Ware culture [45]. However, the cultural and populational continuity between the Pitted Ware culture and the Kiukainen culture is still unclear, but the Kiukainen population may well have also maintained smallscale cultivation and husbandry in the Åland Islands. In addition, the oldest sheep bone found in Finland (2200–1950 cal. BC) comes from one of the northernmost Kiukainen culture sites in Kvarnabba Pedersöre [46]. On the other hand, it has been suggested that Kiukainen culture returned to the hunter-gather-fisher lifestyle [38,47], but based on this evidence, the small-scale husbandry was likely one part of the subsistence on the coastal life.

The settlements belonging to the Kiukainen culture are all concentrated on the shores of the Baltic Sea. Pottery spread inland to only a few places, and they are all in the area of the Kokemäenjoki River watershed. The strong connection of the entire cultural phase to the coasts and archipelagos tells not only of the importance of the sea as a source of food but also about its importance in connecting people between different regions. Without the sea and the archipelago, the Kiukainen culture, with its maritime lifestyle, would never have flourished. The contacts between the settlement sites occurred via water, and such contact must have occurred frequently because the material culture of the various settlements has been quite similar throughout the Kiukainen culture area. Ceramics produced by other contemporaneous cultures have not been found in the sites belonging to the Kiukainen culture area except in the Åland islands, and in this sense, the contact between the inland areas and places along the long coastline seems to have been limited. On the other hand, the material culture shows clear Scandinavian influences, so connections existed across the sea. In the future, it would be important to study those cross-sea contacts in the direction of Scandinavia and the Baltics. The length of the coastline where Kiukainen sites have been found is approximately 720 km, and the length of the core area is approximately 400 km. The distance from the Åland Islands to the nearest coastal sites in Turku or Kemiönsaari is approximately 120 km. In the future, different GIS methods, such as least-cost past analysis, could give interesting results about routes, travel times, and so forth.

However, from the perspective of current research and GIS analysis, the Register of Ancient Monuments has many problems. The level of information and site descriptions vary. In some cases, it may mention pottery type or, for example, dating, but some sites only receive brief descriptions without any important accompanying details. Information about the sites has been collected for decades, and some descriptions or locations can be based on very old surveys or small-scale excavations. The user must evaluate data reliability for each individual site, and thus, forming a reliable overall picture is difficult. A lack of proper classifications or keywords makes the register difficult to use with GIS programs. The points or polygons have age classes, such as dating = "stone age" and type = "settlement site," but they fail to provide any additional search options or keywords; hence, the few existing options do not yield a good result when trying to find more specific information on a site other than just dating or type. Additionally, sites can have similar names, so the only reliable identifier is the individual site number. However, if a user wants to list multiple sites, as in this study, searching each site on a case-by-case basis, using only the site number, is a slow process.

Today, archaeological fieldwork in Finland includes detailed archaeological fieldwork guidelines and instruction [48], updated by the Finnish Heritage Agency. However, the information collected fifty or a hundred years ago is a different story. Conducting GIS analyses with unreliable GIS data is problematic. In the future, better tools to evaluate the data quality will be needed. Adding more tools and search options or keywords could support researchers and authorities, too. Updating the register and collecting new information by doing fieldwork is an ongoing and slow process, and at the same time, storing the data requires new solutions [49].

#### **5. Conclusions**

The lifestyle of the Kiukainen culture settlements seemingly included a combination of marine resources, seafaring, and small-scale farming, if possible, while being integrated with the local environment and landscape. The use of multiple resources afforded the coastal communities more stable lifestyles in that period of changing climate and environment. However, much more research is still needed, and we would like to open a discussion about how the Kiukainen culture fit into the Stone Age lifestyle and landscape archaeology more generally.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, J.S. and J.R.; methodology, J.S. and J.R.; validation, J.S. and J.R.; formal analysis, J.S.; investigation, J.R.; resources, J.S. and J.R.; writing—original draft preparation, J.S. and J.R.; writing—review and editing, J.S. and J.R.; visualization, J.R.; supervision, J.S. and J.R.; project administration, J.S. and J.R.; funding acquisition, J.S. and J.R. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research was funded by KONE FOUNDATION, grant number 202006680, and NORDENSKIÖLD-SAMFUNDET. Open access funding provided by University of Helsinki.

**Data Availability Statement:** Data available in a publicly accessible repository that does not issue DOIs Publicly available datasets were analyzed in this study. This data can be found at: https://www. museovirasto.fi/fi/palvelut-ja-ohjeet/tietojarjestelmat/kulttuuriympariston-tietojarjestelmat/kultt uuriympaeristoen-paikkatietoaineistot (accessed on 20 August 2022) and https://aland.maps.a rcgis.com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=9d7cc07ab4004f0ca620038c4fd416ca (accessed on 20 August 2022).

