Motherhood Penalty and Labour Market Integration of Immigrant Women: A Review on Evidence from Four OECD Countries

Abstract

Among several reasons preventing the effective labour market integration of immigrant women, the motherhood penalty and unpaid care responsibilities stand out prominently. In line with this, the present scoping review shows how motherhood affects the labour market integration of immigrant women in Australia, Canada, the UK, and the USA. This review shows that parenthood exacerbates the gender pay gap and limits labour market access, favouring men with children over immigrant mothers. Moreover, the effect of the motherhood penalty might be moderated by the level of education, age of the children, and the country of origin/ethnicity of immigrants. In the four countries examined, labour market outcomes for immigrant women are particularly poor. Factors contributing to this include limited language proficiency, traditional gender norms that restrict the full-time employment of certain groups of immigrant women, and institutional barriers like work-permit processing delays. To address these challenges, Australia, Canada, the UK, and the USA have implemented various policies facilitating immigrant mothers’ workforce participation. These measures include language and legal-system education, subsidised childcare, and integration programmes for both mothers and children. Additionally, some programmes in Canada and the USA provide employment assistance and financial support for childcare, while Australia and the UK offer comprehensive integration and settlement services.

1. Introduction

Even though motherhood is socially and culturally valued, it can have negative effects on women in terms of access to several opportunities, including effective access to the labour market, for a variety of reasons, such as a heavy focus on childcare and non-preference for mothers in the labour force [1]. Folbre [1] shows that women with children are often diverted from various opportunities, such as access to the labour market and equitable pay in employment. Along with this existing discussion on gender inequality, the motherhood penalty, and labour market integration of women, the present review of the existing research and data in OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries highlights how motherhood can become a considerable barrier for immigrant women to better integrate with the labour market and due pay. ‘Immigrant women’ refer to those who are foreign born, and the focus of this review will be on first-generation immigrants. Despite the values placed on motherhood, the present review shows the systemic challenges and inequalities that immigrant mothers encounter regarding access to the labour market and, thereby, economic empowerment.

While gender gaps in employment have been decreasing globally, women are still less likely to be employed than men, even when they possess similar or higher levels of education [2]. Significant progress has been made in OECD countries to reduce the gender gap in the job market, yet some developing countries continue to struggle with this issue [3]. Several factors, most notably cultural reasons including gender norms favouring men’s participation in the labour force, hinder women’s access to the labour market, and often, their unpaid care work is another determinant that negatively affect women’s participation in the labour force, particularly in developing countries [4,5,6,7,8]. This has been a main driver of female migration, as women seek to escape such restrictive environments for their freedom and self-actualization, so that women have access to the labour market [9,10]. Access to the labour market has been considered a vital ingredient for women’s self-actualization, and migration has been regarded as a bridge to achieving that [11]. Over the past few decades, female migration to OECD countries has increased, and there have been some improvements in labour market integration [3,12]. However, immigrant women face greater gender gaps in the labour market compared to native women [12]. They encounter barriers to entering the labour market and often receive lower pay [11,13]. The reproduction of traditional gender norms in the host country, dual responsibilities (at home and work), and an excessive care-work burden can prevent women from accessing full-time work [11,14]. The gender norms favouring men may affect certain groups of immigrant women and are not common for all immigrant groups. Yet, the overall time spent on both paid and unpaid work by immigrant women typically exceeds that of men. Therefore, compared to immigrant and native men, and native women, immigrant women are at a significant disadvantage in terms of labour market access and equal pay [15].

Furthermore, immigrant women in OECD countries often have higher levels of education compared to men [12]. However, higher educational credentials have not effectively translated into improved labour market outcomes [3,12]. The level of education intersects with motherhood, and as research suggests, mothers with higher levels of education may integrate well into the labour market by leveraging their education [12]. Therefore, factors such as education, country of origin, religious identities, and certain other social values can moderate the effect of motherhood on the labour market integration of immigrant women [11,16]. However, the present review focusses only on how the motherhood penalty can affect the labour market integration of immigrant women, because motherhood and labour market integration are two vital determinants of establishing the overall well-being of immigrant women’s family lives. At the same time, it is important to note that motherhood intersects with other socioeconomic and host-country policy-related factors.

Across various countries, the Gulf region hosts the highest number of immigrant women with lower education [17]. Yet, in OECD countries, the rate of highly educated immigrant women is substantially higher [18,19]. This is primarily due to the restrictive nature of migration to the OECD region, which typically favours skilled and educated immigrants. As a result, long-term family migration to OECD countries has remained the dominant category of migration for several decades, which brought highly educated immigrants who are often easy to integrate into the labour force [20]. In spite of this trend, motherhood for immigrant women may present several restrictions in terms of labour market access, as highlighted in the present article.

When people migrate with the intention of long-term settlement, they are likely to consider factors beyond mere labour market integration. They often view family building as a primary driver for overall quality of life [21,22]. However, family building particularly generates negative effects for immigrant women in terms of access to full-time work and satisfactory earnings. The role of immigrant women in the family-building process is crucial, as they are often the main carers within the family [23,24]. Motherhood and unpaid care work in the family can prevent women from realising their full potential and may lead to despair due to unfulfilled aspirations. Both of these are closely associated with the motherhood penalty, which refers to the systematic disadvantages that mothers often face in the workplace compared to their childless counterparts. These disadvantages can include lower wages, fewer promotions, reduced job opportunities, and negative perceptions regarding their commitment and competence [25].

Despite various restrictions, the welcoming nature of several OECD countries has recently attracted a growing number of permanent immigrants, with a reported 6.1 million in 2022 [20]. The high standard of living in these countries draws immigrants from developing countries, with a particular emphasis on those who are highly educated and skilled [26,27]. This migration of qualified and skilled immigrants represents a unique form of migration where individuals strive to establish their overall quality of life and consider long-term settlement [28]. As such, labour migration is closely associated with permanent migration, as immigrants often seek permanent residence in their host countries over time [20]. During their migration journey, family ties play a crucial role. Family ties in migration refer to the migration of individuals based on expected or established family connections [29]. This can include reunification with a person who has already migrated, marriage to a foreigner, accompanying a family member, or international adoption [30]. The category of entry to the host country has significant implications for immigrant women, as it determines how motherhood can impact their desired labour market integration. For example, women who immigrated through the family-migration category may face severe burdens in terms of labour market access compared to those who came for higher education and then settled in the host society [31].

