Sociological Analysis of Abortion Perceptions: The Case of Young Women in Split, Croatia

Abstract

Attitudes toward abortion are deeply rooted and shaped by cultural, religious, moral, and political beliefs. In some societies, abortion is seen as a fundamental right, whereas in others, it is viewed as morally objectionable. This paper explores the perceptions of young women in Split, Croatia, regarding abortion. The study presents findings from research1 conducted in 2024, which was based on semi-structured interviews with 30 young women aged 18–35 years. The results show that all participants are well informed about contraception and its role in women’s reproductive health, most of them expressing a positive view of its use. Most of the participants were familiar with abortion and the procedures involved. While they acknowledge the potential physical and mental health consequences of abortion, more than half, despite not personally choosing to have one, strongly support a woman’s right to decide. Nearly all participants are aware of both pro-life and pro-choice movements and believe that the influence of religiosity on attitudes toward abortion is subjective and varies from individual to individual.

1. Introduction

The invention of contraception and contraceptive methods represents one of the most revolutionary advancements in human medical history. Contraception refers to the prevention of conception and encompasses a wide range of methods, both permanent (such as sterilization) and temporary, including natural, mechanical, chemical, hormonal, intrauterine, and postcoital contraception [1]. In modern society, contraception is widely used, easily accessible, and regarded as an essential part of reproductive health. In the United States, approximately 60% of women aged 15 to 44 use some form of contraception. In contrast, in Croatia, fewer than 40% of couples/women use contraception. Among those who do so, only 8% rely on birth control pills, 1.5% use intrauterine devices (IUDs), and less than 30% use condoms, either occasionally or consistently. Among younger individuals, withdrawal is the most common method of contraception [2]. However, its link to conception and childbirth raises moral and ethical questions [3] (p. 278).

Abortion refers to the medical termination of pregnancy, which involves the removal of the fetus from the uterus before the 28th week of gestation [4]. It is defined as the loss or intentional termination of pregnancy while the fetus is incapable of independent life outside the mother [5] (p. 216). There are various criteria for defining abortion, including temporal, intentional, and clinical symptom-based criteria. According to the temporal criterion, abortions are classified as early or late, with early abortion occurring before the 16th week of pregnancy and late abortion occurring between the 17th and 28th weeks [5] (p. 215). The clinical symptom criterion further divides abortion into five subtypes: threatened (abortus imminens), initiated (abortus incipiens), ongoing (abortus in tractus), complete (abortus completus), and incomplete (abortus incompletus) [4]. The third criterion, intention, distinguishes between spontaneous and intentional abortion [5] (p. 216). Spontaneous abortion, also known as miscarriage, is an unintended loss of pregnancy and is considered one of the most common complications of early pregnancy [6] (p. 290). Synonyms for this type of abortion include spontaneous, unintended, or accidental abortion. This refers to the disruption of embryo development due to natural causes. Clinically, it is characterized by vaginal bleeding, cramping pain, and expulsion of the pregnancy tissue from the uterus [5]. Spontaneous abortion can result from various factors related to the mother or the fetus [5] (p. 218). In contrast, intentional or induced abortion is a deliberate medical intervention to remove the fetus from the uterus and is typically performed via surgical or pharmaceutical methods [7] (p. 154). According to data, induced abortion is one of the most common surgical procedures in the United States today [8] (p. 277). Between 2015 and 2019, an estimated 121 million unintended pregnancies occurred annually, 61% of which resulted in abortion. This means that approximately 73 million abortions take place each year [9].

According to Croatian legislation, abortion is considered a medical procedure that can be performed at the woman’s request up to ten weeks from the date of conception. After this period, abortion can only be carried out with the approval of a commission [10]. Importantly, this procedure is legally permitted exclusively in public hospitals, except for one private hospital in the country authorized to perform this medical procedure. In Croatia, the number of abortions declined until 2018 but has increased since then [11]. In 2023, a total of 7807 abortions were performed in Croatia. The majority of these (75.1%) were legally induced at the woman’s request. Additionally, 72.7% of women who underwent abortion had not used contraception before conception. The highest proportions of legally induced abortions were observed in the 30–39-year age group (44.3%) and the 20–29-year age group (38.5%) [12].

Today, largely due to feminist movements, discussions surrounding abortion are now commonplace, often appearing in public debates daily. Amidst this ongoing discourse, much attention is given to ideological stances and political frameworks, while the voices of those most directly affected by the issue, women, are frequently overlooked. When researching and debating abortion, it is crucial to move beyond a narrow focus on social norms or political ideologies and to center the conversation on women, as it ultimately pertains to their reproductive rights and experiences. In this context, this study aims to explore young women’s perceptions of abortion.

Pro-Life and Pro-Choice Movements

Reproduction is one of the most fundamental aspects of human life, influencing both personal and societal spheres. This issue is at the heart of two powerful and opposing movements: the pro-life movement and the pro-choice movement. Author Faludi most precisely defined the nature of the controversy between the pro-choice and pro-life movements. Specifically, she argued that all women’s aspirations, regardless of education, work, or any other aspect of self-determination, are grounded in their ability to decide if they want to have children and when to have them, ultimately, when to start a family [13].

