Accepting Different Faiths: Insights from Religious Narratives of Individuals with Intellectual Disabilities in Poland

Abstract

There is a dearth of research on how people with intellectual disabilities perceive different faiths, both their own and other people’s. The aim of this study was to explore certain aspects of religious identification among adults with intellectual disabilities: their declared affiliation with a specific denomination, their perceptions and subjective knowledge constituting the image of a “good follower”, their self-assessment, and their attitudes toward representatives of other denominations. In 2023, interviews were conducted with 34 adults with intellectual disabilities in three Polish cities to achieve this aim. The study was of an inclusive character and involved co-researchers with intellectual disabilities who participated in designing the research, conducting the interviews and the analysis. We found that people with intellectual disabilities do not always know how to define their religious affiliation and have limited knowledge and experience in relationships with individuals of different faiths, and their attitudes toward such individuals are varied. Nonetheless, they engage in various forms of religious activity.

1. Introduction

In the early 2000s, researchers wrote about the insufficient understanding of the spiritual/religious life of individuals with intellectual disabilities (Intellectual disability is characterized by limitations in both intellectual functioning and adaptive behaviors, and occurs before the age of 22 [1]) [2,3], highlighting the importance of exploring this issue. Over time, interest in this topic has grown, but it appears that approaches that include the voices of individuals with intellectual disabilities remain less widespread. In available empirical resources, this issue is addressed from three perspectives: (1) social, focusing on significant others of individuals with intellectual disabilities, including their parents and specialists [4,5,6,7,8,9,10]; (2) theology of disability, aiming to understand the essence of disability and explain its place in Christian teaching [11,12,13]; (3) participatory, reflecting the experiences of individuals with intellectual disabilities [3,8,14,15,16,17,18,19]. These perspectives intersect, providing a more comprehensive view of the issue cf. [20].

Understanding the social background of individuals with intellectual disabilities, including supporting and limiting factors, allows for a more accurate interpretation of their experiences. Discussions from the perspective of the theology of disability provide a basis for recognizing the spiritual needs of individuals with intellectual disabilities and appreciating the importance of this aspect of life for its quality, as well as understanding the limitations and difficulties they face (cf. [21]). In this study, however, the last perspective—participatory—is of key importance. Its essence lies in the active participation of individuals with intellectual disabilities in research, where they can act as both subjects and co-researchers, sharing their knowledge that reflects their spiritual/religious life experiences. Research results show that belief in God (or a supernatural force) is common among these individuals, and religious and spiritual practices form an important part of their lives [3,18,22,23,24]. They have various opportunities to practice their faith, which depends on many factors, including personal and environmental [3,18,23,25,26].

Religious/spiritual activity positively influences the quality and satisfaction of life for individuals with intellectual disabilities [20,25,27]. It helps them cope with difficult life situations such as illness, experiencing limitations, and loss, providing a sense of support and security and offering behavioral guidelines [3,15,16,17,18,19,28]. Research involving individuals with intellectual disabilities has revealed significant themes indicating the strengthening of social identity based on religion. In sociology, belonging to a religious group and sharing its beliefs, as well as forms of individual and community activity, is understood to provide a basis for self-esteem and bonds with other group members [29].

Research on the experiences of individuals with intellectual disabilities highlights their recognition of belonging to a religious community, such as Catholics, Protestants, or Christians [3], providing a sense of comfort, meaning, and integration [24,30], strengthening personal and religious identity, and providing a sense of belonging to a group of individuals with disabilities with specific social experiences [3,14,31,32,33]. In the context of religious communal experiences that meet many psychosocial needs of individuals, it is worth mentioning the change in the perspective of perceiving one’s own disability, giving it a special, positive meaning (disability as a gift) [18]. There is evidence to suppose that people with intellectual disabilities may have clearly defined religious beliefs and associate them with various symbols [23]. Interestingly, these individuals can formulate certain commitments as members of a specific religion [3], which can presumably serve as a reference point for evaluating their own and others’ behavior.

2. Aim

The aim of this study was to explore certain aspects of religious identification among adults with intellectual disabilities. This included their declared affiliation with a specific denomination/religion, their perceptions and subjective knowledge constituting the image of a “good follower”, their self-assessment, and their attitudes toward representatives of other denominations/religions. The latter aspect, based on an assessment of the available literature, appears to be understudied in the context of the experiences of individuals with intellectual disabilities.

Smith [21] and Carter [27] emphasized the need to prioritize the voices of individuals with intellectual disabilities regarding their religious experiences. This study was conducted from a participatory perspective. Individuals with intellectual disabilities participated as both co-researchers and subjects of the research.