Family migrants constitute the largest category in OECD countries and are closely linked to labour migration, as these migrants primarily strive to integrate into the labour market as their primary means of survival [20]. Among several OECD countries, Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom (UK), and the United States of America (USA) are prominent long-term settlement countries for immigrants, with a relatively high proportion of highly educated immigrants. In 2022, family migration remained the main category of entry for new permanent migrants to these countries, accounting for 40% [12]. The USA received the largest number of family migrants in 2022, with 723,000 migrants (64%). In all of these countries, Asians constituted the largest share of those coming to be with family. For instance, in the USA, 47% of all family migrants were Asian, and Indians accounted for 24%. Moreover, these immigrants are more likely to be in the labour force and part of a family than people born in the destination countries [3,12,30].

According to OECD data, a record-high increase of 53% in labour migration was observed overall in the OECD region in 2023 [32]. The countries focused on in this review—Australia, Canada, the UK, and the USA—have also received a significant share of labour migrants. These migrants often come for long-term settlement with family ties. For instance, Australia received 21% of labour migrants, while the USA, the UK, and Canada received 12%, 21%, and 42%, respectively [32]. This trend indicates that people, particularly from developing countries, are migrating to developed countries, primarily thinking of enhancing their quality of life, which was otherwise difficult to be achieved in their home countries.

The life trajectories of these immigrants are highly gendered, and a body of research strives to reveal how the motherhood of immigrant women impacts their labour market trajectories. The present review thus highlights existing empirical research findings and combines them with existing data (OECD Database on Immigrants) to show how motherhood might hinder the effective labour market integration of immigrant women in those four selected countries. Although there are several barriers that prevent the effective labour market integration of immigrant women, the focus of the present review will be on the nexus between the motherhood penalty and labour market integration.

Even though motherhood and unpaid care work are not unique to immigrant women, the effects are far more detrimental for them [1,12]. Therefore, this paper reviews how motherhood and unpaid care-work responsibilities within the family hinder the better labour market integration of immigrant women. It also shows how certain policy approaches have been implemented by each country to facilitate immigrant women, primarily to effectively benefit from their educational credentials and effective integration.

2. Unpaid Care Work and the Motherhood Penalty

Family migration has a gender dimension, and the role of women in family migration is closely linked to childbearing, care responsibilities, and family building. It is often customarily believed that while men work outside the home, the responsibilities for family maintenance are mainly associated with women [33]. This has certain implications for the career trajectories of immigrant women, and also for their subjective well-being. Overall happiness, or life satisfaction, is derived from family connections, and research shows that those in family relationships tend to exhibit higher levels of happiness [34]. Therefore, the role of women as mothers and caretakers in the family is a vital determinant of immigrant lives. However, this comes at a cost, as women are disproportionately disadvantaged by being excluded from full-time work [35], which can lead to overqualification and brain waste.

The migration experience is a crucial determinant that can reshape the motherhood experience in the host society, sometimes reproducing gender norms similar to those in the home country [36]. Some studies show that within migrant families, gender norms have been reproduced to balance work and home life, where women were restricted to household activities while men were allowed to work outside [37]. Furthermore, motherhood is also understood as an emotional endeavour, playing a central role in determining how far women are integrated into the host society and labour market [12]. Motherhood is also informed by gender norms, similar to fatherhood. Studies show that fatherhood can increase labour market outcomes for men, a phenomenon known as the fatherhood bonus [38]. Therefore, gender norms play a crucial role in the acquisition of motherhood.

The intersections between migration, gender, motherhood, and emotions are thus crucial in determining access to the labour market. At the same time, culture plays an important role, in which the home country’s culture can influence the way motherhood and care responsibilities are perceived in the host society [39]. Those who immigrate from Asian countries are more likely to focus on family building and are particularly concerned with the responsibilities of motherhood [22]. Therefore, home-country cultural beliefs associated with gender norms can reshape the lives of immigrants in certain situations [31]. Compared to native women, the effects of the motherhood penalty on immigrant women would be severe, mainly because immigrants tend to lead hybrid lives that incorporate both host- and home-country experiences. While both native and immigrant women observe the impact of motherhood on labour market integration and career trajectories, the hybridity of immigrant lives can intensify the impact of the motherhood penalty for immigrant women. This is mainly because immigrant mothers encounter difficulties associated with both the motherhood penalty and the challenges of immigrant life [40].

Moreover, several studies show that motherhood can disrupt not only access to paid work but also engagement in civic life, even leading to a sense of isolation [40,41]. Migrants are severely disadvantaged in this regard compared to native women, as motherhood is often considered a constraint for immigrant women, limiting their roles to family responsibilities and excluding them from full-time paid work. Even though motherhood becomes a vital aspect of women’s lives, it often comes with a price, as women pay a cost for nurturing a family life [1,42]. Women with higher educational credentials strive to better integrate into the labour force, but at the same time, becoming mothers can sometimes hinder their effective labour force integration [3]. This conundrum can generate far worse effects for immigrant women than for natives.

The care penalty is closely associated with the motherhood penalty, yet it extends beyond motherhood responsibilities. Unpaid care responsibilities within the family can disrupt the labour force participation of women, and this can have far more severe effects for immigrant women. Folbre [1] shows that unpaid care-work responsibilities can impose a financial penalty on women while contributing to gender inequality. Care work, including childcare and household activities, is customarily believed to require an emotional attachment, which is often associated with women. This belief is commonly seen among immigrants who come from the Global South, mainly from the Asian region. Therefore, women are expected to devote considerable time to family care, which hinders their access to the labour market. On the other hand, this contributes to the fatherhood bonus, where men are effectively integrated into the labour market. Motherhood and unpaid care work contribute not only to reduced labour force participation but can also affect the health, civic participation, and overall well-being of women [43].

