**4. The Prevalence of Non-Extreme Forms of Domestic Violence Offences in Trinidad and Tobago during the COVID-19 Pandemic**

Before investigating the connection that climate change events are likely to have on domestic violence in Trinidad and Tobago, it is important to examine the overall prevalence of non-extreme forms of domestic violence offences occurring during the COVID-19 pandemic. Using a sample of 2372 men and women who are victims of domestic violence and are between the ages 18–65, a summary of some of the characteristic features of the victims shown in Table 1 below reveals that for the period of 2020–2021, most victims of domestic violence are between the ages of 25–34 (36.4%), married (34.7%), employed (72.2%), and considered to be non-essential workers (48.5%).


**Table 1.** Descriptive statistics (2020–2021).

Source: Table by authors.

In addition to this, most of these offences, i.e., 73.5%, appear to occur on a weekday (Monday–Friday). For the purposes of this chapter, the three main types of non-extreme forms of domestic violence offences considered will be those that reflect physical, verbal, and legal abuse, as these types of abuse were most widespread during the COVID-19 pandemic. Briefly defined according to Living Without Abuse (LWA) (2022),


Based on the sample data taken, in the case of Trinidad and Tobago, most of the domestic violence victims appear to suffer from physical abuse (65.9%) and to a lesser extent verbal (25.7%) and legal (8.4%) abuse during the COVID-19 pandemic. In the case of physical abuse, many victims are between the ages of 25–44 and 35–44, in either a common-law relationship or married, while being employed and a non-essential worker. A similar outcome was also found for victims of verbal abuse; however, victims of legal abuse were slightly older, falling in the 35–44 age category.

A further look at the overall occurrences of each type of domestic violence offence shown in Figure 1 reveals that for the period of 2020–2021, all offences appear to peak in the months of March and July, after which offences tapered off and declined during August–December. A similar trend is observed for victims of physical abuse; however, while cases declined considerably between April–May, there was a steady rise in cases in the May–July period. When compared to victims of verbal abuse, the number of cases peaked in the month of May, declining thereafter, while the number of legal abuse cases remained small and relatively stable regardless of the month.

**Figure 1.** Domestic violence offences (2020–2021). Source: Figure by authors.

When the occupational status of the worker is considered as reflected by Figure 2a most essential workers tend to experience physical abuse, which peaks in the months of March, May, and October, when compared to verbal abuse, which seems to be consistently high during the months of March–July. In terms of Figure 2b, non‐ essential workers tend to experience higher rates of domestic violence in the months of March and July; however, when the type of offence is considered, non‐essential workers tend to suffer from higher rates of physical abuse in the months of March, April, July, and September. A somewhat similar trend is observed for victims of verbal abuse, but there is a greater fluctuation in cases after July. Finally, Figure 2c shows that unemployed victims of domestic violence tend to consistently experience high levels of domestic violence during the months of February–May, which peaked in July and declined thereafter. A similar pattern is exhibited by unemployed victims who experienced physical abuse, but there was a visible decline in cases during May. of legal abuse tend to be small and stable over time. **Figure 1.** Domestic violence offences (2020–2021). Source: Figure by authors. When the occupational status of the worker is considered as reflected by Figure 2a most essential workers tend to experience physical abuse, which peaks in the months of March, May, and October, when compared to verbal abuse, which seems to be consistently high during the months of March–July. In terms of Figure 2b, non-essential workers tend to experience higher rates of domestic violence in the months of March and July; however, when the type of offence is considered, non-essential workers tend to suffer from higher rates of physical abuse in the months of March, April, July, and September. A somewhat similar trend is observed for victims of verbal abuse, but there is a greater fluctuation in cases after July. Finally, Figure 2c shows that unemployed victims of domestic violence tend to consistently experience high levels of domestic violence during the months of February–May,

The opposite was observed for verbal abuse, which was at its highest in May, and

which peaked in July and declined thereafter. A similar pattern is exhibited by unemployed victims who experienced physical abuse, but there was a visible decline in cases during May. The opposite was observed for verbal abuse, which was at its highest in May, and relatively low for the remaining months. Regardless of occupational status, the cases of legal abuse tend to be small and stable over time.