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **Appendix A**

**Table A1.** The list of archaeological sites where Kiukainen pottery has been found and discussed in this study.




**Table A1.** *Cont.*

#### **References**


### *Article* **Using Interdisciplinary Techniques for Digital Reconstruction of Anti-Turkish Fortification Watchtower**

**Rok Kamnik 1,\*, Saša Djura Jelenko 2, Matjaž Nekrep Perc <sup>1</sup> and Marko Jaušovec <sup>1</sup>**


**Abstract:** Modern heritage protection goes beyond the mere protection of individual buildings and objects. Modern technologies and techniques of field data capture and visual (3D) presentations are increasingly penetrating this field and are becoming more and more essential and necessary for archives, cadastres, and users and visitors of museums, exhibitions, collections, and archaeological parks. In the area between Kotlje and Ravne na Koroškem, Slovenia, in 1476–1477, 9 to 10 anti-Turkish fortifications, called Turške Šance, reportedly were erected. The remains were left to decay slowly. This paper highlights the possibility of applying interdisciplinary data capture and 3D visualization techniques that are used in the fields of civil engineering and architecture for digital reconstruction of the anti-Turkish fortification as a case study in order to present them in the most contemporary way and emphasize them on a local, regional, national, and international level. Unfortunately, similar remains elsewhere in Europe are primarily ignored (with some notable exceptions). The digital reconstruction of anti-Turkish watchtowers therefore represented an extended reconstruction to revive that part of the historical heritage of Slovenia using the proposed techniques.

**Keywords:** anti-Turkish fortification; 3D visualization; watchtower; tschartake; moat; trench; mound; cardak; Çardak; digital archaeology ˇ

#### **1. Introduction**

Archaeological studies include the documentation and investigation of archaeological vestiges and the development of virtual recreations and reconstructions [1].

In this paper, the focus is on the type of virtual reconstruction in which computer graphics are used to reconstruct nonexistent historic objects to provide a better understanding of and generate hypotheses and interpretations of various evidence. Further, we propose an applicable framework with steps for the virtual archaeological reconstruction process of small-scale historic monuments with an interdisciplinary scenario in which accessible architectural and civil engineering tools are used for surveying and 3D modeling.

Virtual reconstruction is an archaeological and architectural field that has transitioned to the digital realm in recent decades [2]. Virtual, which means "potential" and conveys the likelihood of an object having existed in the past, comes from the Latin word "virtus". Such reconstruction predates the invention of the computer and is not just a digital issue. The Envois de Rome of the French Academy of Sciences provides strong support for the theory of reconstruction in archaeology and building [3].

According to El-Hakim et al. [4], there are numerous reasons for the 3D reconstruction of heritage sites, the most important of which are: reconstructing historic monuments that no longer or only partially exist; visualizing scenes from perspectives that are impossible to achieve in the real world; interacting with objects without risk of damage; and providing virtual tourism and exhibits. Therefore, both experts and the general public are already aware of 3D reconstructions of historic structures, even entire towns. A significant body of literature has also been written on the advantages and disadvantages of this method [5].

**Citation:** Kamnik, R.; Jelenko, S.D.; Nekrep, M.P.; Jaušovec, M. Using Interdisciplinary Techniques for Digital Reconstruction of Anti-Turkish Fortification Watchtower. *Land* **2022**, *11*, 1756. https://doi.org/10.3390/ land11101756

Academic Editors: Paolo Biagi and Elisabetta Starnini

Received: 7 September 2022 Accepted: 29 September 2022 Published: 9 October 2022

**Publisher's Note:** MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

**Copyright:** © 2022 by the authors. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/).

The first commercial 3D software package, Wavefront Technologies, was introduced in 1984 to meet the expanding demands of motion pictures, after which three-dimensional computer graphics techniques grew in popularity in the television and film industries. The earliest recorded work was that of the bath building at Caerleon Roman Fort in South Wales [6]. A year later, the Old Minster of Winchester's animated virtual tour became the first of its kind [7].

A wide range of cultural organizations, including museums, are now able to apply interactive techniques and information technologies due to the advancement of their software and hardware as well as a reduction in their prices. A lack of exhibition space, high exhibition costs, and the fragility of some artifacts that museum administrators desire to safeguard against potential damage were all addressed by these new technologies. To visualize the cultural background of museum exhibitions, curators have acknowledged and successfully utilized the significance of the new methodologies and instruments [8,9]. Furthermore, museum curators use these new technologies to digitize information on exhibition artifacts and to display and spread cultural information to the public in an appealing and effective manner [8].