In the context of public opinion and image, both movements have strategically chosen words that carry a powerful message—choice and life [14] (p. 3). The resonance of terms such as pro-choice and pro-life is undeniable, as they significantly shape the public’s perception of each movement’s ideology. The pro-life movement bases its advocacy on the protection of the unborn child’s rights. It argues that life begins at conception, marking a gradual, continuous process in which there is no distinction between a zygote2 and a child. According to this view, the fetus and the child are regarded as the same beings, based on their shared genetic code, physical characteristics, and even the capacity to feel pain. Consequently, the fetus’s location, either inside or outside the womb, has no bearing on its rights. From this perspective, abortion is equated with murder and should be prevented and punished by law [14] (p. 1). Conversely, the pro-choice movement, one of the most significant feminist movements, emphasizes a woman’s right to control her own body. It challenges the notion of when life begins, framing the debate in terms of the distinction between genetic humanity and moral personhood [14] (p. 2). According to Petchesky, while the fetus may become a human person, it is not a fully realized person. In a conflict between the rights of the woman, who is already a fully realized person, and the fetus, the rights of the woman take precedence [14] (p. 2).

Some pro-life activists may support exceptions for abortion in cases of rape or incest, whereas others believe that any abortion constitutes murder. Within the pro-choice movement, opinions also vary: some activists argue that abortion should be unrestricted, whereas others advocate for laws mandating a waiting period before the procedure is performed [15]. According to 2022 Gallup research, the majority of Americans oppose a complete abortion ban, with only 13% of respondents believing abortion should be illegal in all circumstances. A 2023 Pew Research Center reported that 64% of American adults believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases, whereas 34% believe it should be banned in all or most cases [15].

The sociopolitical transformations in Croatia at the beginning of the 1990s created an environment conducive to a more open societal and academic examination of abortion, its legal regulation, and the perspectives of citizens, social institutions, and interest groups. This context also highlights moral and ethical discrepancies related to the issue [16] (p. 409). Croatia, as a predominantly Catholic country, has witnessed significant activity from pro-life organizations in recent years. In contrast, pro-choice advocates underscore the considerable influence of the Catholic Church on women’s rights, drawing attention to the violation of women’s reproductive rights and the stigmatization of women in institutions legally required to perform abortions. According to their claims, this situation has resulted in an increase in illegal abortions, which are carried out for substantial fees. The dominant cultural and religious influences on the perception of abortion among young women in Croatia can be understood through several key factors.

The first factor is the influence of the Catholic Church, which opposes the legalization of abortion and plays a significant role in shaping societal and political attitudes. The second factor is the family, which may uphold conservative values or create space for broader acceptance of the right to choose. Additionally, Croatian society is characterized by a lack of public discourse and a systematic educational approach to responsible sexual behavior. The absence of structured educational programs in schools that address topics related to sexual and reproductive health contributes to the persistence of social stigma surrounding women who opt for abortion [17]. Another important factor influencing attitudes toward abortion in Croatia is the legislative framework, which, while permitting abortion, is complicated by bureaucratic obstacles and the stances of medical professionals. Finally, social pressure and stigma, particularly in smaller communities, contribute to feelings of judgment and shame among women who decide to undergo an abortion. Importantly, due to other societal challenges in the country, abortion often does not rank as a priority in academic research, resulting in a lack of sociological studies on the subject.

A survey conducted in 1990 revealed contradictory attitudes among Croatian citizens regarding abortion. Specifically, 64.4% of the respondents believed that abortion should remain an available option for women. However, 80.6% of respondents stated that abortion constitutes the termination of an already conceived life [18]. A study conducted in 2004 in Croatia on a sample of 2200 adults revealed that one-third of respondents believe abortion should be legally prohibited, citing reasons such as it being a crime and a serious moral disorder (32%), posing a threat to women’s lives (35%), and endangering the demographic survival of the population (29.8%). Over half of the participants (62%) believed that the abortion decision should be left to the woman [19]. The results from a 2011 survey, which included a sample of 311 Croatian students, suggest that a significant proportion of respondents view abortion as both murder and a moral violation. The strongest support for abortion was expressed in situations where the mother’s life was at risk or when the pregnancy was the result of rape. In contrast, the concept of abortion as an exclusive right of the woman received the lowest level of support, although 37% of respondents expressed support for this viewpoint [20]. Another study conducted in 2012 with a sample of 1500 young people aged 14–27 years reported that 38.9% of the respondents supported the legalization of abortion [21]. The most recent study on abortion in Croatia, conducted in 2023 with a representative sample of 600 adult citizens, revealed that 75% of respondents believed that “a woman should have the right to choose regarding the continuation of pregnancy”. These results are nearly identical to those from 2020, when 76% of respondents supported the right of women to choose, whereas 29% were in favor of banning abortion [22].

Thus, attitudes toward abortion in Croatia frequently reflect a division between liberal and conservative values, with the substantial influence of the Catholic Church evident in most studies. Although recent research indicates that the Croatian population’s views on a woman’s right to choose reproductive matters are more liberal than the actual practices of healthcare institutions suggest, significant social and political conflicts persist. Members of the anti-abortion movement continue to advocate for the reversal of existing legal provisions [23], indicating deep divisions within Croatian society concerning women’s reproductive rights.