3. Immigrant Women in Four OECD Countries, and Labour Market Integration

Countries in the OECD region have been classified into three groups based on the size and category of the migrant population [12]. Among those categories, the ‘longstanding destinations’ primarily host a large number of migrants from developing countries, including Asia. Among the thirteen countries in the longstanding destination group, four stand out in terms of receiving immigrants with selected criteria, including skills and education. These are Australia, Canada, the UK, and the USA. These countries host a large number of family, labour, and education migrants. Therefore, the motherhood and career trajectories of women will be reviewed, with a focus on these four countries. Moreover, many immigrants from developing countries tend to select these four countries as the host country, mainly because they are English-speaking countries and have long-term ties with previous immigrants [17].

Australia, Canada, and the USA are characterised by migrant settlement, with immigration considered a part of nation building [15]. The populations of these countries have a history associated with immigrants, and today, nearly one-fourth of the people in these countries are immigrants [44,45]. Second-generation immigrants also form a crucial demographic group that shapes the social, economic, cultural, and political processes of these countries [46]. Furthermore, the immigration policies in these countries have been designed to attract highly educated and skilled immigrants [30]. These policies favour highly educated immigrants, considering them ideal candidates who are likely to become permanent residents [45,47]. This has resulted in a surge in labour migration, with skilled workers often being associated with family migration.

The UK, in particular, has received a significant number of educated migrants from its former colonies [48]. However, the large influx of migrants to the UK has had several negative effects on the country, prompting the government to change its policies to deport migrants who are less likely to integrate [31]. While the number of refugees has increased substantially in the overall OECD region, including in the aforementioned four countries, this paper will focus primarily on lawful permanent migration. The scope of the present review is limited to lawful permanent migrants, mainly due to the availability of OECD data on labour market participation. The data on migration provided by the OECD is used in several sections to support the claims presented in this paper.

Australia, Canada, the UK, and the USA are important destinations for immigrants, as evidenced by their childbearing behaviour [12,15]. Compared to natives, the childbearing behaviour of immigrants is unique and often surpasses that of the native population. Asian families, in particular, are more likely to have children [49]. Furthermore, female migration is closely associated with family reunification [22,23,50]. Family building and childbearing generally increase shortly after migration. As such, research shows that female immigrants often migrate during their childbearing years for family-building purposes and are more likely to become mothers [12].

Some studies indicate a relationship between ethnic origin/race and the motherhood penalty in each country, yet this is a complex theme that is beyond the scope of the present review [51]. For example, the ethnicity-related motherhood penalty suggests that black and minoritised women experience a more severe burden compared to women in majority ethnic groups [51,52]. In all four countries studied, white native women are more effectively integrated into the labour market than women of other ethnicities or races. This suggests that second-generation immigrant women are also prone to the effects of the motherhood penalty in terms of effective labour market integration. However, this area of study will not be explored in the present paper.

4. Brief Note on Methods

The present review employed a scoping review approach [53] to identify the breadth and depth of research and data on the motherhood penalty and labour market trajectories of immigrant women in four OECD countries. Even though there is extensive discussion on the motherhood penalty, studies specifically concerning immigrant women are still emerging. As a result, there is a lack of research on the intersections between the motherhood penalty, immigrant women, and labour market integration. This scoping review thus aimed to illustrate how immigrant women experience the motherhood penalty in major immigrant-receiving countries. The review focused on Australia, Canada, the UK and the USA—countries that attract skilled and highly educated immigrants but maintain restrictive immigration policies. The review examines various studies that explore the relationship between the motherhood penalty and the labour market integration challenges faced by immigrant women.

A five-step scoping review process was employed: identifying research questions, identifying the relevant literature and existing data, selecting studies for inclusion, charting data, and summarising the findings. The main research question of the present review is how does the motherhood penalty affect the labour market integration of immigrant women? The choice of scoping review is geared by the broad nature of the research question, which goes beyond a systematic review [53]. Mainly, the review will show the broad determinants associated with motherhood and the immigrant identities of women, and how they collectively affect labour market integration.

Research was conducted using Google Scholar, the Web of Science, and Scopus, with significant attention given to OECD publications. Keywords used in the search included “motherhood penalty”, “immigrant women”, “gender pay gap”, “Australia”, “the UK”, “the USA”, “Canada”, and “labour market integration”. The OECD database on immigration and labour was also utilised to extract data, which were processed to generate basic statistics and graphs. The study only included empirical research from 2010 to 2024. Additionally, since some policy documents were not available in the given databases, publicly available web sources were used to find policy responses in each country. The inclusion of studies was based on characteristics such as a focus on selected countries and overviews of the OECD region. Studies not directly related to these thematic areas were excluded, resulting in a final selection of 86 studies for the review.

In systematic reviews, studies tend to report citation scores and trends in article appearance. However, the present review does not include them, focussing instead on describing the findings of previous studies and supporting them with existing data. The analytical approach in the present paper is unique in that it uses data from the OECD database to provide evidence supporting or interrogating the findings of other studies.

5. Family Migration and Immigrant Women in the Labour Market

Family migration remains the most recorded category of entry into those four immigrant-hosting countries and is closely linked to labour migration, with a considerable proportion of women immigrants [50]. Family migrants face more challenges in terms of labour market integration than labour migrants who arrive directly for employment [54]. For family migrants, dedicated labour market entry is not readily available, and women, in particular, come from countries where employment for women is not customarily common [3]. Although family migrants expect to establish a better quality of family life in the host country, they are likely to encounter certain challenges. These challenges mainly include women being overqualified for some jobs and restricted access to the labour market due to family care responsibilities [55]. Immigrants encounter several challenges in accessing the labour market when the host country does not accept their home country’s qualifications [19]. This results in overqualification, where immigrants possess higher qualifications that are not recognised in the current labour market. This issue is more pronounced for women, as evidenced by the higher rate of paid care work, even among those with postgraduate qualifications in non-related fields [12]. Moreover, the family migration channel can be varied, including all ages from diverse countries. However, those of working age are often prominent because they are economically active in the host countries. Research shows that the labour market outcomes of family migrants are limited compared to labour migrants [56]. However, the overall quality of life and labour market outcomes of women in immigrant families tend to improve over time, albeit at a slow pace [15].