According to Demetrescu [2], the reconstruction pipeline shown in Figure 1 begins with the gathering of all the facts about a monument on the field (survey or excavation). All accessible sources are gathered in addition to the work being done on the field, including old sketches, pictures, and data from situations that are extremely similar. The so-called dossier comparatif [10] is a convenient place to store and organize all of these details. The next step is to use the dossier comparatif to produce the eidotipi, sketches, or technical drawings using digital tools [11], during which the researcher can make any necessary corrections to their initial hypothesis before beginning to model in 3D. In this scheme, the 3D model appears to be the final stage and the result of the entire procedure. If there is an "incongruity", as a result, the 3D reconstruction hypothesis must be changed. The simulation serves as a test of the accuracy of the reconstruction; the researcher must make changes to the dossier comparatif or eidotipi or simply conduct more research or find other sources of study.

**Figure 1.** Archaeological theory in virtual reconstruction according to Demetrescu [2].

Both reality-based modeling, which is the digital acquisition through a 3D survey of existing archaeological contexts [2], and source-based modeling, which is the virtual restoration of nonexisting archaeological contexts [12], can be used to create 3D content for cultural heritage. In the first instance, the model's "accuracy" is quantitative, whereas in the second instance, the accuracy is qualitative because it is derived from sources with different degrees of reliability.

The goal of this research was to propose the steps involved in heritage visualization, including the sources that were chosen and how they were used in the virtual reconstruction, rather than to suggest solutions for the visualization of the 3D model's degree of reliability.

According to Demetrescu [13], virtual reconstruction is occasionally confused with mesh reconstruction or postprocessing of a digital capture. It consists of a number of phases that include documenting, interpreting, and visualizing missing archaeological contexts. Although the scientific world has acknowledged the promise of this application [13–18], there are not many case studies on reconstruction in the literature, and its contributions

to the incorporation of 3D modeling in archaeological research methods are not very common either. Only 20% of studies on the application of 3D technology in archaeology, according to Münster and Koehler [19], concentrated on the 3D reconstruction of lost contexts. Additionally, most of the initiatives covered in 452 journal papers and conference proceedings included constructing models for already-existing structures and collecting data. Only 16% were concerned with architecture that is no longer in existence, which is intriguing for research on the connections between conventional humanities and digital technologies [19]. Additionally, most authors were connected to institutes that deal with computing (70%) whereas only 14% and 9% respectively come from the engineering and architectural professions. Due to this, virtual reconstruction of lost heritage is still a relatively undefined discipline in the field of archaeological research and its methodology is still highly dispersed in terms of data transparency and acceptance.

However, technical workflows are well established and comparable to other 3D modeling chores such as engineering and design for a VR or CAD modeling of nonexistent objects. Dealing with historical sources or transdisciplinary workflows are more often the specific challenges for these interpretative reconstructions [19].

Therefore, the goal of this paper was to propose an applicable interdisciplinary framework with steps for the virtual archaeological reconstruction process of small-scale historic monuments that no longer or only partially exist.

#### *1.1. Digital Archaeology and Interdisciplinary Methods*

Today, the practice of making digital replicas of artworks and restoring and recontextualizing them within artificial simulations is widespread in the virtual heritage domain [20]. The modern audience increasingly relies on audio–visual aids to absorb complex ideas or stories quickly [21]. Visual reconstructions of archaeological sites and materials have been around since before the formal construction of archaeology as a discipline itself. However, there has been an expansion of the methods of reconstructing and representing the past in recent decades due to the use of digital technology [22]. The 3D modeling of archaeological sites and artifacts can generate aesthetically pleasing visualizations; nevertheless, considerations of scientific accuracy, ethics, and educational value are needed. From a scientific point of view, it is also important to show the process, appropriate documentation, and used source materials [23].

The use of visual aids and digital media in archaeology is critical not only for public dissemination, but also within the academic community. As a result, museums, cultural institutions, and government agencies should revise their public-interest strategies for history, archaeology, and the environment. Archaeologists are borrowing tools, techniques, and theories from other disciplines to improve the way they collect, analyze, and disseminate archaeological data. Digital media and technology provide a variety of novel and creative methods for capturing public attention and increasing overall competency and appreciation for the past [24,25]. Modern 3D software tools can help with heritage visualization production. They can significantly improve visuals and aesthetics for the presentation of a holistic image of the past, even if they are mostly employed for animation, gaming, and architecture [26].

Therefore, this study highlighted the possibility of applying interdisciplinary data capture and 3D visualization techniques being used in the fields of civil engineering and architecture for digital reconstruction of an anti-Turkish watchtower as a case study, as well as an overview of the practical process of performing such science-based archaeological 3D reconstructions and visualizations, so that they are constructed and presented in the most scientifically sound, informative, and entertaining manner possible in order to ultimately inform and engage the wider public. According to Lopez-Menchero and Grande [27], as long as computer-based visualizations are utilized to enhance archaeological heritage rather than to draw attention away from the actual site or an item in a museum, it is beneficial. Furthermore, if the artifact or location is appropriately introduced and contextualized

with the significance of the legacy to a larger historical discourse, there may be a higher appreciation for the object or location [25].