3. Materials and Methods

3.1. Study Design

The key assumption in the adopted research paradigm was that individuals with intellectual disabilities are not passive providers or recipients of knowledge but are critically engaged in its creation [34]. This becomes possible when they take on the roles of co-researchers, are prepared for these roles, and are supported in their execution. The scope and type of tasks they undertake are a matter of negotiation based on personal motivation and competencies [35]. The adopted paradigm creates space for sharing personal experiences, and the knowledge derived from these experiences becomes a significant added value to the project. Utilizing the experiences of co-researchers with disabilities can take place at various stages of the research process, including planning the research topics and methods and recruiting the study group, and throughout the remaining stages, such as data analysis. A crucial principle of inclusive research is flexibility, meaning that non-disabled researchers make every effort to adapt the research process to the capabilities of co-researchers with intellectual disabilities and research participants with intellectual disabilities [36]. In this project, individuals with intellectual disabilities were involved in specifying the research subject (the subject was formulated by one of the co-researchers with disability), detailing this subject into interview questions, selecting the participants, conducting the interviews, and evaluating the organization of the material subjected to thematic analysis.

3.2. Research Team

In 2022, three academic researchers from two Polish universities initiated a research and educational collaboration with two organizations involved in the social and vocational rehabilitation of individuals with intellectual disabilities. The first stage of this collaboration was training for prospective co-researchers who agreed to participate (13 individuals, including seven self-advocates). The training covered topics related to scientific research and activities aimed at enhancing the social competencies of the trainees [37]. Following the training, the Empowered Voices Group was established, consisting of nine co-researchers with intellectual disabilities. To date, this group has conducted three research projects, including the project titled “Faith, Religion, Person”, the results of which are partially presented in this article. Additionally, with the active participation of the co-researchers, training sessions related to one of the projects were conducted for individuals with intellectual disabilities. The results of the projects have been disseminated in various forms, including easy-to-read texts published in a national journal and presented at scientific conferences.

3.3. Data Collection

Individual semi-structured interviews were used in this research. The interview questionnaire covered topics related to the religious beliefs and activities of individuals with intellectual disabilities, as well as their attitudes toward people who practice a different faith than the one they profess. Example questions were as follows: Can you tell me about your faith? What do you think about people who practice a different faith than yours?

The interviews were conducted by academic researchers along with co-researchers with disabilities. Each interview team included one academic researcher and 1–3 co-researchers with intellectual disabilities. In the beginning, the interviewees were informed by the co-researchers about the purpose of the research and the recording of the interviews and were assured of the voluntary nature of participation and the possibility of withdrawing at any stage. They were also informed about the possibility of obtaining additional explanations in case of difficulties. Consent was obtained in written form on a previously prepared sheet approved by the co-researchers with disabilities. Example questions included the following: How did you come to believe in God? Can you name your denomination? What are the characteristics of a good Catholic? Do you consider yourself a good Catholic? Why? What is your opinion of people who practice faiths different from yours?

All interviews were recorded with the consent of the participants. The duration of the interviews ranged from 25 to 60 min. During the interviews, follow-up questions were asked when needed, and clarifications were sought to ensure the accuracy of understanding the responses. After conducting the interviews, there was time for a discussion among all the researchers.

3.4. Participants

Recruitment was conducted in four rehabilitation and sheltered employment institutions across three Polish cities: Lublin, Ostróda, and Elbląg. These locations were chosen based on their accessibility to the co-researchers with intellectual disabilities, as they were close to where they lived or to institutions whose services they utilized. In brief meetings with the management of these institutions, the project’s scope was presented. After obtaining the managers’ consent, individual meetings were held with persons with intellectual disabilities to introduce the research group, explain the research project, and inform them about the voluntary nature of participation. The recruitment process included the following criteria: (1) being at least 18 years old as the formal criterion for adulthood, (2) having a diagnosis of intellectual disability, and (3) possessing the competence to provide informed consent to participate in the research. The recruitment did not consider the presence of additional disorders. The process included individuals who had the ability to communicate verbally (considering articulation difficulties) and who expressed a willingness to share their experiences.

Overall, interviews were conducted with 34 individuals with intellectual disabilities, ranging in age from 19 to 65 years old (M = 39). Among the participants, there were 13 men. Twenty-eight individuals lived in the city, most commonly with their parents—either both or one of them. Only three individuals lived independently—two in a city and one in a rural setting, with one of them receiving assistance from a support worker. Six individuals worked in a vocational development center, while the remaining participants attended occupational therapy workshops.