Family migration is closely associated with gender inequality, with women being greatly disadvantaged across OECD countries [11]. These immigrant women often migrate with men and face severe social, cultural, and economic hardships, particularly in terms of labour market integration. Cultural norms that confine women to caregiving responsibilities at home are one of the main barriers to labour market access [40]. Studies show that immigrant women are less likely to engage in full-time work when they have children and heightened care responsibilities [42]. This can also lead to overqualification and “brain waste,” where the educational credentials of immigrant women are not effectively translated into better labour market outcomes [19,57]. Often, they end up in jobs that require lower qualifications.

The USA is home to over 23 million immigrant women, the majority of whom have arrived from Mexico, India, China, and the Philippines [58]. The USA, being the top recipient of immigrants, accommodates a large number of employed immigrant women. These women, who are of working age, often migrate through the family migration channel [32]. They also tend to be more highly educated compared to native women. Immigrant women constitute 16% of the USA’s population, and their contribution to the care sector has been significant [32]. However, despite their similar or higher levels of educational qualifications, immigrant women in the labour force earn less compared to all other demographic categories, including both native and immigrant men, and native women [12]. The Bureau of Labor Statistics in the USA reports that women contribute significantly to the labour force, accounting for 64% of foreign-born workers [59]. However, immigrant women experience a higher rate of unemployment. In 2022, the unemployment rate for immigrant women was 3.7%, compared to 3.5% for native women [32]. Also, the employment rate for immigrant women was 62.2%, compared to 66% for native women. For immigrant men, it was 83.2%, and for native men, it was 72.9%. The gender gap is apparent in labour market entry, with the unemployment rate for immigrant men being 3.3% in 2022 (all statistics are from the OECD database on immigrants).

Women are less likely to be in the labour force compared to native women in all four countries, due to several reasons. These include the undervaluation of work carried out by women, a lack of language proficiency, a lack of access to legal support, and prevailing traditional gender norms for certain group of immigrant women [3,11]. Moreover, immigrant women are less likely to earn as much as native women and to occupy professional-level occupations [12]. As a result, they are disproportionately represented in service-related occupations, such as the care sector [60]. Research also shows that a considerable number of immigrant women in the USA hold higher educational credentials, but this is less often translated into better labour market outcomes, mainly because of several reasons including the motherhood penalty [12,60]. This has contributed to increased poverty among immigrant women, which may potentially be passed on to future generations [61].

Migration to Canada has also been dramatically increasing, with a record of 468,817 immigrants in 2023, many of whom arrived on family visas or as labour migrants [62]. Compared to the USA, the two-step migration system in Canada has encouraged highly educated immigrants to come to the country and work while studying simultaneously [63,64]. This approach is considered a vital method for selecting ideal future permanent residents of the country. Studies indicate that immigrants in the Canadian labour force outperform natives, with extended career lives even beyond the retirement age [65]. Over the past two decades, labour market outcomes for immigrants have improved, mainly due to policy adjustments, which have also contributed to reducing the gender gaps in labour market access [11]. Immigrant women recorded an employment rate of 70% in 2022, compared to 74% for native women. Unemployment was at 6.4%, a record high compared to 4.6% for native women. However, the labour force performance among immigrant men has gradually increased, with their labour force participation rising to 80.6% in 2022 and the unemployment rate at 5.5% [32].

In 2022, there were 4,200,630 immigrant women in the Canadian labour force. However, a notable gender gap existed in unemployment rates for immigrant women [66]. Similar to the USA, immigrant women’s access to professional and managerial-level occupations has been minimal, despite their higher educational qualifications [42,66]. Recent surveys also suggest that Asian women in Canada are increasingly distressed due to work-related reasons, such as overqualification and brain waste [66]. Most of those who immigrated to Canada are family-class migrants, and the family background of these immigrant women is a vital determinant of labour force participation. At the same time, women who had recently immigrated earned over 20% less in weekly earnings than native women. Even with some policy adjustments, such as the 2021 Pay Equity Act, this trend has continued to rise [67,68]. Studies also show that the gap in full-time employment between immigrant women and native women is widening, in favour of natives [12].

Several barriers persist that prevent immigrant women from effectively integrating into the Canadian labour force. Institutional barriers, such as delays in processing work permits and long waiting times for granting work permits to accompanying women, can disrupt better labour force access [69]. The lack of focus on the unique needs of immigrant women can also pose challenges. Structural barriers are also recognised as being prominent. These include a lack of necessary skills in the labour force and non-recognition of qualifications obtained in the home country, which can disrupt labour market access and career outcomes for immigrant women [70,71]. Several other sociocultural reasons have been described by studies, including gender norms and the motherhood penalty [72]. Immigrant women of working age who are childbearing tend to stay home and stay out of the labour force. This is partially caused by the high cost of childcare services available to immigrants [42,73,74].

The UK, similar to Canada, has received a large number of immigrants from its former colonies [15]. It hosts a considerable number of immigrants with higher educational credentials. However, some policy changes in recent years have led to negative outcomes in terms of allowing immigrants to enter the country, resulting in policy revisions in 2023 [75]. In 2022, immigrants made up 19% of the labour force, totalling 6.2 million immigrants [32]. While immigrant men were more likely to be employed than native men, immigrant women in the UK were less likely to be employed. Several factors shape the way immigrants integrate into the labour market, and data suggest that those who come from developing countries are severely disadvantaged [52,76]. For example, those who immigrated mainly from Asia and Africa are far less likely to be employed, primarily due to the unpaid care-work responsibilities associated with the traditional role of women, which is customarily valued over paid full-time work [77,78]. Like most developed countries, highly educated immigrant women in the UK are often overqualified for their jobs. Immigrant women often work in the cleaning and care sector without being given the chance to fully benefit from their educational qualifications [78]. Evidence across countries mainly shows that being a woman and a mother hinders immigrant women’s access to the labour market [12].

