1. Introduction
Transhumant pastoralism allows pastoralists to find all-year-round grazing grounds for their livestock. Ayantunde et al. [
1] observed that the severe seasonal fluctuations in the Sahelian region of Africa and the subsequent ecological shifts force pastoralists to migrate their livestock through various climatic zones, often towards African coastal nations, searching for grazing land for their animals. It has, therefore, been one of the main strategies for sustaining livestock rearing and production on the continent [
2,
3]. Aside from being a livelihood sustainability strategy, it facilitates livestock trade between transhumant pastoralists and locals, thus serving as a source of animals for various purposes (including breeding and meat), an avenue for income generation, and an increase in GDP in economies in sub-Sahara Africa (SSA) [
2,
4]. Also, the unrestricted movement of transhumant herds exposes them to a wide range of grazing resources, hence limiting the chance of overgrazing and possible land degradation [
5,
6].
While this livestock-rearing practice has worked over centuries and is supported by some international treaties (e.g., the Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS) Protocol on Transhumance), it has been associated with several challenges threatening its sustainability. Recent reports indicate that transhumance is linked with the destruction of crop farms, increased competition over ecological resources, the spread of zoonotic diseases, social vices (rape and banditry), terrorism, and violent clashes [
2,
7,
8]. In some areas of Africa, this practice is seen as a matter of security rather than development [
9,
10]. Following the wide recognition of the adverse effects of transhumance, recent government policies have focused on expelling transhumance from host communities and countries [
8,
11]. Such expulsion policies criminalised transhumant pastoralism (Paalo, 2021), threatening its sustainability and overall contributions to food security and sustainable development. In line with this, international bodies, including the Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS), have issued a clarion call for sustainable transhumance policies, practices and governance [
12].
Governing for sustainability involves formulating and implementing policies, strategies, and practices that aim to meet the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs [
13,
14]. It involves an iterative process that necessitates rethinking government policies, practices, and outcomes. In the context of transhumance, governing for sustainability implies moving beyond the weak “expulsion policies” of the 1980s and reconsidering how transhumance operations are permitted and governed to mitigate their adverse impacts. This form of governance encompasses policies and practices that ensure the viability of transhumance as a livelihood while minimising environmental degradation and promoting social cohesion among communities [
14]. It involves anticipating and adapting to future challenges such as climate change, land-use conflicts, and the evolving needs of human and livestock populations involved in transhumance.
The adverse effects of mobile pastoralism and the need for sustainable transhumance have led governments worldwide to adopt management strategies [
2,
15]. Many of these management strategies have been widely documented in the transhumance literature as unsustainable, especially in the African subregion [
2]. Land-use planning (LUP) is a concept that has emerged from the transhumance governance discourse. It is essential in governing the growth of conflicting land-use activities [
12,
16]. It does this by ensuring a balance and segregation of activities, forecasting the demand for these activities and providing strategic guidance for the planned and sustainable development of lands [
17]. LUP is applied by developing land-use plans and zoning guidelines to spell out restrictions and categorisations of all land-use activities, including permissible, non-permissible, conforming, and non-conforming activities [
17,
18]. Through land-use plans and mechanisms (e.g., ranches, stock centres, and transhumance corridors), many communities in the Global North have successfully protected the needs and interests of transhumance herders and farmers and reduced environmental degradation and resource competition [
14,
19].
In the Global South, especially in Africa, existing studies [
1,
20,
21,
22] on transhumance mainly focus on the history, cause and impact of resource-related and farmer-herder conflicts. While the literature [
2,
8,
20,
23,
24] has hinted at various mechanisms (e.g., negotiation, mediation, payment of compensation, and adjudication) adopted by (non)state institutions to address the adverse impact on transhumance, scholarly analyses of these strategies suggest that they are reactive in nature. Therefore, the relevance of proactive land-use strategies of the Global North is unclear in the sub-Saharan Africa context. Yet, countries in Africa need proactive strategies to curtail the transhumance-associated challenges, which predominantly result from resource competition and weak planning systems [
1,
25].
Moreso, the dynamics of transhumance make it difficult for governments in SSA to adopt and implement the Global North’s land-use strategies. For instance, countries like Mali, Tanzania, Nigeria, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Ghana, among other SSA countries, are driven predominantly by less formal land tenure systems, varied enforcement of land-use policies, and the greater dependence of local economies on livestock [
26,
27]. Conversely, in Global North countries such as Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, Canada, and Spain, more developed and formalised infrastructure, policymaking, and land ownership structures are some of the drives of transhumance [
28,
29].
Based on the nuances in factors between the two regions, it is inaccurate to conclude that the benefits realised from implementing land-use strategies, especially grazing reserves and corridors in the Global North, would be achieved in Global South countries. To increase the chance of their implementation, effectiveness, and sustainability within the context of the Global South, it is necessary to evaluate and incorporate traditional knowledge and practices with modern land-use techniques. Additionally, sustainable transhumance governance requires active engagement with all stakeholders, including local communities, herders, agriculturalists, conservationists, and government agencies in development efforts [
30,
31]. The purpose of the current paper, therefore, is to assess the perception of key stakeholders on land-use planning intervention and discuss their implications for sustainable transhumance pastoralism.