4. Ethics

The approval for the project “Nothing About Us Without Us: Inclusive Research Involving Individuals with Intellectual Disabilities” was granted by The Scientific Research Ethics Committee of the University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn (DECISION No. 4/2022). In accordance with the principles of inclusive research, the following guidelines were ensured: (1) informed and voluntary participation of co-researchers and participants at every stage, (2) the accessibility of material and information tailored to the cognitive abilities of individuals with intellectual disabilities, and (3) the use of methods, forms, and means that maximally activate the potential of co-researchers and participants. The application to the Ethics Committee was prepared by the academic researchers.

5. Data Analysis

We utilized reflexive thematic analysis [38] to explore the data gathered from the interviews. This analysis was conducted in six phases. First, the authors of the manuscript became acquainted with the dataset (stage 1). They then coded the data by pinpointing segments that seemed relevant and significant (stage 2). Following this, they created preliminary themes by clustering codes that reflected similar concepts or ideas (stage 3). They then developed and reviewed these themes (stage 4), further refined, defined, and named them (stage 5), and ultimately compiled the findings into a report (stage 6). The conclusions presented in this report stem from analyses carried out by researchers without disabilities, which were separate from those performed in collaboration with researchers with intellectual disabilities. This analysis includes a portion of the material collected from the interviews, specifically focusing on participants’ faith, understanding, and openness to people of other faiths. Co-researchers with intellectual disabilities provided verbal consent for the use of this material, were informed about this article, and were given the opportunity to share their views on it.

6. Findings

Four superordinate themes were generated in the process of analysis: (1) Identification with a Religious Denomination/Religion, (2) The model of a good Catholic, (3) Me as a good Catholic, (4) Openness to people of other faiths, followed by several constituent themes (

Table 1. Superodrinate and constituent themes.

Identification with a Religious Denomination/Religion

Low awareness Seeking connection to family roots High awareness and identification with a specific denomination

The model of a good Catholic

Religious practices—faith, prayer, and attending church Good deeds and positive traits Spreading faith

Me as a good Catholic

Possession of material symbols of faith affiliation

Observance of fasting

Participation in services, receiving sacraments, and prayer

Celebration of holidays

Reading the Holy Bible

Openness to people of other faiths

Varied awareness of the existence of people of different faiths Attitude of tolerance toward religious diversity Indifference Acceptance derived from one’s own faith Conditional acceptance Lack of acceptance toward people of other faiths “Imperative” of faith

).

6.1. Identification with a Religious Denomination/Religion

For the participants, identifying their religious affiliation was not easy. Many of them could not specify what their denomination or religion was, which may have resulted from gaps in knowledge—such as not knowing the appropriate term (Catholisation, 25-F27) or having trouble recalling it. As it turned out, asking additional questions usually helped participants clarify their affiliation:

I practice church religion… [And what is our faith called?] Our faith is… umm… Catholic, right?

(8-F45)

[Are you a Catholic?] No. A Christian, I think…

(27-M49)

Definitely not one of those that come and try to convince us of their faith. Not that one.

(34-F45)

Attempts to define their affiliation were accompanied by references to family roots:

The family believes, but they don’t practice their religion much. I think Dad is of the evangelical faith, and mom is Catholic. I don’t know much… Dad probably converted to that faith to be able to get married. We were probably baptized in the evangelical church, and then I think mom moved us to the Catholic one… I know that in the evangelical church there is a pastor. But I haven’t delved into what it’s all about… In the Catholic one, there is a priest. When I was younger, I used to go to church. To the Catholic one, because the evangelical one is farther away.

(23-F28)

Other participants stated that they were Catholics, professed Catholicism, and would not want to change their faith. They also knew the term atheist and related it to a non-believer.

I still profess Catholicism […] because I don’t want to change my faith.

(4-M35)

Yes, a Catholic believes in God. There is the Catholic faith. Like Kolbe, the one who wore that hat.

(32-M47)

My faith is Christianity, Catholicism. My family is also religious, but I have one uncle who is an atheist. He is the husband of my aunt, who is also a believer but now she doesn’t go to church because of him.

(1-M19)

Roman Catholic.

(9-M45)

It was also interesting to note the connection between national identity and religious affiliation, which appears in the statement of one of the participants: I am Polish, so I profess the Catholic religion. It’s obvious.

(16-F49)

6.2. The Model of a Good Catholic

From the participants’ statements, a certain model of a “good Catholic” emerges, consisting of several dimensions that include behaviors, activities, and personal traits. A good Catholic takes on commitments stemming from the doctrine of the Church (faith, prayer, and attending church), performs good deeds for others, exhibits positive qualities in interpersonal relationships, and works to spread the faith.

