**4. Results**

In this section, we present the findings of the study. We begin by illustrating the distribution of urban blight in the study area. In order to ascertain the reasons for blight, we described the perceptions of urban blight across different stakeholders/respondent groups. Next, we present how East Legon became urbanised and subsequently the underlying causes for blight in the area, highlighting how socio-cultural values play a significant role. Finally, we describe the effects of urban blight on the development of the area.

#### *4.1. Current Distribution of Urban Blight in East Legon*

From the four categorised forms of blight for the study, it was observed that the clusters of disordered settlements are predominantly located at the outer edges of the study area. This confirms the statement made by one of the interviewed experts that planning with infrastructure was carried out in the inner cities whilst the native settlements were left on the outskirts. In terms of frequency (rate of occurrence), vacant/undeveloped plots were most frequent, followed by the clusters of disordered settlements, then dilapidated properties. Uncompleted properties were the least frequent. The observations gathered indicate that some identified uncompleted structures and dilapidated properties were completed or redeveloped into ultra-modern buildings as a result of gentrification. Furthermore, property owners of vacant plots were mostly spectators who were looking for an opportune time to invest in their property. Yet, the cluster of disordered settlements (indigenous and squatter settlements) often stayed in the same condition for many years. The indigenes perceive themselves as natives who must preserve their heritage (customary land rights/properties), whereas squatters (illegal settlers) are mostly immigrants. Figure 6 illustrates the distribution of the forms of blight in the study area.

#### *4.2. Local Perception of Urban Blight*

Urban blight is a relative concept that is perceived differently by various stakeholders, as demonstrated in Table 4. Generally, urban blight may be regarded as an unsatisfactory use of urban space or real property. Yet, the unsatisfactory manner is usually determined by other stakeholders, while the person using the property may have other values that may be hidden from the other actors. Although urban blight is generally regarded as a negative phenomenon, different respondent groups highlight different perceptions influenced by their relative backgrounds. For instance, drawing from professional standards and intuition, urban planners use non-adherence to land use plans as a reference to establish blight in areas such as squatter settlements. Similarly, residents and property owners in the neighbourhood perceive urban blight from an aesthetic point of view (level of beauty), material culture (the material for construction) and the degree of permanence (squatter settlements). Apparently, most of the respondents perceived squatter (illegal) settlements to be blight, attributing them to the rapid urbanisation. Consequently, there are unauthorised structures portraying non-compliance to city plans and policies. For real estate developers, urban blight is regarded as the non-exploitation of the economic potential of property. The succeeding section provides the background of how East Legon became urbanised.

**Table 4.** Local perception of urban blight.


#### *4.3. Urbanisation in East Legon*

Historically, East Legon was a Ga traditional area with four main settlements: Shiashie, Okponglo, Abotsiman, and La Bawaleshie. In 1944, the area was compulsorily acquired by the colonial governmen<sup>t</sup> as an extension of the International Airport zone. Subsequently, the governmen<sup>t</sup> carved a portion of the acquired land and created a residential estate for senior civil servants. To all appearances, East Legon became a first-class residential area from the onset after the governmen<sup>t</sup> established the estate and provided infrastructure such as roads, electricity and water. Information gathered indicates that the indigenes were compensated for the loss of their land inclusive of farmlands. Despite the compensation, they still remained there based on humanitarian grounds. This was articulated by the Land Administrator as "*when the acquisition was done, there was a committee that was set up to look at this particular acquisition. They called it the Alomatu committee. So they were the ones that interacted with the chiefs and the people and they recommended that once they are living there and it is also residential, what is the point in driving them out? They should allow them to be there because, with time, they will grow out of it"*. Another expert, Planner, mentioned that urbanisation has caught up with indigenous settlements that were previously at the outskirts of the planned area. He explained, "*unfortunately, developments have sprung up and have made these indigenous buildings to be in the centre of the city but the initial plan had them on the outskirts of the planned area. In order words, the area was planned around them*". Yet, the natives are still glued to their indigenous properties despite being in a first-class area.