As of 2022, 70.2% of immigrant women were employed in the UK, while their unemployment rate stood at 5.5% (according to OECD data). Also, for effective labour force participation, certain barriers have been identified. These include issues related to language competence, a lack of recognition of foreign qualifications and work experiences, disproportionate responsibility for unpaid domestic care work, and traditional gender norms that prevent women from engaging in full-time paid work [77,79,80]. These reasons are quite similar across all long-term settlement countries. The “motherhood penalty” has also been recognised as a central obstacle for immigrant mothers, which is far worse compared to native mothers. This indicates that the immigrant identity is associated with motherhood, and both intersections can play a crucial role in determining access to the labour market.

Australia is a modern nation state, primarily built upon the arrival of immigrants. Australia has hosted both Western and non-Western immigrants at similar rates. Compared to Canada, the UK, and the USA, Australia has a robust and restrictive immigration policy that often favours highly educated immigrants who are capable of contributing to its economy [81,82,83]. Skilled and educated immigrants have been largely attracted to Australia, and even today, a large proportion of the labour market consists of immigrants. In 2023, Australia received 518,000 immigrants, a record increase from previous years [15]. The highly restrictive immigration policies in Australia have brought several advantages compared to other countries. The employment rate for immigrant women in Australia was 71%, compared to 75.4% for native women. The unemployment rate stood at 4.1% for immigrant women, and it was 3.5% for native women. The most common reason identified for women’s inability to access the labour market has been unpaid care responsibilities within the family [42]. Even though some policies were adopted in Australia, such as the skilled migration program, multicultural employment services, and the temporary work visa system, immigrant women have benefited less [12]. Similar to most OECD countries, immigrant women who come from developing countries face several difficulties in accessing the labour market [84].

Overall, in all four countries, a common issue is the gender gap in terms of labour market integration [11]. This gap can be attributed to several factors, including limited language competency, a lack of recognition of skills and educational qualifications obtained in the home country, and the impact of traditional gender norms that prevent women from engaging in full-time paid work. Previous research findings have identified the care penalty and the motherhood penalty as central factors preventing women from better labour market integration. This could lead to “brain waste,” where educational credentials are not effectively utilised in the labour market. This suggests that the intersection between building a family life and accessing the labour market can have a disadvantageous effect on immigrant women. The immigrant identity can exacerbate the severity of this effect.

6. Immigrant Mothers and the Motherhood Penalty

In all four countries, the integration of immigrants into their host countries has been a topic of ongoing policy debate [12,85]. Therein, labour market integration is often viewed as a crucial step since it represents the initial stage towards the economic stability of immigrant families. Despite the existence of numerous social and cultural integration strategies, labour market integration remains one of the key approaches for fostering social cohesion among immigrants in most OECD countries [86]. The role of women in this process is highly recognised, especially those of working age with high qualifications. Some studies also highlight the role of women in immigrant integration policies [87]. They are often considered the cornerstone of family life, and their influence on children is substantial. However, when immigrant women decide to start families, they may encounter obstacles in terms of access to better and effective labour market opportunities. Immigrant mothers are less likely than childless immigrant women to work full-time or earn high wages, as described in this review. Often, mothers find themselves involuntarily inactive, dedicating their time to unpaid care-work responsibilities [15].

Across all OECD countries, 52% of immigrant mothers aged 25–54 years participate in the labour market (2022/2023). However, a significant gap exists between these mothers and childless women. Research indicates that several factors contribute to this decreased labour market participation [72]. These include the motherhood penalty, a lack of host-country-based qualifications, limited language skills, a lack of information and social networks, and occasional discrimination [61,67,72]. Despite these challenges, childbearing and family building are the most significant factors leading to labour market exclusion, gender pay gaps, and hindrances to career mobility [11]. While studies show that gender inequality has been significantly reduced [11], motherhood and care penalties still present barriers to immigrant women’s labour market participation and career mobility. According to the 2019 EU Labour Force Survey, if mothers who are willing to participate in the labour force are facilitated, OECD countries could gain an additional 1.5 million workers [12]. This shows the far-reaching impact of the motherhood penalty on individuals and societies at large.

The most recent data (2023) for long-term settlement countries suggest that immigrant mothers are significantly disadvantaged compared to childless women, native individuals, and immigrant men in terms of labour force participation. Immigrant mothers with children aged 0 to 4 years experience an increased motherhood penalty. As their children grow older, these mothers are likely to re-enter the labour force, albeit with issues such as decreased pay and overqualification. In Canada, the employment gap between mothers and childless women was −18 percentage points. The gaps were −16, −17, and −15 for the UK, the USA, and Australia, respectively. These figures indicate that the motherhood penalty severely affects immigrant mothers compared to those who do not have children. Figure 1 illustrates the differences in employment between parents and childless men and women (according to OECD data on immigrants, 2024).

Figure 1 demonstrates that women, particularly immigrant mothers, are significantly disadvantaged in terms of labour market participation compared to all other categories. The situation is most severe in Canada, despite the presence of a large number of highly educated immigrant women. In Australia, no gap was observed for both native and immigrant men. Furthermore, compared to all other countries, the gap between native and immigrant women in Australia is considerably smaller.

Motherhood cannot be confined to a broad category, as it varies among single mothers, mothers in couples, and mothers with varying numbers of children. For instance, the number of children an immigrant woman has, can determine the extent of the motherhood penalty. Family formation itself can also decrease women’s participation in the labour market, even before they become mothers. Motherhood also negatively impacts the earnings of immigrant mothers, as will be discussed later in this review. Overall, immigrant mothers with children aged between 0 and 4 years are employed to a certain extent, yet a significant gap is observed between native women and immigrant women, as depicted in Figure 2. In all four countries, more than 70% of native mothers are employed, with Canada reporting 78%. However, for immigrant mothers, the employment rate is 60%. The USA reports a 51% labour market participation rate for immigrant mothers. However, the rate of inactivity among mothers is reported at 47% in the USA, 35% in Canada, and 40% in the UK. All of these figures indicate that motherhood has negative implications for immigrant women in terms of labour market participation.