2. Methods

2.1. Design

The main objective of this study is to examine young women’s perceptions of abortion. The specific aims include examining participants’ knowledge of contraceptive methods and the prevalence of contraceptive use, exploring their views on the pro-life and pro-choice movements, and assessing women’s awareness of the legal framework governing abortion in Croatia. To achieve these objectives, an exploratory qualitative study was conducted utilizing semi-structured interviews, providing a deeper understanding of how young women in the city of Split conceptualize and engage with the issue of abortion in the contemporary context.

2.2. Research Questions

In qualitative research, the role of the researcher is to gain a deep, nuanced understanding of the studied context [24]. This is achieved through well-defined and well-articulated research questions, which guide the entire research process. Research questions play a crucial role in keeping us focused throughout the research process [25] (p. 65). These questions are designed to uncover insights into the topic being studied, with the answers emerging during the research process itself [26] (p. 295).

For this study, we divided the research into two primary themes and several subcategories. The first theme concerns contraception, and the second focuses on abortion. The research questions were as follows:

• Do the participants use contraception?
• What are their opinions on contraception?
• How important do they consider contraception to be in relation to reproduction?
• Are they familiar with the abortion process?
• How do they perceive abortion legislation in Croatia?
• Are they aware of the pro-life and pro-choice movements?

2.3. Participants

The study employed a purposive sampling technique, selecting 30 participants based on their ability to provide relevant insights into the research questions. Although the sample size may appear small for quantitative research, it is deemed appropriate for qualitative studies, as it ensures a diversity of perspectives within a specific demographic group. This sample size strikes a balance between in-depth analysis and variability among participants, thereby providing valuable insights relevant to the research objectives. The inclusion criteria were as follows: (1) young women; (2) aged 18–35, following the official definition of youth in the Republic of Croatia [27] (p. 15), and (3) residents of Split. The decision to select this sample was based on the understanding that, during this life stage, individuals frequently form attitudes and make decisions regarding issues related to abortion.

Most participants were in their middle twenties, with only four in their early thirties. Most participants (20) had completed secondary vocational education, whereas nearly half (14) were still studying or finishing their studies. Most participants were either unemployed or employed on a student contract, with six holding full-time jobs. According to the data, just over half (16) of the participants worked in the quaternary sector, specifically in education and healthcare, and seven worked in the tertiary sector, mainly in tourism, trade, and transport. Concerning religious affiliation, almost all the participants (26) identified as religious. Most of them practice their religion to varying degrees, although a few expressed a desire to improve their practices. One participant, while believing in God, distanced herself from religious practice entirely. Additionally, slightly more than half of the participants (17) were in romantic relationships or married.

2.4. Procedure

The research was conducted throughout 2024. While face-to-face interviews were initially planned, some interviews were conducted online, primarily via WhatsApp video calls or Skype, owing to scheduling conflicts and the preference of some participants for a more comfortable and convenient medium for discussing sensitive topics. On average, each interview lasted 35 min.

Given the sensitive and controversial nature of the topic, the study adhered to ethical principles and received approval from the Ethics Committee of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences at the University of Split (27 March 2024). Before each interview, the participants were fully informed about the research topic, methodology, and objectives. They were also assured that participation was voluntary, that they could withdraw at any time without explanation, and that they would have access to their interview transcripts for review. The participants provided written informed consent for the audio recording of their interviews and the use of the data in subsequent analyses, ensuring confidentiality. To maintain anonymity, each participant was assigned a unique code, such as P1 (Participant 1) or P2 (Participant 2).

The interviews were audio-recorded via a mobile application, and the recordings were transcribed verbatim. After the interviews were conducted with 30 participants, data saturation was achieved, as no new information emerged from the interviews. The content was subsequently analyzed through thematic analysis to identify emerging themes and subthemes, with each theme representing a distinct concept.

2.5. Data Analysis

The analysis procedure was organized based on the following steps: familiarization with the data through active reading of the entire dataset before beginning the analysis of individual units; generating initial categories; searching and reviewing themes; defining and naming the themes; and producing the report in which the data were categorized and correlated with the research questions [28].

During the familiarization with the data, we transcribed the content of 30 interviews word-for-word and assigned codes to each participant. We subsequently compared the transcribed text with the audio recordings. Once the accuracy of the transcription was confirmed, we read the text several times to familiarize ourselves with the experiences expressed by the interviewed women. During the initial category construction phase, we identified relevant codes from all the interviews. For the phase of constructing themes, we reviewed all selected codes, combining them to recreate general categories. In the phase of searching and reviewing themes, quotes corresponding to each theme were examined to check if their linkage was indeed coherent. In the phase of linking and connecting categories, the themes were subsequently named and defined, and the structure between categories and subcategories was reviewed. Finally, the Results section was written, linking the description of each category and subcategory with the most representative quotes to illustrate each category.

We employed both deductive and inductive approaches in analyzing the data. The deductive approach focused on predetermined categories, such as questions regarding contraception use, its importance, abortion, and pro-life/pro-choice movements. The inductive approach allowed for the development of new categories based on participants’ responses, particularly concerning their personal views on abortion and its potential consequences. This process led to the creation of additional codes not initially outlined in the research framework. The final step in the analysis involved interpreting the research findings.