**Figure 2.** Employment status of domestic violence victims (2020–2021). (**a**) Shows the incidence of domestic violence experienced by essential workers; (**b**) shows the incidence of domestic violence experienced by non‐essential workers; (**c**) shows the incidence of domestic violence experienced by unemployed persons. Source: Figure by authors. **5. Climate Change and Domestic Violence in Trinidad and Tobago Figure 2.** Employment domestic **<sup>a</sup>**)Showstheincidenceof domesticviolence**b**) incidenceof domestic violence workers; of domestic violence by unemployed Figure by **5. ClimateChange and Violenceand** The negative implications of extreme climate change events are not a problem **Figure 2.** Employment status of domestic violence victims (2020–2021). (**a**) Shows the incidence of domestic violence experienced by essential workers; (**b**) shows the incidence of domestic violence experienced by non‐essential workers; (**c**) shows the incidence of domestic violence experienced by unemployed persons. Source: Figure by authors. **5. Climate Change and Domestic Violence in Trinidad and Tobago Figure 2.** Employment status of domestic violence victims (2020–2021). (**a**) Shows the incidence of domestic violence experienced by essential workers; (**b**) shows the incidence of domestic violence experienced by non-essential workers; (**c**) shows the incidence of domestic violence experienced by unemployed persons. Source: Figure by authors.

The negative implications of extreme climate change events are not a problem that can be dealt with in the future. It is a current ongoing problem that is taking

The negative implications of extreme climate change events are not a problem that can be dealt with in the future. It is a current ongoing problem that is taking

that can be dealt with in the future. It is a current ongoing problem that is taking

#### **5. Climate Change and Domestic Violence in Trinidad and Tobago**

The negative implications of extreme climate change events are not a problem that can be dealt with in the future. It is a current ongoing problem that is taking place in real-time and is having an irreversible impact on the lives and livelihoods of those vulnerable to these events, particularly when originating from Small Island Developing States (SIDS) such as Trinidad and Tobago. The current effects of global climate change are likely to have widespread effects on the environment, as the occurrence and intensity of climatological (extreme temperatures, droughts, and wildfires), geophysical (earthquakes, landslides, volcanic activity, and tsunamis), hydrological (avalanches, floods), and meteorological (cyclones, hurricanes, tropical storms, tropical waves, typhoons), events have all grown in magnitude (Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) n.d.).

These climate change events have all contributed to the breakdown of the protective mechanisms of the household by intensifying the problems of insecurity related to relationships, social interactions, jobs, and employment, as well as the provision of basic needs such as food, housing, and healthcare. Such disruptions to the safety and well-being of the household are also linked to the collective occurrence of violence within the home and communities, as their lives and livelihoods are now threatened more perceptibly, which can make worse the level of poverty and socioeconomic inequalities that women and victims of domestic violence in Trinidad and Tobago may experience (Belsey-Priebe et al. 2021). Thus, leading to a higher incidence of violence and violent crime. Climate change events such as famine and drought have led to periods of war as the social mechanisms put in place to protect people erode. One example of such a breakdown can be seen from the relationship that the presence of domestic violence cases may have with changes in the climate (Caridade et al. 2021a).

In the case of Trinidad and Tobago, according to Figure 3, during the 2020 SAH orders, which lasted during the months of March–June, the number of non-extreme forms of domestic violence was at its highest. In 2020, as the average temperature increased from 25.8 ◦C in January to a high of 28.1 ◦C in May, so too did the occurrence of domestic violence cases, which increased from 96 to 142 cases. These cases peaked at 146 in March just at the onset of the SAH Orders. Following the relaxation of the SAH Orders, as the average temperature declined to 26.6 ◦C in December, the number of cases also declined to 41 in December. Interestingly enough, during periods of high temperature when the prevalence of domestic violence cases was elevated, the average relative humidity as expected was low, i.e., 70.1 mm to 71.8 mm between March–May 2020. Under these conditions, on these uncomfortably hot days, it is noted that warmer temperatures are likely to increase feelings of anger, hostility, and aggression, resulting in higher levels of domestic violence (Mahendran et al. 2021).

**Figure 3.** Average temperature (**a**), relative humidity (**b**) and DV offences during Trinidad and Tobago's 2020 SAH orders. Source: Figure by authors. **Figure 3.** Average temperature (**a**), relative humidity (**b**) and DV offences during Trinidad and Tobago's 2020 SAH orders. Source: Figure by authors. **Figure 3.** Average temperature (**a**), relative humidity (**b**) and DV offences during Trinidad and Tobago's 2020 SAH orders. Source: Figure by authors.