The current paper adopted a two-staged approach to achieving this study’s objective. First, using Ghana as an example of a country confronted with transhumance-associated challenges, we examine the perceptions of relevant stakeholders (policymakers, traditional authorities, farmers, and herders) on land-use interventions in promoting sustainable transhumance pastoralism. This study argues that land-use interventions involving designated areas and routes reduce competition and land use overlap between agricultural and pastoral activities, thus sustaining transhumance practices.
Secondly, we examine the influence of socioeconomic factors on the perception of stakeholders. Understanding how diverse socioeconomic groups perceive policy intervention can help policies that are more inclusive, address the needs of the different parties, and enhance policy acceptance and compliance. Thus, from a policy perspective, the findings of this study would offer empirical support for the formulation, shaping, and execution of transhumance strategies in Ghana.
2. Understanding Transhumance through the Lens of Collaborative Planning Theory
Policymakers and development practitioners have put forth various concepts to elucidate how to tackle societal issues while harmonising individual needs with broader societal interests [
32]. Among such theorised ideas or key elements for steering sustainability is incorporating knowledge from multiple backgrounds, as sustainability problems are often complex [
33,
34]. Most recent theories embrace the belief that seeking the views of multiple stakeholders with diverse backgrounds can be an effective method of problem-solving, bringing to the fore the transdisciplinary knowledge production [
35].
The reasoning of “transdisciplinary knowledge production” is considered crucial in developing solutions that benefit the most significant number of people, as various stakeholders reflect diverse segments of society [
31,
36,
37]. The transdisciplinary knowledge production concept further comes to bear because sustainability issues involve a range of actors and factors that impact economic, environmental and social problems [
35,
38]. In essence, acknowledging the viewpoints of various participants in the planning process offers an opportunity for the public, especially marginalised communities, to actively engage in shaping a fairer and more equitable future [
39,
40]. The collaborative planning procedure, marked by its commitment to political democracy, is closely related to the concept of knowledge creation. Grounded in rational comprehensive planning theory and Habermas’s communicative action theory, collaborative planning assumes that all development efforts should be shaped by practical deliberation between practitioners and relevant stakeholders of developmental efforts [
41,
42].
According to some researchers, example Herley [
41] and Mattila [
42], the collaborative planning approach acknowledges that no single actor, including the government, can control system outcomes. Thus, the effectiveness and sustainability of a phenomenon and/or intervention are inherently uncertain and, in any scenario, rely on multi-stakeholder perceptions. In simpler terms, sustainable governance and planning involve making the planning process more democratic by collaboratively sharing and creating knowledge, ensuring the results reflect the interests of the entire community. Therefore, this research asserts that achieving sustainability should not be controlled by a single entity. Instead, it calls for a collaborative approach that gathers insights and perspectives from various stakeholders.
Drawing from the fundamental thought of the theory, planning policy initiatives that address complex societal issues, the perspective of key actors is relevant. These insights reveal the potential impact of policy, areas for improvement, and the alignment of stakeholders’ expectations with policy objectives [
43]. Consequently, this study conceptualises collaborative planning theory as one that acknowledges multi-stakeholder perceptions for developing and implementing sustainable measures to address complex social problems. Perception in this context includes beliefs, knowledge, and expectations regarding the policy [
44]. Perceived effectiveness refers to the degree to which stakeholders believe a policy will achieve its intended goals [
44,
45]. This includes evaluating the practicality, efficiency, and chance of a policy bringing about the desired change (outcome effectiveness and long-term sustainability) [
46]. Most theories, such as institutional and social control theories, opine that institutions (norms, rules, procedures, and policies), social relationships, affiliations, and values shape social behaviours and perceptions [
47,
48]. Several scholars, example Ayantunde [
1] and Moritz et al. [
37] have also embraced stakeholders’ past experiences with similar policies, their level of knowledge or education and understanding of the policy, trust in the implementing body, and other socioeconomic factors that influence perceived effectiveness.
The definition of perception as a fluid concept has also been established from a measurement perspective. The concept in the context of various stakeholders’ perspectives of policy effectiveness involves subjective and objective measurement perspectives [
49]. The objective measurement quantifies perceptions using observable, quantifiable data that remain consistent regardless of who measures them. On the other hand, subjective measures provide insight into the acceptance of the policy, satisfaction levels among stakeholders, and areas that might require adjustments. While objective measurements are critical for assessing quantifiable outcomes of policies, the subjective measurement perspective offers unique advantages by capturing the nuanced and complex impacts of policies on individuals and communities. This approach aligns with the understanding that policy effectiveness is multifaceted, involving not only tangible outcomes but also perceptions, satisfactions, and lived experiences of stakeholders. Adopting a subjective perspective thus ensures a more inclusive, responsive, and holistic evaluation of policy effectiveness, fostering policies that are not only effective in theory but also valued and supported by those they aim to serve. Premised on the foregone, this study, therefore, adopted the subjective perspective to measure the perceived effectiveness of policy.