The participants emphasized the necessity of attending church, participating in services, and praying:

To believe in God and go to church.

(12-F31)

It means praying every day and going to church every Sunday.

(34-F45)

That means going to church, attending various events like Corpus Christi, not Corpus Christi, umm… well… Pentecost, going to communion, receiving the sacrament of penance, and to…

(6-F34)

A good Catholic prays, goes to church. You can also pray at home. Keeps God in their heart.

(21-F31)

In the envisioned model of a good Catholic, faith in God and trust in Him also play a role:

That you have to be a believer. And be helpful and have trust. [In whom?] In God.

(10-F24)

It means to believe in God.

(11-F50)

One participant’s statement highlighted a kind of faith that provided hope for achieving expected blessings, such as health and well-being:

A Catholic should believe in God. That if they ask for something… I’m talking about prayer. That if they ask for something, then God, for example, after some time, longer or shorter, wants to fulfill it… When I went […] with such faith that really, the Mother of God would heal me, and indeed, I didn’t have an attack for a long time. So, faith! Faith that this person will do that. Faith is the most important thing, because without it, nothing will happen. Whether we go to communion or not, or only go to church on holidays, it doesn’t matter. Faith is the most important here.

(18-F54)

The image of a good Catholic also includes a commitment to doing good for others, for example, helping them financially:

A good Catholic means to pray, attend church, and participate in donations.

(2-F39)

A good Catholic means to […] support other people who are in need. For example, sometimes in church there are collections for someone who is very ill. And they collect money. I don’t mind throwing in 2 zlotys for the collection or giving it in the basket. Because I know it will be used well.

(19-M24)

As the interviewees were convinced, being a good Catholic also involved positive behavior toward others and, more broadly, adhering to rules of social coexistence:

To treat other people with kind words, not like some do. Not to curse. Not to use various things that young people do.

(12-F31)

Well, simply to be kind to another person, to help. To be understanding if someone needs support. If they are sad or overwhelmed, you just need to approach that person and ask if they need someone to talk to.

(16-F49)

Sometimes the issue of good deeds was not specified: To be a good Catholic means to convey your faith in everyday life through good deeds.

(9-M45)

Some participants believed that a Catholic’s commitment was to spreading the faith. They emphasized the responsibility and authenticity related to this:

A good Catholic can share with less believing people what they themselves believe, but it cannot be false, just said out of the blue; one must prepare for such a conversation…

(17-F35)

6.3. Me as a Good Catholic

Self-assessment of one’s own engagement in faith was based on several dimensions defined both by the religious symbols one possessed and by the forms of activity undertaken and the adherence to commitments. The participants declared the presence of symbols in their homes, often items that confirmed their participation in the sacraments of First Communion or Confirmation. These symbols held significance for family traditions and prayers, symbolizing religious facts:

I have a cross above the door in the hallway. My grandmother, when she was still alive, went to church and instilled various church-related things in me. We are a Catholic family, and we try to cultivate that somehow.

(16-F49)

I have a cross from my confirmation that I wear around my neck. And one hangs by my bed […] to pray before sleeping.

(12-F31)

I have a picture of an angel from my First Communion, and for me, it’s the most important keepsake. Because it’s like accepting another person into your heart. […] The symbol of the cross is for me a symbol of suffering. Because the Lord Jesus was nailed to the cross, and He suffered for us, and Mum always repeats that everyone carries their own cross.

(17-F35)

Sometimes, these symbols affirm the religious affiliation of the household members:

I have pictures, I have a cross. I have a framed picture that I hung in my room, and the cross is in the hallway. The priest will come for the house blessing to see that we have them.

(15-M48)

Occasionally, the possession of material symbols of faith is not grounded in an awareness of their significance:

And I have this little cross [points to the cross]. [Why do you wear this little cross?] Because I had my confirmation. [What does it mean to you?] I don’t know, because my mom said that when I had my confirmation, I should be a wise girl.

(10-F24)

In fulfilling the commandments of the Catholic faith, participants engaged in various commitments and activities. Observing fasting was common. It was primarily understood in terms of abstaining from certain foods, less often as reducing food intake, and rarely as related to other accompanying commitments, such as prayer, silence, and others.

I try not to eat sausages; I try to eat fish, herring, cod, mackerel. I try to do it like everyone else.

(16-F49)

I don’t eat sweets during Lent, and I have to eat only one full meal.

(10-F24)

You don’t dance, you don’t have fun, and you don’t drink alcohol.