3. Results

3.1. Knowledge of Contraceptive Methods and the Prevalence of Contraceptive Use

All the participants were familiar with contraceptive methods. Most of them felt that they had a sufficient or average understanding of these methods. More than half of the participants reported not using contraception, as they were in stable, long-term relationships and believed it was unnecessary:

No, neither my partner nor I need it. We are old enough and in a stable relationship, so we are not worried about an unintended pregnancy. (P13)

Approximately one-third of the participants used contraceptive methods, with barrier methods, such as condoms, being the most cited:

Yes, of course I do. I take care of my health and protect myself from sexually transmitted diseases as well as unintended pregnancies. (P6)

Yes, but only with barrier methods such as condoms. (P8)

Two participants mentioned using the withdrawal method:

My partner and I sometimes use a condom, but most often, we rely on the withdrawal method. (P10)

The only method I use is the ‘pull-out & pray’ method (laughs). (P11)

Even though all participants held positive views on contraception, believing it to be important not only for preventing pregnancy but also for protecting against sexually transmitted diseases, the use of contraception was not as widespread as might have been expected. Several participants expressed that, while they had a positive attitude toward contraception, only a small number actually used it:

I think everyone knows their own body best and how to protect their health. I don’t need to use contraception, but I also think there is nothing wrong with both young men and women practicing contraceptive methods. (P7)

I think it is very important, especially because of sexually transmitted diseases, which you can pick up without even realizing it. (P15)

Some participants had contradictory views about contraception. While they acknowledged its benefits—especially in terms of preventing pregnancy and protecting against sexually transmitted diseases—they expressed concern about potential negative effects, particularly with long-term use of hormonal contraceptives. Some participants were wary of the potential consequences for women’s health:

Different types of contraception, such as hormonal methods, can lead to complications. I believe everyone should choose the method that suits them, but if hormonal therapy or the diaphragm has harmful effects, they should stop using them. (P8)

I have nothing against it. Those who prefer it can use it, but I think it is not ideal for long-term use. Specifically, I am talking about hormonal contraception because infertility can occur if a woman decides to become pregnant later. (P29)

Another key finding was the consensus that contraception plays an essential role in preserving women’s reproductive health. Nearly all participants (26 out of 30) agreed that contraception is vital for reproductive health. They emphasized its role not only in preventing pregnancies but also in protecting against sexually transmitted diseases that could harm reproductive health:

I consider it very important. In my opinion, reproductive health is the most sensitive aspect of the human body. (P16)

Quite a lot, I would say. Whatever way you look at it, contraception is important for the reproductive system… Whether someone uses it to prevent pregnancy or to maintain reproductive health and fertility is a separate issue. (P21)

Some participants shared personal experiences or those of close acquaintances who had used hormonal contraceptives for health reasons, such as regulating the menstrual cycle or managing conditions such as polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS), which can affect fertility:

I have a friend who uses birth control pills to regulate polycystic ovary syndrome, which could make it difficult for her to conceive in the future or carry a pregnancy to term. (P2)

I used hormonal contraception for a while because I had significant issues with irregular cycles. My gynecologist recommended it to normalize my cycle and prevent complications with conception. (P20)

3.2. Perceptions of Abortion

Given that abortion is a medical procedure performed on a woman’s body, we sought to understand the depth of our participants’ knowledge about the process, the conditions under which it is performed, and the potential consequences.

Our findings revealed that half of the participants felt that they were well informed about abortion and the procedure:

I am, though I believe not enough is discussed about it, particularly regarding when and under what circumstances it is feasible. (P2)

I am familiar. I’m not an expert, but I would say I have average knowledge. (P29)

The other half expressed partial familiarity, with some admitting that they had limited or no understanding of the abortion process at all:

Not completely. I’ve watched many documentaries and scientific programs on abortion, but it was so unsettling that I couldn’t continue watching. (P10)

I don’t know, and honestly, I don’t want to know how the procedure is carried out. Of course, there are always stories on the internet, but I’ve never heard from a professional how the process actually works. (P25)

In addition to understanding the abortion procedure itself, we were interested in exploring whether the interviewees were aware of the potential consequences that can follow, given that, beyond physical effects, there can also be psychological consequences. These psychological effects, however, are not universal and vary from woman to woman. Despite this, most of the participants expressed confidence in their understanding of the potential consequences of abortion, stating that they had a general knowledge of the issue:

I believe I am aware of both the physical and the psychological consequences of abortion, as much as possible. (P4)

I think I have some knowledge. However, I believe that none of us laypeople can fully understand the consequences of abortion. (P11)

However, six participants admitted to having little or no knowledge of the consequences of abortion, often because they had never needed to consider it themselves:

Very little. Since I’ve never needed to have one, I’ve never truly been interested in the consequences. (P7)

Honestly, I’m not very familiar with the consequences. I know the process from what I hear, but I’ve never needed an abortion (thank God), so I haven’t researched its effects. (P13)

Some participants noted that while the physical consequences of abortion are generally not severe, the psychological repercussions can be long-lasting, potentially leading to issues such as depression or anxiety:

The physical consequences of abortion up to the 10th week are almost negligible, but the psychological effects are more significant. I see this as a failure of society, which stigmatizes women in such situations and fails to provide adequate psychological support. (P6)