#### *1.2. Case Study—Turške Šance in Slovenia*

The system of anti-Turkish trenches (mounds) and fortifications (towers), which is said to have been mentioned already at the end of the 15th century, was used as a case study. The chronicler Jakob Unrest wrote in his *Austrian Chronicle*, which covers the period from 1452–1499, that in 1476 the lords of the land collected a tax which they used to build walls and military outposts to defend against Turkish incursions, starting with a long barrier with outposts near Ravne in Carinthia [28]. Unrest is later quoted by many authors as constantly repeating the following phrase: "Ein lange Lanndt Wer zw Guettenstaynn mit Posteyn" [29], which they translated to mean that at Ravne, there were long barriers with guardhouses [30] that were built by locals after the Turkish invasion in 1476, according to Unrest.

The construction was thought to have taken place at the end of 1476 and the beginning of 1477 [31–33]. There were said to be 9 to 10 fortifications in all. They were placed along the old road from the Ravne manor to the church of St. Mohor and Fortunat in Podgora. The church, which had already been damaged before, was secured with a moat. The Grinfels manor was included in the new anti-Turkish valley barrier [34], which started on the left bank of the Meža river and continued to the foot of the mountain Uršlja gora to the Dvornik farm in a total distance of just over 4 km. In July 1478, the Turk forces returned from Carinthia with loot and many captives, passing Slovenj Gradec [35]. What happened to the Turkish trenches after 1478 is not known.

The first preserved map of the Turkish trenches dates from the second half of the 16th century [36] (see upper right corner in Figure 2a—due to cartographic reduction, only five are depicted); they are also drawn on the Franciscan-Josephine cadastre (third military measurements (1769–1787)) on the Franciscan map, but from 1825, they are not marked. Some similar watchtowers on the Kolpa River between todays Slovenia/Croatia state border can also be seen in Figure 2b by Martin Stier from 1664.

**Figure 2.** (**a**) A Carinthia map in the second half of the 16th century (I. Holzwurm (1575–1617)) [36]; (**b**): watchtowers on the Kolpa river, Slovenia/Croatia state border [37].

Most trenches today have a diameter between 30 and 40 m; the size of the central space, where the watchtowers were supposed to stand, varies between 5 × 5 to 6 × 6 m. The exception is double trench number 6 (TŠ 6), which is larger and where a military crew could be accommodated in the wooden watchtower in the middle plateau. The shape of the wooden watchtower or "Cardak", as we know it from many Croatian sites and the later ˇ Vojna Krajina [11–39], seems to be the most likely. It is interesting to see that the same word

"Chardak" is today also used for a balcony with the windows closed [40]. The word derives from a Persian chahartaq (having four arches) (in German, tschartake; in Turkish, Çardak), meaning a watchtower and an important element of the fortification systems in the time of the Ottoman Empire. The term was also known in the mid-east area [41].

In Posavje, the Cardaks stood only on the left, Habsburg side of the bank of the Sava ˇ River, while on the right side of the Ottoman Empire stood the so-called caravels [38]. In addition to Croatia, Cardaks were built on the territory of Carniola, Styria, Carinthia, ˇ and Hungary [38]. The oldest type of Cardak was square [ ˇ 38] and was first mentioned in Croatia in 1521 and Styria in 1522 [39].

Research on Croatian sites and reconstructions of Cardaks along the Austro-Hungarian ˇ border (e.g., Hohenbrugg in the valley of the Raba River and Burgauberg-Neudauberg (Austrian part of Gradišˇcanski)) would indicate the most probable appearance of Slovenian watchtowers if they were reconstructed. Except for the double larger mound, the area of the central plateau on all the other moats, where watchtowers could have been built, was approximately 4 × 4 to 5 × 5 m in size (surface area, therefore between 20 and 25 m2). The watchtowers stood on four corner pillars with a diameter between 20 and 25 cm and a height of approximately 3 m [12,39]. A wooden house was built on top of these pillars. The house had a wooden floor with a central opening for lowering and raising a ladder, through which the guards could climb into the upper part. The opening could be closed with a wooden flap if necessary. The floor and walls of the house were built from horizontal planks. On the wooden floor of the guardhouse, four supporting pillars for the roof structure and a protective wooden fence were placed (parapet).