In 2021, as the COVID‐19 pandemic persisted, Trinidad and Tobago also introduced an SOE during the months of June–November to assist in the management of the virus. During this time, according to Figure 4, although the number of overall cases of domestic violence remained high, between June to November the cases of non‐extreme forms of domestic violence dropped slightly from 97 to 75 cases. However, one month into the SOE, the number of offences peaked at 130 cases in July 2021. In Trinidad and Tobago, some of the warmest months occur during the June/July–October period, averaging at around 27 °C, and coincidentally throughout this timeframe the cases of domestic violence were again high, with at least 100 cases per month. From June/July–October, when the average temperatures were elevated, the average relative humidity was observed to also be quite high, 79.2 mm to 77.5 mm. In 2021, as the COVID‐19 pandemic persisted, Trinidad and Tobago also introduced an SOE during the months of June–November to assist in the management of the virus. During this time, according to Figure 4, although the number of overall cases of domestic violence remained high, between June to November the cases of non‐extreme forms of domestic violence dropped slightly from 97 to 75 cases. However, one month into the SOE, the number of offences peaked at 130 cases in July 2021. In Trinidad and Tobago, some of the warmest months occur during the June/July–October period, averaging at around 27 °C, and coincidentally throughout this timeframe the cases of domestic violence were again high, with at least 100 cases per month. From June/July–October, when the average temperatures were elevated, the average relative humidity was observed to also be quite high, 79.2 mm to 77.5 mm. In 2021, as the COVID-19 pandemic persisted, Trinidad and Tobago also introduced an SOE during the months of June–November to assist in the management of the virus. During this time, according to Figure 4, although the number of overall cases of domestic violence remained high, between June to November the cases of non-extreme forms of domestic violence dropped slightly from 97 to 75 cases. However, one month into the SOE, the number of offences peaked at 130 cases in July 2021. In Trinidad and Tobago, some of the warmest months occur during the June/July–October period, averaging at around 27 ◦C, and coincidentally throughout this timeframe the cases of domestic violence were again high, with at least 100 cases per month.

11

11

The presence of both high levels of temperature and humidity are known to cause

The presence of both high levels of temperature and humidity are known to cause

physical and behavioral changes in persons such as mood swings, depression, anxiety, drowsiness, fatigue, heat strokes, and sleep disturbances, as the human body struggles to cool itself, where again such a distortion in the behaviors of perpetrators and victims of domestic violence can lead to intense bursts of aggression and extreme violence (Otrachshenko et al. 2021). However, as the temperature declines and becomes more comfortable, and with the lifting of SAH in 2020 and the SOE orders in 2021 after July 2020 and December 2021, as more people

physical and behavioral changes in persons such as mood swings, depression, anxiety, drowsiness, fatigue, heat strokes, and sleep disturbances, as the human body struggles to cool itself, where again such a distortion in the behaviors of perpetrators and victims of domestic violence can lead to intense bursts of aggression and extreme violence (Otrachshenko et al. 2021). However, as the temperature declines and becomes more comfortable, and with the lifting of SAH in 2020 and the SOE orders in 2021 after July 2020 and December 2021, as more people

are now outdoors, the incidence of domestic violence is likely to decline.

are now outdoors, the incidence of domestic violence is likely to decline.

**Figure 4.** Average temperature (**a**), relative humidity (**b**) and DV offences during Trinidad and Tobago's 2021 SOE orders. Source: Figure by authors. **Figure 4.** Average temperature (**a**), relative humidity (**b**) and DV offences during Trinidad and Tobago's 2021 SOE orders. Source: Figure by authors. **Figure 4.** Average temperature (**a**), relative humidity (**b**) and DV offences during Trinidad and Tobago's 2021 SOE orders. Source: Figure by authors.

