**5. Discussion**

This section reflects and juxtaposes the results of the study with the reviewed literature. Substantial comparison is made between the global north and south. Additionally, the implications of the results of the study on urban land use and policies are considered.

#### *5.1. Urbanisation and Distribution of Blight*

Urban blight is generally regarded as a negative phenomenon. However, careful reflection on the evolution of urban blight in the global north and south, particularly in the study area, shows an inverse correlation. In the north, a vibrant area was transformed into a deteriorated one [3,5,20,21], whereas in the south, urbanisation transformed an indigenous area and caused the native settlements to be regarded as blight because they do not fit the contemporary setting. Again, rapid urbanisation has resulted in squatter (illegal/unauthorised) settlements due to inadequate housing infrastructure, coupled with lack of social amenities [21]. These relationships are not limited to Ghana but more broadly reflect the character of urban development in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) [20,64]. The study found that in the history of urban development in SSA, urban cities were once native settlements, which concurs with the assertions made by Cobbinah and Aboagye [20] and Clarke [65]. Yet, the cities are planned in an ad hoc manner, where infrastructure is provided in certain areas only by neglecting the native settlements. Additionally, the

distribution of blight, as illustrated in Figure 6, confirms this, where clusters of disordered settlements (indigenous and squatter settlements) are predominantly at the outer edges of the study area. Again, in terms of frequency, vacant/undeveloped plots were the most prominent, indicating a high degree of land speculation in the area. Furthermore, uncompleted buildings were the least prominent, and it was observed that some identified blighted properties were being redeveloped. Consequently, the ideas of urban renewal and gentrification have heightened the transformation of existing developments and so-called blighted properties into ultra-modern facilities. These ultra-modern facilities have become the standard of development for existing buildings to be regarded as blight. Careful examination plays an important role in policy development and implementation, with the intention of providing a cosmopolitan community with infrastructure, especially in native settlements. However, there should be strict measures to deter the formation of illegal settlements.

#### *5.2. Reasons for Urban Blight*

The primary similarity between the cause of blight in both the global north and south is economic factors. However, economic reasons manifest differently. While in the north, economic factors normally manifest on a macro scale, such as the collapse of industries and businesses transforming vibrant cities into abandoned ones, in the south, as in the current study, economic factors largely manifest at the micro level of individual property holders, where, due to lack of finances, properties are not upgraded or left to deteriorate relative to their surroundings. This agrees with the observations made by Crankshaw et al. [17] and Weaver et al. [31] in their studies in South Africa and North England, respectively, suggesting that low-income residents do not maintain a good neighbourhood, which leads to physical stagnation. Another dimension of blight influenced by economic factor is the deterioration of the city landscape resulting from land speculation. Weak land administration coupled with land disputes have caused the property market to be poorly regulated, with some speculators waiting for an opportune time to invest in their property and therefore not keeping their properties in good condition. Instead, they prefer to occupy their land with squatters as a form of security against adverse claim and encroachment. This therefore confirms the argumen<sup>t</sup> made by De Soto [66] that property owners in the south are more engrossed in securing their properties by relying on local arrangements.

Additionally, property ownership and/or holdings in the global south are predominantly shrouded in socio-cultural values. As explained by researchers such as Chimhowu [7],Abubakari et al. [8] and Arko-Adjei [46], socio-cultural values have deep roots that not only regulate the interactions between people but also between people and land. The conception of property in many parts of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) as a communal entity makes property inseparable from people and also highlights its relevance in establishing one's identity. This resonates with the study of Abubakari et al. [8], which indicates that people trace their identity over time through land. The north, however, is predominantly branded with social values, especially in low-income neighbourhoods where place attachment is established with mutual dependencies on other residents. Additionally, the global north is characterised by few native settlements such as Maori in New Zealand, Aboriginals in Australia, and American and Canadian Indians [42,43]. These northern native settlements are typically concerned with heritage conservation regarding the spirit of their ancestors rather than embedded socio-cultural values in land ownership and use. Apparently, landholdings are predominantly statutory based.

Furthermore, the global south is characterised by fragmented and complex tenure systems. Woven layers of subsisting land rights enable different people or parties (for example, traditional authorities versus government) to lay conflicting claims to land concurrently. The pluralistic land tenure systems provide avenues for encroachment given the weak capacity on the part of planning authorities [20]. A greater percentage of land, specifically in the Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) area, is under the customary land tenure system, which is largely undocumented, creating forums for fraud and inefficiency of the property market [7,66]. Additionally, customary landholders are deterred from registering or regularising their interests because of the conversion from freehold to leasehold by the state land agencies. This confirms the claim made by Abubakari et al. [67] that the formal Land Administration System does not recognise the customary freehold, and hence a greater percentage of the property owners are not documented, leading to land disputes. However, in the global north, Zevenbergen [68] highlights that security of tenure is guaranteed either through deeds or land title registration.

#### *5.3. Effects of Urban Blight*

The main positive effect for both the north and south is place attachment where community bonds and social networks are established [42–44]. Yet, in the south, cultural values are mainly attached to properties [46,49]. Properties are inseparable from people where there is an intended purpose of leaving a legacy for future generations [46]. The intention behind this is that the people (future generations) will not lose their identity [8], thus preserving the cultural background of the area. Additionally, the study found that some squatters rented kiosks in order to save and establish their own residences. This, however, assigns a positive attribute to squatters, which is not frequently found in literature. On the other hand, the predominant negative effect of blight in the north is high criminal activities [14,23], whereas in the south, a dent on aesthetics is the main concern. This confirms the arguments made by Kleinhans et al. [43] and Galster [37] that blighted properties are usually stigmatised when the occupants of blighted properties are less recognised in terms of social status, causing tensions and social imbalances between residents/households.