#### *4.4. The Underlying Reasons for Urban Blight in East Legon* 4.4.1.Socio-CulturalValues AttachedtoRealProperty

Socio-cultural values are expressed with deep emotions and intense feelings. They concern traditional and emotional attachments that are not monetary based. It was also established that some properties were named after their ancestors, which had to be preserved for future generations. As it was aptly put by one respondent, "*We have stayed in what our great grandparents built for us. We are also supposed to leave a legacy for generations to come*". Another indigene explained, "*When the property is there, it is immovable* ... *anyone who knows the family and wants to trace the family can easily do that because of the property such as somebody who has travelled overseas, he can easily locate the family*". Traditionally, it is believed that real property provides the family lineage and ancestral background of a person. Additionally, people hold on to property as a result of the lasting memories established there. One respondent said, "*This building was put up by our grandmother* ... *So we have to preserve her memory for now*". Furthermore, it was recognised that some properties serve as a bolster for life where family members could live, work and go about their daily activities with less stress and traffic than living in the outskirts. As expressed by one respondent; "*they can be in town and transact their activities and businesses, have a place to lay their heads and start life before they go and find their own places* ... *development is good but money came to meet human beings. We value human beings and their livelihood, where they will lay their heads, go to work rather than somebody giving you money to take your property*".

#### 4.4.2. Customary Land Control Versus Weak Enforcement of Urban Policies

The spontaneous growth of urban areas without guiding layouts and land use plans has resulted in urban blight. Experts have expressed concerns that not much can be achieved by enforcing urban policies in native settlements termed as "city villages". These indigenes were the customary land owners and first occupants before the formal planning of areas. Invariably, their settlements are often considered as spontaneous growth, although traditional authorities play a critical role in the land use of their jurisdictions. Thus, land use and developments are ahead of planning in most parts of Ghana. Additionally, the study discovered that there are no strict measures for the implementation of urban policies, only eviction and clearing of squatters (illegal settlers). Rapid urbanisation has caused a massive influx of immigrants into the capital city, Accra. Whenever these squatters are evicted from their unplanned dwellings and the cleared space is left undeveloped, the squatters always go back to settle there. According to the expert, there was one such experience in early 2018: "*You know there are recalcitrant people. Even when we cleared them, two (2) to three (3) days later we realized some of them were putting up table tops, containers and kiosks that we had broken down. So whoever is there now, no one has permitted them*". Apparently, after clearing the place in 2018, as at the time of the data collection in December 2019/January 2020, the squatters were still there.

#### 4.4.3. Land Disputes

The land disputes were mainly associated with inadequate transparency regarding land ownerships. Ghana is characterised by a dual system of land tenure: statutory and customary land tenure systems. Most often, conflicting land ownership rights arise among individuals, family members, traditional authorities and governmen<sup>t</sup> institutions, either between people in the same group or through the involvement of different parties in different groups. Eventually, these conflicts result in litigation, creating a huge backlog of land cases in court, some of which have remained unsettled for many years. The Land Administrator gave an example where the Shiashie family in East Legon instituted a legal case against the Lands Commission for granting leasehold titles to their land. In April 1999, the High Court ruled the case and granted ownership in favour of the Shiashie family. Subsequently, an appeal was made by the Lands Commission in June 2013, and the case was overturned and ruled in favour of the Lands Commission. The latter judgment was based on evidence provided by the Lands Commission regarding the Certificate of Title

for compulsory land acquisition under the Public Lands Ordinance (CAP 34) in 1944. Apparently, for fourteen (14) years of litigation, court orders such as injunctions were placed on land use and development in the areas under contention. Ultimately, blighted properties were left in their blighted conditions, especially the vacant/undeveloped plots and uncompleted structures.