(8-F45)

It was common to declare participation in church events, masses, and services and to receive the sacraments. Also, prayers, practiced in church and at home, turned out to be important for some interviewees.

I go to church every Sunday. For example, when there is a rosary, I used to go. Stations of the Cross, May devotions, June devotions, everything.

(13-F45)

I go to church every Sunday, usually at 4:00 PM. I pray too. Not every day, but often. To the Mother of God, to God. But I don’t kneel; I sit. Quietly. Alone, without my parents. Well, Our Father and Hail Mary. I have a picture of the Mother of God and the Pope in my room. I pray to them. I also receive communion. As for confession, I go about once a year, usually before the holidays.

(20-M48)

When I am sick, I don’t go to church. Of course, I receive communion, and if I commit a serious sin, I go to confession. (…) I pray in the morning and evening. I pray lying down, quietly. Sometimes I come up with my own prayers, sometimes I use ready ones. It’s Our Father, Hail Mary, Glory Be, and We fly to Thy Protection. I even thank God for helping me. Recently, I don’t remember…

(1-M19)

In the Catholic faith, Christmas and Easter have a strong rooting. For some participants, celebrating these holidays had a religious dimension; they emphasized the rituals and customs that related to the doctrine of the Church:

I know the holidays: Christmas, Easter, All Saints’ Day… I have to celebrate these holidays because they are Catholic. […] Easter is […] the celebration of the resurrection of the Lord Jesus. You go to church to bless palms and Easter dishes.

(1-M19)

I go to the midnight mass on Christmas. And for Easter, I go to the Resurrection mass. At home, there’s a Christmas Eve dinner for Christmas, and on Easter, I go to bless the food in the basket, and on Sunday, we have Easter breakfast.

(9-M45)

Yes, for us, there’s nothing like… How should I put it… material way, but it’s done in a pious way. Because I was raised in a Catholic family. First, there’s mass, and then the other rituals.

(4-M35)

In the case of other participants, the way of celebrating Catholic holidays seemed to be consistent with what is observed in contemporary times—more commercial than religious aspects. Interviewees, when describing their Christmas or Easter celebrations, primarily mentioned the material preparations and gatherings with loved ones:

Preparations. Decorating the Christmas tree. Preparing dishes, cleaning.

(12-F31)

I like celebrating Christmas the most because I get presents, and […] visit my aunt and uncle. But I don’t go to the midnight mass because I’m tired then, and when my sister goes to the midnight mass, I go to sleep. I also like decorating the tree.

(10-F24)

Participants rarely read the Bible themselves, but they had the opportunity to listen to readings during various events, such as during services, holidays, or activities undertaken in communities.

I don’t read it. It’s a holy book. […] On Sundays, the girls come and read. A boy comes too; he reads (in church).

(15-M48)

When I went to the community, I sometimes read. I read in the community and sang psalms.

(16-F49)

When justifying the lack of such activity, they spoke of a lack of time, inability to understand the content of the scriptures or problems with reading:

Well, I rarely do; I have no time. […] Oh Jesus! Black magic! I have no idea. I can’t grasp it at all. I know it exists, but… I have no idea what’s in it. Well, that’s about as much as the priest reads during the sermon, but…

(33-F45)

Not really. I have a problem with reading, as I said. But when someone else reads, I can remember it.

(34-F45)

For some, reading the Bible was a family activity combined with reflection on its significance in a person’s life: Well, we talk about it […], but some things are hard to incorporate.

(4-M35)

Other participants compared reading the Bible to conversing with God:

I know the Bible. I also read it. But it has to be in large print because I can’t see. Reading the scripture is talking to God.

(2-F39)

6.4. Openness to People of Other Faiths

Participants showed little familiarity with other religions, often with no personal experiences associated with practitioners of those faiths and struggled to recall specific beliefs or terminology.

I know that there are other churches, religions, but I don’t really know which ones. I guess there are more gods than one.

(20-M48)

An exception is the Jehovah’s Witnesses, whom many participants know occasionally from visits to their homes or, more closely, due to living in the neighborhood or having someone among their acquaintances:

I know some because the Jehovah’s Witnesses live close to me. [How do you treat them?] Well, normally. It’s just that they don’t believe in the Mother of God. And they don’t really care about the rosary at all. They say that the Mother of God had other sons.

(11-F50)

Well, there are Jehovah’s Witnesses… Well, they are different. They believe differently. They believe in one God, but their faith is different.

(4-M35)

Jehovah’s Witnesses? I’ve seen them. They stand on X Street. They sell books. Those are Jehovah’s Witnesses. They believe in another God. In Buddha, right? A Buddhist is of a different faith than God, right? I believe in God, and they believe in Buddha.