OECD data indicate that the motherhood penalty increases with the number of children in a family, and this effect is particularly significant for immigrant women. For instance, in the USA, the UK, and Australia, mothers with two or more children are disproportionately disadvantaged compared to childless women. In Australia, native mothers with two or more children are unemployed at a higher rate compared to other countries, but the severity is even greater for immigrant mothers. Maternal employment decreases immediately after childbirth, and over time, women are sometimes likely to reintegrate into the labour market. As their children grow older, immigrant mothers often return to employment. However, this is not a complete recovery for labour market integration, as they often end up in jobs that do not require higher qualifications. This suggests that even though they return to the labour force, the motherhood penalty continues to impact the financial stability and career mobility of immigrant women.

Figure 3 illustrates that while the labour market entry of mothers with children in different age cohorts is gradually increasing, immigrant mothers are participating less compared to native mothers. However, as children grow older, a higher rate of labour market participation can be observed in every country. In Canada and Australia, this rate was recorded at very high percentage points. Therefore, the age of children is a significant factor that influences mothers’ labour market participation. However, these data do not indicate which sectors of the job market are open to immigrant mothers.

Motherhood alone cannot be considered the sole determinant that leads immigrant women to withdraw from the labour market, nor is it the only factor associated with negative consequences. Several other determinants, linked with motherhood, collectively act as barriers to effective labour market integration. These include individual characteristics such as the level of education, country of origin, years since immigration, and levels of personal aspirations [55,88]. Among these, educational credentials play a crucial role in shaping how immigrant mothers perceive their roles as mothers and workers in the labour force. Data from OECD countries show that highly educated mothers, or those with secondary or higher levels of educational qualifications, have significantly higher employment rates, whereas less educated immigrant mothers are less often employed [32]. Some studies also show that less educated immigrants are often employed because they find jobs in the labour force that do not require higher qualifications, even without considering motherhood [19,89].

Therefore, the level of education is a predictor of labour market integration and re-entry into the labour force after childbearing for immigrant mothers. Compared to native women, the intersection of immigration identity, motherhood, and being a woman can create several disadvantages for immigrant women. This suggests that the motherhood penalty can be moderated by educational credentials, where highly educated immigrant women have a chance to re-enter the labour force [15].

Despite this, some studies show that immigrant mothers have a lower employment return on education compared to natives. This could be because their educational qualifications are not recognised in the host country or they lack the necessary qualifications to meet labour market requirements [89]. Additionally, immigrant mothers often find themselves limited to a certain number of jobs compared to men. For example, in all four countries, ‘female occupations’ are associated with better working conditions rather than higher pay [11]. This is particularly true in the care sector, where the emotional labour of women is valued. Most mothers end up in the paid care-work sector, which offers better working conditions and easy entry but not necessarily better pay.

After childbirth, securing better-paying jobs becomes more challenging, and women are given fewer opportunities in the labour market due to potential losses during parental leave. As a result, mothers are often drawn to a certain set of low-paid jobs, such as those in the care sector [42]. For instance, in Canada and the USA, immigrant mothers are disproportionately represented in both cleaning and care-services-related jobs. Furthermore, mothers are less likely to engage in full-time work but are more likely to take on part-time jobs due to heavy unpaid care responsibilities at home.

Studies indicate that gender norms particularly influence the motherhood penalty for Asian immigrants, as Asians often view motherhood in terms of close care responsibilities within the household [66]. Compared to the other three countries, Australia shows a lower level of motherhood penalty, primarily because a large number of immigrant mothers there are highly educated. Cooke [90] also indicated that the motherhood penalty, influenced by gender norms, impacts career development in all four countries, even affecting the gender pay gap in the labour market for immigrants. Although gender norms and the motherhood penalty may vary across countries for immigrants, research illustrates that these two factors are closely linked [25]. The cultural upbringing of immigrants can affect how they perceive motherhood, which in turn can moderate how they integrate into the labour market [12].

7. Implications of the Motherhood Penalty

The implications of the motherhood penalty among immigrant women can vary significantly across selected countries. Some studies show that the motherhood penalty in the USA is not the primary obstacle to immigrant women’s labour market access [91]. Instead, it is exacerbated by ethnicity-related challenges such as forced separation, deportation, and racism [92]. Mothers from Mexico and Latin America are particularly impacted by this [91]. However, the higher levels of education among Asian mothers have enabled them to surmount the barriers faced by other immigrant mothers [93]. Although mothers, on average, earn less than women without children, this wage gap is even more pronounced for immigrant women. These women often bear the heavy burden of their immigrant identity as they strive to navigate their host society [12].

Therefore, the motherhood penalty does not follow a universal pattern. It can be influenced by various factors, such as age, race, education, marital status, and the number of children a mother has. Interestingly, some studies indicate that partnered lesbian mothers may experience a motherhood premium compared to heterosexual women [94]. Abrego and Cecilia [95] found a close association between the motherhood penalty and legal violence stemming from restrictive immigration laws. These laws hinder immigrant women’s ability to fulfil the socially prescribed expectations of motherhood, leading to suffering and family separation. For instance, the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 limited immigrant women’s ability to care for their children and restricted their access to the labour force. Lightman [42] also illustrates the interconnectedness between the care penalty and immigration-related factors, which significantly impact immigrant women in the USA. As suggested, immigrant women are often likely to work in the care sector, disproportionately entering low-status, low-wage care work. This can result in additional wage penalties compared to native-born women.

Immigrant mothers in the UK also find themselves at the intersection between labour force participation and care responsibilities [96,97]. While this is true for all mothers with the potential to enter the labour force, the motherhood penalty is more pronounced for immigrant mothers [43]. The UK, a country with a long history of receiving immigrants, has welcomed a highly educated and skilled workforce over the past few decades. However, those who immigrated from Asia constitute a large majority of immigrants, and the motherhood penalty is seen to increase [51].