After an abortion, a woman may experience deeper psychological effects such as depression or guilt. Physical issues such as cramps or infections can also arise, and women need emotional support from their communities. (P8)

Most participants expressed concerns about the potential negative effects of abortion on reproductive health, emphasizing that these risks are largely influenced by the conditions under which the procedure is performed. The most cited risks included bleeding, hormonal imbalances, infections, and the potential for infertility:

I think that sometimes people focus too much on the immediate decision—terminating the current pregnancy—without fully considering the potential impact on future pregnancies. (P2)

It can have negative effects; the most common are bleeding, infection, and the possibility of infertility. (P8)

Three participants provided personal examples from their close circles, describing severe consequences such as strokes, menstrual cycle irregularities, and difficulties conceiving after abortion:

Unfortunately, I know several women who had serious consequences after abortion—one had to wait for a long time for a ‘cleaning’ procedure, during which she developed a fever and other health issues. Doctors later told her that she would likely never conceive again. She also experienced a stroke in her early thirties. (P10)

Yes, from the experience of someone close to me, I know abortion can have significant consequences on reproductive health. (P12)

I know two women who had serious problems after abortions. One woman experienced spontaneous abortion at four months and could not conceive for several years. Another woman, who had an abortion in high school, still struggled with her menstrual cycle and was unable to become pregnant. (P29)

However, a smaller group of participants (five) argued that abortion does not negatively affect a woman’s reproductive system, as long as the procedure is carried out correctly and without complications. According to their view, if an abortion is performed properly and there are no significant complications during pregnancy, there is no reason that it should harm the reproductive system or future fertility. Additionally, one perspective suggested that while such procedures may reduce the number of pregnancies, they can enhance quality of life by allowing for better preparedness and family planning:

I don’t think abortion negatively affects the reproductive system unless there are complications. If the procedure is done properly, I don’t see why it should affect future pregnancies. (P3)

I think abortion should be an option for women who are not ready for parenthood. Some girls might initially consider having a child but later realize that they are not prepared. Isn’t it better for a woman to have an abortion and then, when ready, have a child later? (P24)

3.3. Awareness and Knowledge of the Legal Framework Governing Abortion in Croatia

We also explored participants’ understanding of the legal framework surrounding abortion. Most reported an average level of knowledge about the regulations:

It’s hard to be unfamiliar with it these days. (P5)

I only know the basics, mostly from what I’ve heard in the media. (P19)

For the seven participants who were less familiar with the legal framework, the general lack of interest in legal matters was cited as the primary reason:

I don’t know, and I’m not interested. I don’t care about laws in general, regardless of the topic. (P13)

I’m not interested in legal matters at all. (P21)

Opinions on the subject of Croatian abortion laws were divided. Half believed that the current regulations were adequately implemented and reflected necessary protection for vulnerable individuals. Some felt that while doctors should have the right to object on conscience grounds, the law could benefit from clearer definitions regarding the fetus as a human being. In other words, they believe that regulations should regard the fetus as a separate human entity and thus consider abortion as equivalent to murder:

I’m not very knowledgeable, but I don’t support abortion in every case. I believe that doctors should have the right to object on conscience grounds. (P23)

I think that a 10-week-old fetus deserves more consideration than current regulations suggest. (P28)

However, two participants expressed concern over what they saw as an increasing liberalization of abortion laws, comparing them to those in other countries:

Politics in Croatia is too focused on adopting ‘world standards’, especially regarding abortion, which has become normalized in many liberal countries. (P1)

I am concerned that Croatia seems to be moving toward a more liberal stance on abortion, like countries where abortion is normalized. (P2)

The other half of the participants believe that the laws of the Republic of Croatia are insufficient and fail to meet societal standards, arguing that the law currently in place is outdated. They also expressed dissatisfaction and disagreement with individual doctors invoking the right to conscientious objection. According to their perspective, healthcare professionals, particularly doctors, should not deny anyone searching for healthcare or services, as it is their professional responsibility. In other words, they contend that anyone wishing to become a gynecologist must recognize that performing abortions is, among other things, a fundamental part of specialization. They argue that a gynecologist should be consistent with their profession and should not make exceptions:

The law from the Yugoslav era is essentially fine, but it needs to be updated to reflect current needs. Women’s reproductive rights must be fully exercised. (P6)

Gynecologists should be required to perform abortions. If you choose to specialize in gynecology, it is part of the job description, and you should not be allowed to opt out. (P3)

Doctors should not be allowed to refuse care based on personal beliefs, especially when it is part of their professional training. (P15)

3.4. Views on the Pro-Life and Pro-Choice Movements

Concerning familiarity with pro-choice and pro-life movements, most participants (25 out of 30) were aware of these movements, which are frequently discussed through social media and often originate from American contexts:

Of course, I don’t think anyone today hasn’t heard of these movements. (P7)

They’re mostly tied to the U.S., if I’m not mistaken. (P27)

Yes, mostly through social networks such as Instagram and TikTok. (P28)

Interestingly, five participants were unfamiliar with these movements, which is notable considering that they are young women who typically receive their information from mass media and social networks. Among those who knew about the movements, opinions were split: 10 supported the pro-life movement, believing that life begins at conception and that both the fetus and the woman have equal rights to life:

I believe that both the fetus and the woman are equally important. Abortion should not be allowed unless the woman’s life is at risk or if she is forced. (P7)

I think life begins at conception, and both the woman and the fetus deserve equal protection. (P13)

As one of the arguments supporting their viewpoint, they reference certain claims made by the pro-choice movement, which they regard as illogical or akin to a desire for anarchism. They also argue that it is highly irresponsible for pro-choice advocates to promote abortion as a solution when a woman feels unprepared to become a mother while simultaneously rejecting the use of contraceptive methods designed to prevent unintended pregnancies:

We have had cases where pregnant women were involved in traffic accidents, and the perpetrator would be charged with double ‘attempted murder’. How, then, can the pro-choice movement align with the laws of a country? (P1)

I believe that if people who support the pro-choice movement used contraceptive methods, abortions would not occur, and I see their behavior as irresponsible in terms of reproduction. (P23)

Conversely, ten participants supported the pro-choice movement, emphasizing the importance of a woman’s right to choose and asserting that life begins at birth, not conception. Therefore, an unborn child or fetus cannot be given primacy over a woman, who is regarded as an adult and fully functional human being:

A fetus should not have more protection than the woman carrying it. Women should have the right to make their own choices. (P4)

I’m pro-choice because I believe it’s a fundamental right for women to control their bodies. (P15)

Several of the pro-choice participants criticized the Catholic Church’s influence over Croatian laws, advocating for complete secularization. They argue that, despite the Republic of Croatia being a Catholic country, it is essential to fully secularize the Church from the state and adhere to this separation. Although the Constitution establishes the Republic of Croatia as a secular state, these interlocutors believe that, in practice, this is not fully realized. They contend that, in the 21st century, it is inconceivable for the Church to exert such significant influence over every aspect of the state and society:

Why should a religious movement dictate the law on abortion? A secular state should respect everyone’s right to choose, regardless of religious beliefs. (P18)

Interestingly, one participant, a practicing believer, identified as pro-choice and criticized the pro-life movement for imposing its views on others. In her opinion, the pro-life movement is somewhat hypocritical. She argued that while the core argument of this movement focuses on the sanctity of every human life, pro-life supporters attempt to impose their beliefs on society, which raises concerns about the issue of freedom of choice:

Since I am a believer, I know that God does not force anyone to follow Him; we are given a choice. We are also called (if we believe in God) to be as much like Jesus as possible. I know and can say with certainty that everything Jesus did while He was on earth was not imposed or forced. Therefore, I think that pro-life goes against the Word of God. If an individual believes that abortion is a sin, they will never have one, but that does not give them the right to decide for others. Whether I will have an abortion or not is solely my decision, but for it to be a decision, it is necessary to ensure the possibility of choice. (P5)

Finally, some participants (five) did not support either movement, viewing both as extreme and radical. They believed that such movements often lacked space for compromise. In this regard, they argued that neither of the previously mentioned movements, owing to their radical nature, would be able to achieve dominance in society:

Honestly, I completely disapprove of radical movements. I believe that no ultraradical movement has ever yielded positive results. (P11)

Conversely, another perspective acknowledges the potential value of such movements, stating the following:

I believe that although they may appear overly radical, such movements are necessary to raise awareness in society about issues that are considered taboo. I do not hold any radical views myself, but I generally believe it is beneficial to have such movements for every topic or issue that is not sufficiently discussed in society. (P16)

We were also interested in understanding how the participants perceived abortion and what factors influenced their views on the topic. Given that these are young women, generally familiar with movements related to this issue and living in a modern society, we sought to gather their perspectives on abortion. Just over half of the participants (19 out of 35) believe that abortion is a personal choice for women and should not be prohibited by law. They expressed that, while they themselves would not choose abortion, they do not feel entitled to judge those who have had or are considering one. They emphasized that there are various circumstances and reasons behind a woman’s decision to seek an abortion, and it would be inappropriate to make judgments without understanding the full context of each situation:

I would never have it, but I cannot judge women who do it because you never know what situation someone is in. (P9)

As I’ve already stated, I would never do something like that. However, I do not judge women who decide to have it. It is not for me to judge, but for God. (P26)

In their view, abortion should not be prohibited and must be available as a free service within the public healthcare system. The participants emphasized that this is part of the broader responsibility to safeguard women’s reproductive health. They argued that every woman, regardless of age or social status, should have access to a safe and hygienic environment for undergoing an abortion:

I believe that no woman decides to have an abortion lightly, so we can make it easier by ensuring that, if she has already struggled so much with this decision, she can do it safely and legally. (P5)

Every woman should have the right to choose and the right to control her body. (P30)

Additionally, the participants emphasized that discussions surrounding abortion and its legal prohibition must carefully consider the psychological state of the woman making the decision. They argued that very few women choose abortion without deep consideration. In their view, women often spend considerable time and emotional energy contemplating such a significant decision, and societal condemnation intensifies only the stress of an already difficult situation. This judgment can further harm a woman’s psychological well-being, leading to a negative impact on her self-perception:

I think it is wrong when women are blamed for it, when they’re told that they commit murder and so on. A woman who has gone through it certainly does not feel happy about it. (P3)