#### 4.4.4. Hybrid Land Tenure and Administration

The process and structures involved in managing and disseminating information about the rights and use of land in Ghana are seen to be ineffective by most respondents. Land administration functions cut across both state and non-state (customary) actors. There is a binary distinction in the levels of recording across state and customary land. While customary land tenure system covers about seventy eight percent (78%) of the total land in Ghana, they vary regarding their practices and are mostly undocumented [46,62]. The landholding types under customary land tenure systems in Ghana are family, stool and skin. For the study area, the land ownership is both statutory and customary (family landholding). Due to the inadequate land records, it is difficult to establish certainty of ownership that allows room for fraud and also hinders land transfer. A resident expressed her experience where, in the process of purchasing a blighted property in East Legon, she had to conduct a search at the Lands Commission to ascertain true ownership but never reached an outcome, so she abandoned it, and to date, the property is still in a blighted condition. She stated, "*Land ownership and proof of ownership is difficult in Ghana* ... *obtaining information on the ownership alone can take years* ... *the whole process is so cumbersome*". Additionally, customary land owners in East Legon (families) are discouraged from regularsing their interest in the land. Explanations for this unwillingness lie in the mechanisms of land rights translation by the Lands Commission. In these processes, the usufructuary rights (superior rights) of families are truncated to leasehold rights, which requires them to pay ground rents (periodic paymen<sup>t</sup> of money as a tenant) to the Government.

#### 4.4.5. Economic Reasons

Finance is a requisite for property development. While some property owners need capital for the development of their properties, others, such as speculators, are expecting an opportune time to make financial gains from their properties. In the period of waiting, some do not keep their properties in a good state, and they end up becoming blight. Others, on the other hand, choose caretakers or squatters for safety. However, for the indigenous buildings, the question that was asked was, whose responsibility is it to provide capital to develop family property? The indigenous buildings in East Legon are predominantly family properties managed by a family head. By virtue of being a family member, each person has the opportunity to use the property. Nevertheless, regarding development and maintenance, as was stated by one expert, "*The tragedy of the commons happens. Who should connect his resources into redeveloping the family property?*". It was found that some family members with financial capabilities act independently and prefer acquiring personal properties for their nuclear family since any investment made on family land automatically becomes family property per the laws of Ghana.

#### *4.5. Effects of Urban Blight on Land Use and Development in the Study Area* 4.5.1. Positive Effects

Instituting the Historical and Cultural Background of the Area

For the customary landowners, preserving their culture is the main focus. As mentioned earlier, East Legon was hitherto a Ga traditional area. It is believed that most urbanised areas in Accra have indigenous settlements as part of the urban setting. An expert explained, "*When we take every urban settlement, you see the indigenous settlements as part of it* ... *you know these villages have always existed*". To all appearances, the indigenous people have settled to maintain their way of living. One resident responded, "*They see*

*themselves as they are the owners of the land and they have been there for this long time. It is their property so they take it to be a normal phenomenon so even if you want to develop the place, they won't contribute or participate to make it fruitful. They will just say, after all, we have been here already and we are okay*". Consequently, there is a clear purpose to the present generation holding the land as stewards and leaving a legacy for future generations.

#### Establishment of Security

For the indigenes and some squatters, the properties, despite their condition, provide security. Security was expressed as a state of well-being and safety. It was discovered that blighted areas are comfortable with less competition. Additionally, the blighted properties keep a low profile and do not expose wealth. Some property owners mentioned that one way to safeguard properties is to keep the exterior of the residence very simple. He stated, "*People look at the exterior of your house to see if there is something valuable. If you look at this building, you will think that there is nothing valuable inside*". Furthermore, some squatters live in blighted properties to save money for future investments. One of them revealed, "*Most of us, not to say we cannot hire a house. For instance, I cannot hire a house but take money say two years advance, Two Thousand, Four Hundred Ghana Cedis (GHC2, 400.00). How much will I use to purchase land? I can use part of the money to buy my own land* ... *So it is more like we are also building so we don't want to make more expenses*".