Some indicate that the identity associated with migration interferes with the labour market access of immigrant mothers in the UK [51]. Women who migrated to the UK through family migration channels often strive to find jobs, yet they often do not find suitable employment that reflects their educational qualifications [12]. Among several other reasons, childcare responsibilities prevent immigrant mothers from effectively integrating into the labour force [43,51]. Despite their qualifications and previous career skills, some immigrant women have not been able to break out of traditional gender roles. They often prioritise family harmony and the success of their husband’s career over their own employment success [98,99]. The motherhood penalty can vary among different ethnic groups, and thus, some face little labour market disadvantage [51]. This is primarily due to their cultural beliefs on gender roles and level of education [100]. For example, Bangladeshi and Pakistani immigrant women are considered greatly disadvantaged mainly because they are compelled to continue traditional gender roles, which prevent them from accessing the labour market [101].

Although there have not been a sufficient number of studies conducted, immigrant mothers in Australia face challenges related to labour force participation and the pay gap [102]. Liamputtong [103] argues that immigrant mothers are doubly marginalised, both as immigrants and as mothers. This marginalisation can have a negative impact on their ability to access the labour market. Similar to the situation in other host countries, traditional gender role beliefs may prevent immigrant women from accessing the labour market effectively. Research show that these women are often seen as the ‘Keepers of Morality’ for their families, with a strong sense of care and responsibility for their children. Liamputtong [104] shows that, despite certain barriers, becoming a mother is seen as a confirmation of womanhood and a source of subjective well-being, even though it greatly restricts their personal freedom and access to the labour market.

Since most of these mothers are not effectively integrated into the labour market, they are economically disempowered, which might prevent them from realizing their other life objectives [105]. Some also show that the motherhood penalty in the Australian context is not always a personal problem but is grounded in a vast system in the country that impacts the entire social system, including economic loss [106]. Australian data also indicate that mothers, in general, dedicate a lot of time to care work, potentially disrupting their full-time work [32].

Canada has also welcomed a diverse group of immigrants who are considered an important source of labour. However, recent studies indicate that these immigrant women are often overqualified and dissatisfied with their access to the labour market and their earnings [66]. Generally, raising children involves more than just childcare responsibilities; it also incurs monetary costs, including the motherhood earnings gap [107,108]. This is particularly true for immigrant mothers in Canada. Compared to native mothers, immigrant mothers in Canada face a severe level of motherhood penalty. The employment gap between mothers and children aged 0 to 4 years is as high as 30 percentage points, one of the largest gaps observed in all four host countries [11,12]. Recent studies also show that the motherhood penalty has impacted Asian women in Canada, limiting their effective access to the labour market and preventing them from benefiting from their educational qualifications [66]. Such similar studies show that there is a link between delayed motherhood and declining fertility rates among highly educated mothers in Canada. As a result, a severe motherhood penalty is observed in terms of employment access, career progression, and earnings when compared to natives.

Overall, the motherhood penalty is apparent in all four of these host countries, with certain differences. A limited number of existing studies in all four countries suggest that immigrant mothers face disproportionate disadvantages in terms of overall labour force participation and do not benefit as much from their educational credentials as men and native women do. The labour force participation of immigrant mothers in all four countries has decreased, mainly due to care responsibilities. When subsidised childcare and social support are available for immigrant families, they are likely to focus on childcare and family prosperity while considering full-time work [12]. Fendel et.al. [109] thus show that a lack of adequate public childcare support can delay immigrant mothers’ return to the labour force after childbirth, and they often do so only when grandparents are available to support childcare. Therefore, providing early childhood care facilities has been recognised in all four countries as a vital policy approach to reduce the impacts of the motherhood penalty.

8. Addressing the Motherhood Penalty and Policy Responses

The unavailability of subsidised public childcare facilities and a lack of social support can hinder women’s return to the labour force after childbirth, and traditional gender norms can encourage certain groups of immigrant women to restrict themselves to household responsibilities, which is particularly pronounced among Asian immigrants [12,109]. For most host countries, childbearing and family formation go in parallel, which disproportionately affects immigrant mothers in terms of labour force participation and due pay, leading to several other issues such as economic disempowerment and brain waste [15]. However, in order to address the problems of the motherhood penalty and facilitate better labour market access for immigrant mothers, Australia, Canada, the UK, and the USA have implemented some social policies. Those policies have mainly focused on removing barriers for immigrant mothers to access the labour force and designing mechanisms to build trust with immigrant mothers and effectively engage them through customised care programmes [11].

One of the main barriers to labour force participation for immigrant mothers is the excessive childcare burden. At the same time, the lack of integration support and ineligibility for formal full-time work can prevent access to the labour market. In all four countries, these two obstacles have been identified as being more pronounced [12]. Although childcare is usually a problem for natives as well, they are aware of available support and can navigate the problems in comparison to immigrants, who often have limited support and a lack of awareness. Considering all these reasons, some policy adjustments have been established.

For example, providing opportunities for immigrant parents to learn the host society’s language, legal systems, and naturalisation process could elevate their awareness of access to childcare support, which might include the process of obtaining leave, parental rights, access to part-time work, and childhood education [110]. Some countries also promote integration activities in which both mothers and children can participate together [20]. Focusing on subsidised childcare arrangements is another policy approach in all four countries, where children of immigrant mothers are provided with subsidised childcare, allowing mothers to return to full-time work.

As studies show, soon after the arrival of immigrant women, they focus on family building and childbearing, even though they are largely unaware of the support systems [11,15]. This can prevent them from benefiting from the available resources. Therefore, facilitating newly immigrated women and mothers has become another policy priority in all those countries. For example, in Australia, integration programs are embedded in pre-school settings, simultaneously targeting both children and parents [16]. Community hubs in Australia also provide opportunities for immigrant families to become well familiarised with the Australian community, with a particular focus on immigrant women [20]. Even though this area of policy approaches has yet to emerge fully, bridging the gap between immigrant mothers and the host society is considered vital for the effective labour market integration of immigrant mothers.