The act of abortion is not something a woman decides to do lightly, and it is not something that will leave no trace or consequences on her life. (P4)

Several participants emphasized that, while they firmly support a woman’s right to choose, abortion should not be seen as a form of contraception. They highlighted the wide range of contraceptive options available and stressed the importance of educating oneself about these methods before engaging in sexual activity. Additionally, they underscored that abortion should be a carefully considered decision, not a decision made lightly:

I believe that in the 21st century, with all the available contraception, we should not be following that path. (P1)

I believe that it should not be used as a method of contraception, but I support it and do not condemn the reasons why someone chooses to have it. (P14)

On the other hand, one-third of the participants (11 in total) strongly opposed abortion and its legalization. They viewed abortion as equivalent to murder, emphasizing the belief that every life is equally valuable; therefore, everyone deserves the right to life and development. Some participants shared that the very thought of abortion deeply saddened them, and they found it difficult to engage in such discussions, as they felt it involved taking the life of an innocent being:

Abortion is a truly difficult topic for me that I absolutely do not support. The very thought of it makes me sad. The fact that this little creature is innocent in the womb and that the mother does not want it is personally terrifying to me. (P2)

I think that everyone has the right to life and that we are all where we are for a reason. (P22)

They also believed that reckless sexual behavior should not serve as an excuse for abortion. This perspective aligns with that of certain pro-choice advocates, who also feel that abortion should not be promoted as a form of contraception. In their view, abortion is only justified in cases where a woman’s life is at risk or if she has been a victim of sexual assault:

I do not support it, except in cases where a woman is forced to have sex. (P7)

In my opinion, abortion is only justified in a situation of rape and when a woman’s life is threatened. (P10)

The final question posed to the participants, which encapsulated all the themes discussed, explored the relationship between religiosity and attitudes toward abortion. Specifically, we aimed to understand whether the participants believed that religiosity plays a role in shaping views on abortion. A significant majority of participants (25 in total) affirmed that religiosity indeed influences the formation of certain attitudes toward abortion. However, they also noted that the extent of this influence can vary. While religion generally shapes perspectives on abortion, they emphasized that the impact largely depends on the individual’s personal beliefs and the degree to which religion informs their opinions:

Of course it does. Admittedly, for some individuals more, for some less, but I think it does. (P9)

The intensity of the influence depends on the individual, but I think that, in general, it does. (P16)

In some cases, it does; in others, it is not even a secondary factor. It all depends on the person. (P21)

4. Discussion

The findings of this study provide valuable insights into young women’s perceptions of contraception and abortion, highlighting both the complexity and diversity of opinions surrounding these issues. Overall, the participants demonstrated a reasonable level of awareness of contraceptive methods and abortion procedures, but their attitudes and behavior toward contraception and abortion reflected a range of personal, social, and cultural influences.

Regarding contraception, the majority of participants demonstrated awareness of various methods, acknowledging their importance not only for preventing unwanted pregnancies but also for protecting against sexually transmitted infections, which had been shown in previous research [29]. Interestingly, despite the generally positive attitude toward contraception, the actual use of contraceptive methods was not as widespread as expected. A significant portion of the participants in this study, particularly those in stable, long-term relationships, reported that they did not feel the need to use contraception, highlighting the role of personal circumstances in contraceptive use. This finding supports the idea that while contraception is recognized as important, its use is often shaped by individual life stages and relationship dynamics [30].

Despite a general acceptance of contraception, several participants expressed concerns about the potential negative effects of long-term use of hormonal methods. This apprehension was particularly evident concerning hormonal contraceptives, with participants voicing concerns about possible side effects such as infertility. These concerns align with the literature, which points to the complex relationship between hormonal contraceptives and reproductive health, which is following previous research [31]. While some of these concerns are based on anecdotal experiences or hearsay, they reveal a broader societal discourse around the perceived risks of hormonal contraception and highlight the need for more comprehensive education about the benefits and potential risks of different contraceptive methods.

The discussions on abortion revealed a similarly nuanced understanding. The participants expressed varied levels of familiarity with the procedure itself, with many citing psychological and physical consequences. Although some participants were confident in their understanding, others admitted to having limited knowledge, particularly about the potential long-term effects of abortion on women’s health. This finding mirrors other studies that emphasize the lack of comprehensive education on abortion and its consequences in many societies, which is in line with the recommendations of the World Health Organization [32]. The participants’ views on abortion were also shaped by moral and ethical considerations, with many acknowledging that the decision to undergo an abortion is deeply personal and influenced by complex factors, including health, socioeconomic conditions, and personal readiness for parenthood.

A significant portion of the sample expressed concerns about the psychological consequences of abortion, particularly about societal stigma and a lack of emotional support for women undergoing the procedure. This aligns with previous research suggesting that women may experience psychological distress after an abortion, leading to issues such as depression or anxiety [33,34], especially when there is social condemnation or limited support systems. The participants in this study stressed the importance of providing adequate psychological and social support for women considering abortion, highlighting the role of community and healthcare providers in mitigating potential negative effects.