(22-M40)

The knowledge of others, at least at the level of terminology, is broader:

I know that there is Islam, Buddhism, Judaism. There is Hinduism and Christianity. I used to learn about this. I know Mr. X. He is a caregiver, a teacher at the Social Rehabilitation Center; he is a Buddha, but I don’t know what that means…

(1-M19)

I’ve heard about other faiths; I know that in Iran or Iraq, there is a different religion. There is also Buddhism and Islam. Recently, I saw that other people pray differently. They kneel on the floor; I saw that they can also kiss the floor.

(21-F31)

The attitudes of the participants toward people who practice a different faith/religion, varied from tolerance, various manifestations of acceptance, despite often lacking personal experiences, to indifference, and a lack of acceptance, sometimes associated with the need to convert such people.

Most participants expressed tolerance, emphasized equality, the right to religious freedom, and a normal attitude. This expressed tolerance had a positive significance.

I would approach it equally, that everyone is equal in their faith… That they are just like us. That they believe in the Lord God. And there is one God.

(5-M64)

[I treat these people] normally. If someone believes differently, I won’t judge.

(7-F43)

I have a neighbor who is Orthodox. My neighbor is of a different religion, and that’s fine. She believes in a different God, but that’s not bad. It doesn’t bother me.

(21-F31)

We have a friend here who is a Jehovah’s Witness, but that doesn’t bother me. We talk to her normally, joke around. It doesn’t matter at all. If someone doesn’t believe, that’s not a problem either.

(19-M24)

The type of attitude expressed by the participants, identified as indifference, was similar to tolerance but emphasized a stronger lack of personal engagement or interest on emotional, cognitive, or behavioral levels:

I have a friend who is a Baptist. And that doesn’t really bother me. I’m not interested; it’s her business what she believes.

(23-F28)

I don’t care that people have different churches.

(3-F27)

It doesn’t bother me. It’s their business, not mine. What matters is that they believe in God. It’s worse not to believe at all. They won’t be in heaven.

(32-M47)

I don’t insult other religions; it’s not important to me.

(1-M19)

The participants who expressed acceptance and openness toward individuals of other faiths sometimes emphasized the similarities between themselves and these people.

If he accepts them himself, then I’m all for it. I’m just an ordinary person, and they are normal people too.

(17-F35)

There are people of other faiths; that’s not a problem for me. If my girlfriend were of a different faith, that wouldn’t be a problem either.

(24-M36)

A unique statement comes from one of the participants, whose acceptance seems to stem from her own faith:

[How would you approach these people?] With kindness. Maybe with prayer, with some faith, I don’t know.

(8-F45)

Sometimes acceptance is conditional, varying based on perspective:

Not really. It doesn’t bother me. [What if your boyfriend were, for example, a Muslim; would that bother you?] Well… maybe a little… because I wouldn’t be able to get married. And I would want to wear a white dress in church.

(6-F34)

At times, the participants expressed a noticeable lack of acceptance, which had no clear grounding in experience:

We don’t open doors for such people. (…) If he’s not a Catholic, my dad said I shouldn’t date him, I should only date a Catholic. [You mean your boyfriend needs to be Catholic?] Yes. [And if he wasn’t, how would you approach that?] I wouldn’t see him.

(25-F27)

The analysis also revealed another category, which showed the participants’ attitudes toward atheists. The nature of the statements suggests that participants often exhibited negative attitudes toward non-believers, as well as negative beliefs about their fate after death (lack of salvation). Faith is something that, in various forms, must concern everyone.

Everyone has to believe in something. Everyone, there are no people who don’t believe. Some believe, they have their faith; others have the Catholic faith. Everyone has to believe in something because what kind of people are those who don’t believe?

(34-F45)

What’s important is that they believe in God. It’s worse not to believe at all. They won’t be in heaven.

(32-M47)

Faith is necessary for people so that miracles can happen. I believe that as a Catholic, I want to believe in God. I should believe in God. What does it depend on? On atheism or religion… Those who are far from God provoke wars; there’s violence, conflicts, discrimination, various things…

(1-M19)

Sometimes, negative attitudes took a rather extreme form—treating such people as outsiders, unworthy of attention, conversation, or even recognition as human beings:

There were such friends, neighbors that don’t believe in Jesus at all, they don’t believe in God! How could I treat them? If someone doesn’t believe in God, doesn’t attend church school, I don’t talk to these people. For me, someone who doesn’t believe in God, such an individual is not a human being.