The walls were closed only up to about two-thirds; the rest was open on all four sides with larger rectangular openings for observation of the surroundings. The wall was additionally protected from the inside with narrower vertical boards. The roof was covered with oak shingles [39] (in our area, more likely larch). Oakwood was mainly used for the construction of the Cardak and roof. Boards, posts, and shingles were attached with ˇ variously shaped forged iron nails. The lower part of the Cardak was secured with a ˇ fence with sharpened stakes attached to the pillars. Part of the fence had to be moved to access the porch. There was room for 6 to 10 guards in such a Cardak. In the house ˇ itself, we could expect a wooden bench, modest beds (bags of hay), a wooden chest for storing weapons/earthenware/lamps, a movable ladder and perhaps an even smaller earthen stove for cooking/heating, remains of lead grains for guns, metal parts, military boots, etc. [39].

Horses were tied up near the Cardak, and there had to be a place to light a bonfire with ˇ prepared brambles and branches. Signaling could also take place by shooting or ringing bells in churches [39]. Among weapons, Matijaško [39] lists personal cold armaments (e.g., knives), mortars, rifles (matches), and long spears.

The guardhouse was therefore protected first by a high embankment, then by a ditch with stagnant water, further by the steep bank of the central elevation, and then by the elevation of the guardhouse from the ground. In addition, as the terrain's configuration shows, the guardhouse with other trenches in more exposed places was most likely protected in areas with a wooden palisade.

The form of Cardaks was preserved until the 18th century. Most of them were built ˇ after the peace agreement signed in Srijemski Karlovci (Serbia) in 1699 between representatives of the Holy League and the Ottoman Empire [39]. Croatia's only reconstructed Cardak (younger, from the 18th century) is in the Lonjsko field Nature Park in the Krapje ˇ Dol ornithological reserve.

#### **2. Archaeological Context—Similar Watchtowers in Europe**

At least 33 similar constructions or remains were found across Europe (Table 1). Most of them in are in Croatia (15), Serbia (7), Germany (5), Austria (3), and BIH (2); 1 is unknown. Most of them, according to gathered data, were built in the 16th or 17th century. Their positions are also visible in Figure 3. Some location data and construction years were unavailable.


**Table 1.** Cardaks across Europe. ˇ

**Figure 3.** Similar watchtowers across Europe.

Some reconstructions have been made. Figure 4 shows examples from several places in Germany, Austria, Serbia, and Croatia. According to the literature, the Croatian rebuilding is the most similar to the fortifications that could be erected in Slovenia previously. The watchtowers were recreated using materials that were most likely used at the time of their creation (larch or oak). However, reconstructions of buildings that have been demolished are rarely carried out. In such cases, cheaper methods such as 3D modeling can be used. A good example is the creation of a 3D model of the altars and interiors of the Çatalhöyük houses in Turkey [53], the church of San Nicolò, Italy [54], or the recreation of the lararium of the Roman domus of Torreparedones [55].

**Figure 4.** Some 1:1 reconstructions: (**a**) Niefern-Oschelbron, Germany; (**b**) Burgau/Lafnitz, Austria; (**c**) Šumadija, Serbia; (**d**) Dragali´c, Croatia.

#### **3. Civil Engineering Context**

#### *3.1. Fieldwork Methods*

3.1.1. Aero-Photogrammetry Modeling

With the help of the point cloud obtained using a DJI Mavic Pro drone (Shenzhen DJI Sciences and Technologies Ltd., Shenzhen, PRC), we created 3D models of the terrain using different programs (Pix4D (S.A., Prilly, Switzerland), Autodesk Recap EDU ver. 6.2, and Recap Photo EDU ver. 20.3.1.47 (Autodesk Inc., San Francisco, CA, USA)). This photogrammetry software uses images to generate point clouds, digital surface and terrain models, orthomosaics, textured models, and more. A digital elevation model, which is a model that contains all elevations such as trees, roofs of buildings, etc., was also created.

With the help of the drone photos, a 3D model of the moat was created in Recap Photo. Official free Lidar recordings were also available to us. With the use of the Recap program, a 3D model of the surroundings also was created (Figure 5).

**Figure 5.** 3D model of TŠ3 trench.

#### 3.1.2. Archaeological Excavations

The excavation was carried out at the location of the third moat (TŠ3) in 2020. The archaeological research aimed to determine what materials the watchtower was made of, how it was built, and the age of the objects found. Two probes were opened (see the geodetic plan in Figure 6). The work in Probe 1, which ran over the outer embankment, was carried out mechanically. On the central plateau, excavations in Probe 2 (Figure 7) were carried out exclusively by hand due to the steep bank of the trench and standing water in the ditch. The depth of standing water in the ditch was between 0.3 and 0.5 m at that time. Probe 2 was placed along the entire length of the plateau (it occupied more than 38% of the surface) in the least forested part (see Figures 6 and 7). The double ditch (TŠ6), given its position at the top of the ridge and the double ditch that surrounded it, was at least intended for a permanent or occasionally inhabited military crew that had to stay in the watchtower. Unfortunately, TŠ6 could not be explored further at the time because it was not fully accessible. In Probe 1, no traces of fortifications or the remains of some stakes that would additionally protect the tower were found. The oldest and only discovery during the research was a late medieval clay roof tile from Probe 1. The absence of archaeological records (traces) may indicate that a guardhouse was not built on this trench (TŠ3) but may also mean that the watchtower was not fully built.