Opinions on the legal framework for abortion were divided. While some participants felt that Croatia’s abortion laws were sufficient, others believed that they were outdated and needed to reflect contemporary societal needs. Concerns about the legal rights of women, particularly about the conscientious objection of healthcare professionals, highlight ongoing debates surrounding the accessibility of abortion services. These findings are consistent with broader discussions in other countries, where debates over the right to abortion and the role of healthcare professionals in providing these services continue to evolve [15].

Regarding the influence of religious and political movements on abortion legislation, the study revealed that participants had diverse views on pro-choice and pro-life movements. While some supported the pro-life stance, emphasizing the sanctity of life from conception, others advocated for the pro-choice perspective, highlighting the importance of women’s autonomy in making decisions about their bodies. Some participants’ view that abortion is equivalent to murder, which aligns with certain Croatian research [20], reflects a deeply entrenched belief in the equal value of all lives and the fundamental right to life and development, which significantly shapes their perspectives on reproductive rights. Conversely, some participants argued that abortion should not be banned and should be accessible as a free service within the public healthcare system. This position aligns with recent research in the United States [15], which emphasizes the critical importance of access to safe and legal abortion as a core component of reproductive rights. Thus, the division between these two perspectives mirrors broader societal debates, where the intersection of religion, politics, and women’s reproductive rights remains a contentious issue. Interestingly, some participants criticized the influence of the Catholic Church on abortion laws in Croatia, advocating for a clearer separation of church and state in reproductive health policy. During socialist Yugoslavia, of which Croatia was a federal republic until its independence in 1990, from 1978 to the 1990s, abortion was integrated into healthcare, and feminist values were partially part of state policy. However, after gaining independence, the Catholic Church regained significant influence, leading to changes in the approach to abortion [35]. This position aligns with the increasing calls for a stronger secular approach in discussions of reproductive rights.

Finally, the findings underscore the need for a balanced approach to abortion and contraception. Many participants expressed that while they supported a woman’s right to choose, they emphasized that abortion should not be viewed as a form of contraception. The availability of a wide range of contraceptive methods was cited as a key factor in preventing unintended pregnancies and, by extension, reducing the need for abortion. This reflects the importance of comprehensive sexual education and accessible healthcare services, which can empower individuals to make informed decisions about their reproductive health. Overall, the findings highlight that while religiosity significantly influences attitudes toward abortion, the degree of its impact varies across individuals, emphasizing the crucial role of personal beliefs and interpretations in shaping the relevance of religious perspectives in this context.

4.1. Study Strengths and Limitations

The strength of this research lies in its contribution as one of the few qualitative studies on the topic of abortion in Croatia. The study identifies a key gap between awareness of contraception and actual behavior regarding its use, highlighting the influence of personal circumstances, relationship dynamics, and perceived need on contraceptive decisions. This research provides insights into participants’ attitudes toward abortion laws, demonstrating their engagement in broader societal debates about reproductive rights, which could be useful for further discussions on potential policy reforms. The study reflects the contemporary sociopolitical environment in Croatia, including specific concerns regarding the influence of religious beliefs on abortion laws, and aligns with global discussions on reproductive rights, thus making it relevant and significant at an international level.

However, the study also has several limitations. The findings cannot be generalized to all young women or other populations outside Croatia, as the research focuses on a specific cultural, religious, and legal context. Participants’ concerns regarding hormonal contraception are based on rumors, which may not be scientifically reliable. While the study highlights the need for more comprehensive education on contraception and abortion, it does not sufficiently address participants’ understanding of the healthcare system’s role in providing this education or the actual availability of resources. Additional information about access to healthcare services could provide a more complete picture of the issue.

4.2. Practical Implications

The findings from this study have practical implications for public health, education, and policy regarding contraception and abortion. This study highlights the need for improvements in sexual education programs, emphasizing not only theoretical knowledge about contraception but also its practical application. This should include a focus on factors that influence contraceptive use, such as life stages and access to healthcare. It is equally important to provide accurate, scientifically based information about hormonal contraceptives and to consider the psychological, physical, and social aspects of abortion. Ensuring easier access to contraception by removing barriers such as cost and stigma is crucial, as it offers adequate mental health support for women undergoing abortion procedures.

The study also suggests considering potential amendments to abortion laws to better reflect current social conditions while ensuring access to safe and legal services. Reducing the stigma surrounding abortion through informative campaigns that encourage open discussions is also vital. Family, community, and healthcare workers can play a significant role in supporting women in making reproductive health decisions. Policy initiatives should prioritize ensuring women’s right to make informed decisions about their health, including access to contraception and abortion. Additionally, training healthcare workers on ethical issues related to providing abortion services can help ensure access to all necessary services.

5. Conclusions

While the participants demonstrated a broad understanding of contraception and abortion, their views were influenced by a variety of personal, cultural, and societal factors. The findings suggest that both contraception and abortion are complex and multifaceted issues, highlighting the need for improved education, support, and policy reform to better address the needs and rights of women. Further research is needed to examine the differences in access to contraception and abortion between urban and rural areas, as well as the role of healthcare professionals in shaping women’s decisions regarding contraception and abortion. Investigating how information from media and social networks influences young women’s attitudes toward reproductive health would also be valuable. In this context, there is a clear need for public discussions and educational initiatives to ensure that young women have access to accurate information and the necessary resources to make informed decisions about their reproductive health.