(14-M24)

They’re not good, because they’re… pagans.

(31-M41)

There were also themes indicating the participants’ need to convert people of other religions, including their personal involvement in this process:

Doesn’t she believe in God at all? So what is she? If I asked her, ‘What do you believe in?’ What would she say? I would probably want to convince her to believe.

(22-M40)

[…] you can’t reject them. It wouldn’t make a difference to me whether someone believes in this or that; you just have to support such people. For example, if I wanted to convince someone and that person didn’t want to, I wouldn’t force them to! I wouldn’t force them, but I would talk to them normally.

(18-F54)

An exception was the positive attitudes based on personal experiences:

I had an aunt and uncle in my family who didn’t believe in God, and they were together for many, many years. And they were good people. Such non-believers can also go to heaven. It’s just that they will feel differently.

(19-M24)

7. Discussion

The findings in this study have shown certain dimensions of the religious identification of the participants. Individuals with intellectual disabilities often had difficulty defining their religious affiliation, which presumably stemmed from a lack of familiarity (difficulty in recalling) with the terms. In attempting to clarify their affiliation, they referred to family traditions and related activities. In the specified affiliations, belonging to the Catholic Church was the most common among the interviewees. An interesting aspect was the connection between nationality and religious affiliation. It should be noted that the difficulties described in the current study may arise from gaps in religious education/socialization, as well as from the cognitive challenges of the participants. Not knowing the terms that allow for the specification of one’s affiliation did not necessarily indicate identification difficulties. On the contrary, the use of the correct label (I am Catholic) may not be accompanied by activities, beliefs, or values associated with it. This phenomenon was not observed in the current research. In turn, Turner and co-authors [3] found that most of the individuals they studied were able to define their own affiliation. In this study, not all individuals were able to do this, but it is difficult to make estimates and comparisons due to the qualitative nature of both studies. The differences may arise from the cognitive capabilities of the participants or from socialization conditions (Turner’s study did not provide data on the individuals studied).

The adults in this research spoke about the attributes that allow one to be considered a “good Catholic”. They pointed to specific behaviors, activities, and characteristics of a person. These attributes indicated a positive attitude toward others, performing good deeds, helping others, and behaving in accordance with commonly accepted rules of interpersonal coexistence. A “good Catholic” is a virtuous and well-mannered person. This image is primarily based on experiences. It is complemented by the aspect that describes the need for a Catholic to spread the faith. Participants in Turner and co-authors’ study [3] talked about the religious obligation to help others and adhere to commitments (such as the duty of purity in Islam). The established tendencies confirm that individuals with intellectual disabilities are capable of specifying the principles and patterns that can serve as a reference point for self-assessment as a Catholic (cf. [23]).

The participants strove to follow the directives of Church teachings, particularly those that obligate Catholics to attend church, participate in services, receive sacraments, and observe fasting. The interviewees also engaged in celebrating holidays, treating them as more or less traditional, which largely depended on the family context. Personal reading of the Bible was rarely accessible to the participants due to various limitations, but they mentioned different opportunities to listen to it. Previous research confirms that individuals with intellectual disabilities engage in various forms of religious activity, deriving satisfaction, strength, and a sense of community with other believers from these activities [14,18,19,23,24,30,31,32,33].

Participants in the present study had limited knowledge and experience regarding other faiths/religions. Despite their lack of experience and often limited knowledge, even at the level of terminology, they expressed various attitudes toward people who practice a faith/religion different from their own. This presented a spectrum of attitudes: from indifference through tolerance to varying degrees of acceptance and ending with a lack of acceptance. In the latter case, attitudes can be extremely negative. Considering the fact that personal experiences, even indirect ones such as contact through media, are minimal, it can be inferred that these attitudes have largely been adopted from their communities. In this case, it is difficult to relate to other studies, as attitudes toward other faiths/religions are a matter of a broader socio-cultural context and certain phenomena or processes, such as migration. The nature and intensity of specific attitudes are specified by the type of religious minority (both the studied group and the reference group) [39]. Nationwide studies confirm a weak level of familiarity with people of other faiths/religions and varied tendencies in the emotional dimension of attitudes depending on the reference group in Poland [40].

An interesting theme relates to the attitudes of adults with intellectual disabilities toward non-believers, emphasizing the belief in the necessity of faith and the negative consequences of its absence for human salvation. From this perspective, faith appears as a kind of necessity that guarantees being a decent and saved person. It is worth noting that studies involving individuals without intellectual disabilities illustrate negative tendencies regarding their attitudes toward atheists [41]. The lack of belief in God can be equated with a lack of morality [42].