Moreover, mothers who come from countries where women are traditionally excluded from the labour market, while also emphasising care-work responsibilities, may require additional support to integrate into the labour market. For instance, in Canada, the “Career Pathways for Racialized Newcomer Women” programme (started in 2019) is an approach that helps these immigrant women effectively navigate labour market trajectories [111]. This is particularly important for those who are highly educated, so they can understand how to translate their educational qualifications into better labour market outcomes.

Even though all three of these areas are addressed by all four countries, each country has introduced specific policy adjustments and approaches. Canada has long been considering the effective integration of immigrant mothers into the labour market, especially since it has received a substantial number of immigrant women with higher educational credentials [111]. When these women have children, their contribution to the labour market is likely to be substantially reduced. The Immigrant Settlement and Adaptation Programme (ISAP) is one of the policy approaches that focuses on providing employment assistance to help newcomers find jobs that match their skills and experiences [112]. Furthermore, the Canadian Childcare Benefit programme (started in 2016) is directly focused on the effects of the motherhood penalty and provides financial assistance to low-income families, including immigrant families, to access affordable childcare services [20]. This enables migrant mothers to participate in the workforce. At the same time, the Temporary Foreign Worker Programme (revised as of 2021 to include more than seven hundred thousand temporary foreign workers) allows immigrant mothers to work in Canada by providing them with work permits and pathways to permanent residence [113].

The USA has also implemented several programmes to facilitate the integration of mothers into the labour force. The Refugee Resettlement Program is one such initiative (since 1980), which includes provisions for immigrant mothers in terms of language training, vocational training, and job placement assistance to help refugee mothers find employment opportunities [114]. The Childcare and Development Block Grant (reauthorised in 2014) offers financial aid for childcare services to low-income households, including immigrant families, enabling immigrant mothers to pursue employment [115]. Moreover, the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA-2012) programme grants temporary work permits and protection from deportation to eligible undocumented mothers, allowing them to actively participate in the labour market [116].

In addition to focusing on refugee women in particular, the UK also provides certain facilities for immigrant mothers, such as financial assistance for working families to access affordable childcare services, enabling mothers to join the labour force [15]. The Skilled Worker Visa Programme also allows skilled immigrant mothers to work in the UK, providing them with work permits and pathways to settlement. However, overall, it is clear that no adequate policy interventions have been established specifically focusing on the intersections between migration and the motherhood penalty.

9. Conclusions

The purpose of the present scoping review was to highlight how the motherhood penalty affects immigrant women’s labour market integration in four OECD countries. The economic stability of family life relies on labour market integration, mainly for immigrants. However, one of the main barriers to better labour market integration for immigrant women is having children and attending to care responsibilities. In general, mothers are less likely to be hired for employment, even though they are as competent as men, with the same or even higher educational credentials. Immigrant mothers are greatly disadvantaged because of the motherhood penalty, often excluding them from better labour market opportunities. Furthermore, for men, having children is likely to increase their labour market access, and they tend to be paid more after they become fathers. Therefore, the gender pay gap and access to the labour market can widen with parenthood, which often translates into favourability for men with children rather than for immigrant mothers.

The motherhood penalty is more visible in all OECD countries, yet the impact on immigrant mothers is more pronounced in longstanding destination countries where immigrants have been settled for over fifty years. Among these countries, Australia, Canada, the UK, and the USA host a considerably high number of immigrants, and gender inequality in terms of labour market integration is more apparent. The motherhood penalty is far worse for immigrant women in these countries compared to native mothers. Since immigrant mothers are key agents of intergenerational educational mobility, their absence from the labour market can negatively affect future generations.

In the four countries under consideration, the labour market outcomes for immigrant women are notably low. Several factors contribute to this, including limited language proficiency, traditional gender norms that prevent groups of immigrant women from working full-time, and institutional barriers such as delays in processing work permits. At the same time, childbearing during the working years hinders immigrant women’s access to the labour market, primarily due to the scarcity of publicly available childcare services. This situation forces women to prioritise care responsibilities in their immigrant lives, disrupting their career mobility. In addition to the motherhood penalty, factors such as the absence of host-country-based educational credentials, non-recognition of home-country qualifications, occasional discrimination, a lack of social support, and institutional arrangements can reduce the labour market participation of mothers. This reduction is more pronounced for Asian immigrant mothers in the four countries included in this review.

Among the several factors that negatively affect the effective incorporation of immigrant women into the labour market, the motherhood penalty stands out prominently. Although immigrant women, in general, are likely to access the labour market, they often face challenges such as overqualification, where their level of education does not match their current employment. This mismatch can lead to brain waste. Moreover, the motherhood penalty is not the sole reason for the exclusion of immigrant women from the labour market. Its effect can be moderated by factors such as the country of origin and the level of education. At the same time, immigrant women without children benefit significantly more from accessing the labour market compared to immigrant mothers. Balancing family life as mothers while integrating into the labour force has thus become a conundrum, with motherhood posing a penalty for immigrant women in many ways.

The motherhood penalty can hinder the labour market integration of immigrant mothers, despite their higher educational qualifications. Several factors contribute to this issue, including limited access to subsidised childcare, insufficient social support, and traditional gender norms favouring men. These challenges are particularly pronounced among Asian immigrant mothers, leading to economic disempowerment and underutilization of their skills, commonly referred to as brain waste. To address these barriers, countries like Australia, Canada, the USA, and the UK have implemented various policies to facilitate immigrant mothers’ entry into the workforce. These measures include language and legal-system education, subsidised childcare, and integration programmes for both mothers and children. In addition, some programmes in Canada and the USA focus on employment assistance and financial support for childcare, while Australia and the UK offer integration and settlement services. However, there is a need for more targeted policies that address the unique challenges faced by immigrant mothers to ensure their effective and equitable participation in the labour market. These policies should aim to provide comprehensive support, addressing issues such as childcare accessibility, social support networks, and overcoming traditional gender norms that may hinder their career advancement.