**Figure 6.** Geodetic plan of excavations.

**Figure 7.** Probe 2 (view to the north).

#### 3.1.3. Metal Detector Investigation

The entire area of TŠ3 was also investigated using a metal detector. Seventeen points of potential interest were identified. All were located on the embankment; the sensor did not detect any metal remains on the central plateau. After surveying all the points, the objects were excavated. Most were scraps of various aluminum foil, cans, and bottle caps. A post-war copper hunting cartridge (RWS 7 × 64), a Yugoslavian five para coin (item T216), and an iron nut from a tractor (item T215) were found. All finds were between 2 and 10 cm deep in the humus layer of Probe 1.

#### *3.2. Static, Material, and Cost Calculations*

In the territory of the central and southern Balkans, there has been a square tower form of architecture built of stone (kula or tower house) since the 13th century. They served both civilian (residential buildings) and military purposes. The phenomenon of the extended family typical of Southeastern Europe, in which the home was often protected, gave rise to the kula or tower house [56].

Cardak, as already explained in the introduction, is the Turkish word for a wooden ˇ building on four pillars. At the time of the Ottoman invasions, they were the most widespread form of wooden guardhouses in the wider territory of Serbia, Croatia, Austria, and Germany. They were intended for reconnaissance, so their shape was most probably based on the kula or tower house. They were used to monitor the movements of Turkish troops and alert the local population.

Wooden construction was typical for this period in our area, both in the countryside and in cities (the exception was the castles or mansions of the upper classes) [57]. Building with wood was cheaper and the consumption of wood for a Cardak was small. Wood ˇ began to run out in our country in the 17th century (due to glassworks and ironworks). Wood was also more accessible (it could be cut and processed in the immediate vicinity), there was almost no transport, and the technological process was simple.

The structural safety assessment of heritage objects is a common process in assessing the condition of the structure and is needed in the cases of reconstruction, renovation, and/or rebuilding. The cases such as Torre de la Vela in la Alhambra, Granada, Spain [58]; Qutb Minar, India, as one of the tallest stone masonry towers [59]; the medieval masonry bell tower in the Cathedral of Fiesole, Italy [60]; and churches after the earthquake [61] are good examples of including static analysis in the heritage building research.

Regarding the history of construction, the characterization of the construction materials, seismic assessment, and static and dynamic monitoring, many studies have been carried out in the Mallorca Cathedral. They included historical investigations of the building's development, examination of the soil beneath it and its structural components, structural assessments using both straightforward and sophisticated methods, and monitoring [62]. Furthermore, a study by Gençer [63] aimed to identify factors influencing structural resistance and failure mechanisms of ashlar Cilician dry masonry watchtowers under lateral stress. Then, by using the quasistatic tilting approach, virtual towers were created based on the characteristics found in the case study.

Another study by Elyamani in 2018 [64] aimed to provide a proposal for the reuse of the Baron Empain Palace in Cairo. To support this reuse proposal, a 3D numerical model of the palace was created and the new expected loads were applied on it. It was discovered that the palace's walls and foundations could withstand the new loads. The slabs were discovered to be unable to sustain the new loads in some places; further investigation and analysis are required to determine their actual capacity.

For this study, the static calculation of the digitally designed watchtower was carried out according to Eurocode regulations and the analysis was carried out using the SCIA Engineer program. The model can be seen in Figure 8. All possible loadings were considered: constant load, payload, wind load, snow load, and earthquake load. The roofing, pillars, rod arms between the platform and the column, and the platform were also dimensioned. A material utilization review was also conducted.

**Figure 8.** Static calculations for a watchtower.

Each element that made up the watchtower was listed as a segment of the wooden structure along with its dimensions and the number of individual pieces; only a part was given in m2 for a more straightforward interpretation and cost estimation (Table 2).


\* The number of slats (dimensions 4 × 5 × 305 cm) that served as a substructure for the selected roofing depended on the roof construction itself and the selected shingle dimensions.

The watchtower was thus divided into three segments: the lower part, the upper part, and the roof, which covered the entire tower. A ladder used for vertical communication in the watchtower and shutters were also included on the list. A special section was also dedicated to the bridge and the foundations, where only the approximate values of the individual point foundations were listed.