8. Reflections on the Added Value of the Research

This participatory study has shown that individuals with intellectual disabilities possess “personal knowledge” [11] (p. 17), which arises from experiences occurring in specific social contexts and from processing certain life events. This knowledge includes a more or less grounded awareness of religious affiliation, as well as various beliefs and values that reflect the essence of their faith and serve as a reference point in assessing themselves and others as Catholics (in the case of these participants) and as individuals.

From the perspective of academic researchers, we highlight the potential of inclusive research. The research was strengthened by the active involvement of individuals with intellectual disabilities as co-researchers in several ways: (1) selectioning a subject that is important for the population of individuals with intellectual disabilities and that has rarely been explored, especially in the Polish context; (2) achieving a greater understanding of questions due to the appropriate choice of words and expressions, evaluated from the perspective of co-researchers with intellectual disabilities; (3) reaching participants who may have had less motivation and greater concerns about engaging in a new form of activity; (4) supporting participants during interviews by co-researchers, which provided a greater sense of security and allowed for the discovery of significant themes; (5) assisting in transcribing the material—reading the statements of individuals whose communication skills were at a lower level; and (6) supporting in analyzing the material—pointing out important issues that may have seemed less significant from the perspective of academic researchers. The discussions conducted with co-researchers were important for introducing the theme concerning individuals of different faiths/religions.

From the perspective of individuals with intellectual disabilities, as expressed during the discussions after the interviews, the following points emerged: (1) the recognition of the diversity of views among participants and their openness (“They weren’t afraid to answer the most difficult questions.”); (2) the acknowledgment of participants’ challenges in articulating thoughts and understanding (“Not everyone knows how to talk about it. For Ms. X, some questions were incomprehensible.”); (3) the recognition of the superficiality of religious activities (“These are more external customs than internal faith.”); (4) the necessity for researchers to maintain a flexible approach (“I noticed that some questions needed to be skipped here, and some simply had to be changed if someone doesn’t practice”).

For the co-researchers with intellectual disabilities, this project provided a valuable opportunity to enhance their skills and build self-confidence. It also allowed them to raise awareness about the experiences and challenges faced by their community, ensuring that their perspectives were recognized and valued. By actively participating in the research process, they not only contributed to the study but also experienced a sense of empowerment, knowing that their voices were being heard and making a meaningful impact. This involvement fostered a greater sense of inclusion and agency within both the research and their broader community.

9. Implications

As Ammerman [43] writes from a sociological perspective, constructing religious identities is a complex process that takes place in both institutional and non-institutional contexts. At the core of this identity, there are the beliefs and values implied by the doctrines of a given institution—in the case of the individuals studied here, the Catholic Church. According to Ammerman, these religious narratives, which are constituent elements of identity, are activated by the environment and experience. In the established image of a good follower of the Catholic faith, there is a significant reference to the life experiences of the participants and their relationships with other people. Considering these assumptions and the findings of our research, it can be presumed that socialization experiences are of key importance. Individuals with intellectual disabilities functioning in specific environments, both institutional and non-institutional, adopt the narratives occurring in them. However, due to cognitive limitations, they have fewer opportunities to organize and process these narratives through the lens of personal values and beliefs. They need deeper religious education, the implementation of which should be adjusted to their capabilities. They need conversations and discussions about religious and denominational diversity and its individual and social consequences.

We believe that the topic of the attitudes of people with intellectual disabilities toward followers of other religions, particularly the aspect of their potential sources and specific indicators of these attitudes, is worth exploring further. This is one of the elements of functioning in a global world, essential for their integration in various areas of life. Inclusive research dedicated to a deeper understanding of the religious identity of individuals with intellectual disabilities, including the personal and environmental context and the time perspective, would also be valuable. The issue of religiosity among people with intellectual disabilities is under-researched in Poland. We hope that this study, which focused on selected aspects of faith and based on qualitative research, will contribute to further exploration.

10. Conclusions

The findings obtained in this participatory project show that Polish adults with intellectual disabilities do not always know how to define their religious affiliation. They hold certain beliefs that describe the qualities and behaviors of a good Catholic. They engage in various forms of religious activity, such as attending services, praying, receiving sacraments, abstaining from certain foods during fasting, and celebrating holidays. However, they have limited knowledge and experience in relationships with individuals of different faiths, and their attitudes toward such individuals are varied. Most often, they have negative views of non-believers. It seems that the nature of the attitudes of the participants in this study largely depends on patterns adopted from their environment, with little opportunity to enrich and organize their own knowledge or to verify it through specific experiences.