12 **6. Climate Change Fuels Violence Against Victims** In the case of Trinidad and Tobago, as with many regions around the world such as Sub‐Saharan Africa and East Asia, which are vulnerable to experiencing disastrous climate change events, the arrival and departure of tropical storms, 12 **6. Climate Change Fuels Violence Against Victims** In the case of Trinidad and Tobago, as with many regions around the world such as Sub‐Saharan Africa and East Asia, which are vulnerable to experiencing disastrous climate change events, the arrival and departure of tropical storms, From June/July–October, when the average temperatures were elevated, the average relative humidity was observed to also be quite high, 79.2 mm to 77.5 mm. The presence of both high levels of temperature and humidity are known to cause physical and behavioral changes in persons such as mood swings, depression, anxiety, drowsiness, fatigue, heat strokes, and sleep disturbances, as the human body struggles to cool itself, where again such a distortion in the behaviors of perpetrators and victims of domestic violence can lead to intense bursts of aggression and extreme violence (Otrachshenko et al. 2021). However, as the temperature declines and becomes more comfortable, and with the lifting of SAH in 2020 and the SOE orders in 2021 after July 2020 and December 2021, as more people are now outdoors, the incidence of domestic violence is likely to decline.

#### **6. Climate Change Fuels Violence Against Victims**

In the case of Trinidad and Tobago, as with many regions around the world such as Sub-Saharan Africa and East Asia, which are vulnerable to experiencing disastrous climate change events, the arrival and departure of tropical storms, hurricanes, flooding, and extreme temperature and rainfall, together with the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, have all threatened the livelihoods of those most vulnerable in society. This is especially the case as it relates to gender-based violence since the twin island state continues to experience adverse climate events, which according to Thurston et al. (2021) can open three main pathways for gender-based violence to occur. The first is that climate change can be a stressor that triggers gender-based violence; second, climate change enables environments in which gender-based violence can strive; and third, climate change often exacerbates the underlying drivers of gender-based violence.

#### *6.1. Patriarchal Societies and Fragile Communities*

The vulnerability of domestic violence victims to climate change events is often linked to the traditional values and cultural norms regarding the role of women in the household and the community, where men traditionally have power over women, which implies that the security of women may be hampered during weather-related events such as tropical cyclones in countries such as Fiji, as men may have more control over the use and allocation of resources needed during and after the occurrence of natural disasters, while women have extraordinarily little influence during the adaptation, mitigation, and recovery process (Kopf et al. 2020).

For this reason, it is expected that climate change events may worsen the living situation of victims of domestic violence, particularly those residing in fragile communities such as coastal communities in countries such as Nigeria, as well as low-income urban and rural areas in Trinidad and Tobago (Akinemolu and Obafemi 2019). These areas are often considered to be vulnerable to climate change events because there is little investment made to develop and maintain the infrastructure of communities (housing, roads, drainage pathways), and to provide basic services such as healthcare, frequent waste collection, clean drinking water and electricity (Fraser 2021).

Consequently, the victims living in these communities may not be able to put in place adaptation and mitigation plans at the community level to deal with the adverse effects of climate change events such as flooding and landslides. This unfortunately leaves communities in Trinidad and Tobago more vulnerable to experiencing higher levels of discord in their communities such as crime, civil disobedience, and displacement during the post-disaster period (Memon 2020). Such heightened tensions, created by flood events in other countries such as Kenya, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka, have been observed to be followed by a growth in gender-based violence and may serve as an example of what is likely to happen in Trinidad and Tobago if climate-related violence of the poor is left unchecked (Bonds 2016).

In an environment where both climate change and domestic violence are rampant, it may also strengthen feelings of vulnerability, hopelessness, and despondency, within the community. This is likely to make victims of domestic violence from these living areas in Trinidad and Tobago more predisposed to experiencing higher levels of exploitation, as their living situation is now insecure. This heightened feeling of vulnerability is unfortunately made worse by the slow process to access grants and financial assistance from government bodies to undertake recovery efforts, which may be fraught with unnecessary bureaucratic red tape (Cameron et al. 2022; Parkinson 2022).

#### *6.2. Access, Use and Control of Resources*

In the aftermath of a climate change event, men and women tend to experience and react to these challenges in diverse ways depending on their access to resources. Given that women and domestic violence victims in Trinidad and Tobago may have a higher social disadvantage, given that they have less ownership of land, they are more dependent on local natural resources for food, water, and energy supply used in cooking and heating, and have less access to environmental goods and services. It is also possible that victims may also have less access to education and training on how to deal with the effects of extreme weather events, which may all contribute to creating the perfect conditions for violence to thrive in their homes (Caridade et al. 2021a; Chersich et al. 2019). The growing scarcity of fertile croplands and other essential environmental resources, together with climate extremes such as temperature and precipitation, all contribute to the development of collective forms of violence such as riots, protesting, and youth gangs within communities (Levy et al. 2017).