Sustainable tourism should embrace concerns for environmental protection; social equity; the quality of life; cultural diversity; and a dynamic, viable economy delivering jobs and prosperity for all [65]. Nowadays, when referring to cultural heritage objects, one of the first aspects implies not only the object itself, but also creating 3D models using different technologies [66]. Nowadays, many researchers explore different methods for documentation, management, and sustainability of cultural heritage, which has become an interdisciplinary approach to the development of culture [67]. A 3D model of cultural heritage is one of the possibilities for sustainable tourism and cultural heritage. In the Strategic Baselines of the Development Cohesion Region of Eastern Slovenia [68] and the strategy of the Regional Development Program for the Carinthia Development Region 2021–2027 [69], one of the main goals in the field of sustainable tourism is the goal of developing and upgrading the basic tourist infrastructure, including the revitalization of cultural heritage buildings. By researching the Turške Šance watchtowers, including their appearance and a detailed analysis of the construction costs, some potential investors should be encouraged to engage in a physical reconstruction.

Table 3 shows the inventory of the needed material necessary for constructing the entire wooden structure, consisting of the previously listed materials.


**Table 3.** Prices for needed materials.

\*\* The production of the entire roof structure using the materials found in the list of works and the price per m2 for the entire roof was considered under the assumption that the roof consisted of rafters and horizontal layers and was laid in two layers with nailed shingles. The shingles, as well as the entire roof, were made of Siberian larch wood.

The prices of individual pieces were valid for the period of spring 2020 in the Slovenian territory. They were obtained from technical stores with building materials and other intermediaries of wood products or semifinished products. The prices of semifinished wood products may vary depending on the price changes in the market for forest wood assortments. They also differed in the cases of volume discounts from the technical wood broker or other contractual factors when purchasing semifinished products.

Since there not all the dry wooden semifinished products in the exact dimensions needed for the project are available, the processing of the purchased materials will result in some wasted (unnecessary) parts, which should be managed in an appropriately (ecologically indisputable) way.

In addition to each product's value, the purchase price per piece included the trade margin and the tax, which was 22% according to the Slovenian VAT legislation at the general rate.

#### **4. Architectural Context—Results**

After collecting the data, a 3D digital reconstruction was prepared. When architects design projects, they must produce a representation for the client that translates their concepts and the structure's requirements. Therefore, the process of creating a visualization is done in terms of tools and materials modified from digital 3D modeling approaches used in architecture. According to Schoueri and Ferreira [22], realistic foundations should underlie the building and its surroundings. The archaeological structures are frequently complex and made up of both old and new constructions in varying stages of development. Therefore, it is important to take care and consider how the visualizations are created and presented.

The modeling process was started using Graphisoft Archicad 23 software (Educational version, Budapest, Hungary). The modeling began with simple blocks that delineated the structure's dimensions as well as known wall heights and the roofing situation. The wall thicknesses and door and window openings were estimated for the structure and were included at this stage.

To create the best possible reconstruction, contemporary analogies to the most common trend for the region and time period were researched. The towers on the Turkish moats were the same as Cardaks in terms of the construction method and the use of materials, ˇ and thus served as an example.

The watchtower (Figure 9) was placed on four round pillars made of oak wood on which stood a simple wooden guard room with a square floor plan of 4.5 m × 4.5 m intended for about eight guards. Support columns with a diameter of about 25 cm were buried in the ground. The strengthening foundations for the columns were represented by larger stones, which filled the holes and served for drainage purposes and prevented the rotting of the buried wood. The height of the walls of the guard room corresponded to the average size of a standing man (about 1.9 m). It was made of wooden oak layers, which were used for walls and floors. They were connected in the corner with a carpenter's bond and fastened with forged nails.

**Figure 9.** The 3D visualization of the watchtower [70].

The upper part of the guard room was built of horizontal wooden beams up to approx. two-thirds. To be able to guard and observe the surroundings, square openings were cut above them in the upper part, which could be closed with simple wooden covers in case of bad weather. On the inside of the house, narrower vertical boards were nailed to these two-thirds. The roof of the guard room rested on four vertical pillars and was covered with oak shingles.

A wooden bridge made of the same materials as the watchtower itself led to the watchtower (Figure 10). Two intermediate supports were added for static stability and a fence for safety.

**Figure 10.** Bridge leading to the watchtower over the trench [70].

The interior of the guard room was complemented by the most necessary furniture, namely a wooden bench, a bunk bed, a wooden chest, and a small clay oven for cooking food and pottery (Figures 11 and 12). The selected archaeological objects represented typical pieces of interior design, tools, and weapons from this period [39].

