*2.2. Incomplete Legal System*

The capitalization of Romania's industrial heritage has damaged its heritage value through the reuse process, which has also highlighted the existing problems of this heritage's protection and management system. Merciu, et al., stated that "the indifference of public administration and the bureaucratic burden related to obtaining the required approvals for the functional changes imposed by conversions and the documentation for the classification of industrial buildings as historical monuments" has had a negative impact on a process of industrial heritage reconstruction and reuse that has aimed at promoting urban renewal; hence, when planning economic policies for local, regional and national development, the protection of industrial heritage should be one of the policy objectives [13]. In fact, not only in Romania but also globally, industrial heritage protection and management have emerged as new concepts, presenting deficiencies in relatively all aspects, especially in industrial heritage reconstruction and reuse, which has become a consensual issue. Therefore, many researchers have emphasized relevant systems of industrial heritage reconstruction and reuse. Meng Fanlei and Qi Chaojie showed that industrial heritage reconstruction and reuse is inseparable from urban development and that targeted policies need to be provided at the urban level to avoid imitation and the sameness of reuse models among cities [18]. Katarzyna Sadowy and Adam Lisiecki also stressed the need for new municipal policies to better respond to grass-roots activities and socioeconomic potential in the regions at stake when studying the reconstruction and reuse of the Warsaw industrial zone [19]. Bartlomiej Sroka showed that in the revival of industrial brownfields, in spite of permanent vertical and horizontal agreements among entrepreneurs, the lack of sectoral policies may lead to the disintegration of the local economic structure [20]. The legal system has been important for industrial heritage reconstruction and reuse. No matter who the actors involved in the implementation of an industrial heritage project are, what the protection level is, and what kind of planning system and institutional environment that project is placed in [21], the legal system is essential. Moreover, researchers have not theorized on this topic enough. Therefore, Gao Xiangguan and Chang Jiang noted that research on laws, regulations, and policies needs to be strengthened in the future to provide a scientific basis for decision-making and a mechanism for the management of industrial heritage reconstruction and reuse [22].

Moreover, financial and system barriers do not only affect the early phases of reconstruction and reuse, but also influence the removal or retention of projects after reuse. For example, María Teresa Palomares Figueres, et al., showed that a reconstruction and reuse project similar to that in the La Sang community (a project that won the Spanish Fostering Arts and Design Awards in 1999) has improved the quality of life of residents. Nevertheless, "a mix of political and economical issues truncated or set aside important ongoing projects" [23]. In this regard, finance and systems have always been important factors affecting the life cycle of industrial heritage reconstruction and reuse projects.

#### *2.3. Secondary Problems*

Industrial heritage reconstruction and reuse has not always produced economic, social, environmental, cultural and other benefits. In the case of the increasingly widespread reconstruction and reuse of industrial heritage, a paradox has become increasingly prominent about the benefits of such projects. Researchers have focused on this phenomenon and put forward three warnings. First, we should be alert to the problem of "hollowing out" and "nihilization" of heritage. In the process of industrial heritage reconstruction and reuse, removing machines and their components [26] or failing to reflect the history and value of plants (including buildings) [27] will affect the value and authenticity of industrial heritage. As a result, reconstruction and reuse projects have a "shell" but no "core", which is not only contrary to the original intention of industrial heritage reconstruction and reuse that aims to protect industrial heritage but also causes the project to face the risk of quickly becoming outdated [28].

Second, we should be alert to the consequences of "densification" in the context of the demographic explosion. Merciu, et al., showed that although industrial heritage reconstruction and reuse can produce significant economic and social benefits, "urban regeneration may result in some negative environmental impacts as well, in relation to the quality of the urban fabric and the natural environment, due to the anthropogenic pressure generated by increased attractiveness of urban space after renovation of the industrial heritage" [13]. Carmen Adams also showed that "the paradox of rehabilitation actions is also highlighted, such as the case of Cabo de Gata, where reuse can lead to environmental deterioration, despite the patrimonial recovery that in principle it entails". In this regard, this study emphasized that people involved in industrial heritage reconstruction and reuse should consider the tolerance threshold and the load capacity of the surrounding space, as well as the intended visual improvement of the architectural complex [29].

Third, we should be aware of the negative effects of "gentrification". Gentrification is a phenomenon that has been abundantly debated. From an economic perspective, gentrification represents the positive external effects brought by industrial heritage reconstruction and reuse [13], which promotes regional "fashionable" and "high-quality" development. However, from a social perspective, gentrification causes "undesirable" residents to be expelled from their original residences and living spaces. Graham Squires and Norman Hutchison revealed this phenomenon by showing that the new housing, whose price exceeds the economic capacity of most community members, excludes people from less privileged social classes [30]. Abigail Wincott, et al., advanced similar views. They showed that the concept of "community" is simplified due to the intervention of more influential and powerful social classes in the process of industrial heritage reconstruction and reuse. The "disturbing" cultural history and its related intangible heritage are marginalized due to its "dark" nature, and new and more benign stories are remembered and promoted. This obliteration of local culture leads to a situation in which "while landowners and developers reap the financial benefits of this transformational process, it has been widely observed that this is often—usually—at the expense of the local communities that are marginalised or displaced" [31]. This marginalization is not conducive to shaping regional identity [32]. Vanessa Mathews analyzed and studied the gentrification of the Regina warehouse area in Saskatchewan by interviewing aborigines, representatives of local businesses and key stakeholders [33]; Renaud Goyer focused on the "gentrification" of the industrial heritage reconstruction and reuse project in Trois-Rivières, Québec [34]. Scholars have focused more on the negative effects of gentrification than its positive effects.