**Figure 11.** Interior of the guard room [70].

**Figure 12.** Interior of the guard room [70].

#### **5. Discussion**

As presented in the Introduction, some interdisciplinary reconstructions have been documented in the past decades [19,71] and also in recent years; however, most of them were of existing objects [4,13,64,72,73] The virtual reconstructions that were carried out for objects that no longer or only partly existed [5,74] used complicated frameworks and tools such as the specialized design software Rhinocerous 3D, visual blueprint programming, Agisoft Metashape, or the Stencil Kaarta instrument, or expensive equipment such as a terrestrial laser scanner. Therefore, this study presented a possible interdisciplinary scenario in which the accessible architectural software Archicad ver 23 was used for modeling and Lumion software ver. 10.5 (Leiden, The Netherlands) for architecture was used for visualization along with the use of most common modeling techniques in architectural practice. Furthermore, for the photogrammetry analysis of the land, a DJI drone and official free Lidar data were used for the 3D analysis of the location. Furthermore, manual on-site archaeological excavation and soil analysis with a metal detector were carried out.

Moreover, the reconstruction pipeline [2] was extended with applicable tools for each of the phases, adding to the archaeological theory in the virtual reconstruction (Figure 13). In addition, this paper also focused on the application of tools that are economically very feasible. Such application can be achieved with the tools of any midsized design company.

**Figure 13.** Extended pipeline with applicable tools.

#### **6. Conclusions**

A unique system of anti-Turkish fortifications—defensive ditches that were prepared for the construction of watchtowers, or Cardaks—that has been preserved in Preški Vrh was ˇ used as a case study. It was built in the last quarter of the 15th century by the Carinthian provincial estates as a valley barrier against Turkish invasions. The moats were of various shapes and sizes; 10 are mentioned in the literature and 9 are recognized in the field today. Among them, only five have been preserved to their original extent. For the defense of Carinthia, valley barriers were also built in Železna Kapla, in Vrata in Gortina, in Fala in the Drava Valley, on the Jezersko Pass, and on the Ljubelj Pass.

The Turkish moats represent an exceptional cultural and natural heritage (wetlands in ditches). The forest is increasingly overgrowing them and a lot of damage has been done by frost; the moats are being destroyed by cutting down the forest and removing stumps (forest hauling).

Research into the Turkish trenches contributed to a greater understanding of the period in which the Slovenian territory experienced one of its greatest devastations. At the same time, due to the unresponsiveness of the authorities at the time, the farmers had to organize themselves and build a defense system of trenches and watchtowers to protect their property and their lives.

The research revealed that several similar watchtowers were built in Serbia, Bosnia and Hercegovina, Croatia, Austria, and Germany. Some of them were physically reconstructed.

For our virtual reconstruction, an extended reconstruction pipeline was used. A 3D model of one of the remains was made using a DJI Mavic Pro drone and Pix4D, Autodesk Recap, and Recap Phot software.

Archaeologic excavations were also conducted in two probes in the TŠ3 trench. Unfortunately, no physical evidence was found concerning watchtowers or military equipment that would indicate the presence of an army from this period. No particular discoveries were made with the metal detector either.

In addition, a 3D model of a watchtower was created. All needed static calculations were made in the case of the physical reconstruction. All required materials were listed with the exact dimensions and number of pieces. A list of costs was also created. Finally, a 3D digital reconstruction/rendering was created for the watchtower and its interior.

One of the main goals in the field of sustainable tourism is the revitalization of cultural heritage buildings. By researching the watchtowers and their appearances, and by conducting a detailed analysis of the construction costs, some potential investors should be encouraged to engage in a physical reconstruction.

**Author Contributions:** Conceptualization, R.K.; methodology, R.K., S.D.J., M.N.P. and M.J.; validation, R.K., S.D.J. and M.J.; formal analysis, R.K., S.D.J., M.N.P. and M.J.; investigation, R.K., S.D.J., M.N.P. and M.J.; writing—original draft preparation, R.K.; writing—review and editing, R.K., S.D.J., M.N.P. and M.J.; visualization, R.K. and M.J.; supervision, R.K.; project administration, R.K.; funding acquisition, R.K. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

**Funding:** This research was funded by the European Union; European Social Fund; Investing in Your Future; the Republic of Slovenia; the Ministry of Education, Science and Sport; Student Innovative Projects for the Benefit of Society; Archaeological Park Turške Šance, 2019/20 (11083- 6-2019), https://www.srips-rs.si/storage/app/media/RAZVOJ%20KADROV/SIPK/2020%20-%2 0PROJEKTI/MB/gpa-projekt-1-1.pdf (accessed on 18 July 2022).

**Data Availability Statement:** Data supporting the reported results can be found at: https://www.srips-rs. si/storage/app/media/RAZVOJ%20KADROV/SIPK/2020%20-%20PROJEKTI/MB/gpa-projekt-1-1.pdf (accessed on 18 July 2022).

**Acknowledgments:** The authors are grateful for the valuable contributions and help from the Carinthian Regional Museum, Museum Slovenj Gradec, and Municipality of Ravne na Koroškem.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The authors declare no conflict of interest.

#### **References**