This measurement approach recognises that subjective indicators vary significantly amongst people. Most subjective indications are evaluated using a Likert scale [
50]. The subjective analysis emphasises the expectations of the people whom the policy will impact. The expectation of the people is about the anticipated positive benefits a policy seeks to achieve. This assertion was supported by [
51]. He concluded that policies are effective and sustainable when their intended goals and objectives align with the needs and aspirations and transform human lives [
51]. This gives the actual view of the policy or, in other words, the “perceived effectiveness” of it.
Methodologically, the subjective approach, according to Marans & Stimson [
52], is uniquely tailored to gather primary data at the individual or disaggregate level through cross-sectional survey methods. This approach focuses on the people’s opinions and assessments, ratings, or evaluations of various aspects or intended objectives of policies. This approach was employed in this current study, given the dearth of quantitative data to evaluate the perception of grazing reserves and transhumance corridors.
Multiple methods exist to quantify the perception of the several goals or domains of a policy [
53]. In this strategy, the objectives of a policy are clearly spelt out, and each domain’s combination of individual expectations or views forms the overall perception. Then again, perception could be measured by allowing individual to express their perceptions in their own words, providing deeper insights into their thoughts and feelings about the effectiveness of a policy. The data obtained via this methodological approach are rich in detail and context, offering a nuanced understanding of stakeholders’ perceptions. This paper blended the two approaches (weighted total of perception and allowing individuals to express their views). A section of farmers and herders in selected communities in the Ashanti Region of Ghana were asked about their assessment of grazing reserves and transhumance corridor systems in relation to the objectives or intended purpose of this intervention. This study aimed to assess the perceived effectiveness of Ghana’s grazing reserves and transhumance corridor systems based on purely subjective consideration.
3. Study Setting
Ghana’s agricultural and pastoral sectors, which are vital to the country’s economy, face significant challenges. Ghana’s diverse topography ranges from coastal savannahs to tropical rainforests, and the varying climates, from arid in the north to humid in the south, shape these sectors. Current studies reveal that the agricultural sector employs approximately 44.7% of the population and contributes around 18.5% to the country’s GDP [
54]. The crops and livestock sub-sectors contribute higher percentages, 65.6% and 13.7%, respectively, to the GDP [
55]. Nonetheless, the sector is challenged with erratic rainfall patterns due to climate change, limited access to modern farming technologies, and insufficient infrastructure. These issues worsen the susceptibility of smallholder farmers, who constitute the majority [
56,
57]. Moreover, land-use disputes, overgrazing, and water resource contestation are straining the integration of transhumance pastoralism in the country’s economy. These confrontations are frequently between pastoralists and farmers, resulting in socioeconomic tension and occasional violent clashes [
9,
21].
In Ghana, the practice of transhumance pastoralism, predominantly by Fulani herders, is a crucial aspect of sustaining the livelihood of pastoral communities. However, this practice also poses threats due to its impact on agricultural lands and sedentary farming practices. The challenges associated with transhumance, coupled with the pastoralists’ transient lifestyles, make it complex to integrate them into the national economy and social services, such as education and healthcare [
58].
Furthermore, policy frameworks governing land use and livestock management are often inadequate or poorly enforced, leading to inefficient resource utilisation and heightened tensions between conflicting land users. In addressing these issues, Ghana has adopted a multifaceted approach that includes improved land management policies. One of such land-use management strategy is the establishment of grazing reserves and transhumance corridors. Grazing reserves, used interchangeably as stock centres, are designated areas set aside specifically for livestock grazing. These reserves are often established to manage and optimise the use of pasture lands; nonetheless, they limit livestock mobility, which could result in overgrazing and animal fatigue [
59]. Similar to grazing reserves, transhumance corridors are land-use interventions set aside for grazing livestock. They are predefined routes pastoralists use to move their livestock seasonally between complementary grazing areas. These corridors are essential for maintaining the ecological balance and productivity of the pastoral system, as they allow for the rotation of grazing pressure and reduce the risk of overgrazing in any area [
19,
60].
Arguably, a blend of these two land-use strategies effectively manages farmer-herder conflict by preventing the destruction of crop farmers, land-use contestation and environmental degradation, especially land erosion and water contamination [
60,
61]. This policy intervention is piloted in selected districts in four regions, including the farmer-herder conflict hotspot—the Ashanti Region of Ghana [
61].
The research was conducted in the Sekyere Kumawu and Sekyere Afram Plains Districts within the Ashanti Region of Ghana. More precisely, Sekyere Kumawu is positioned between latitudes 0°20′ and 1°20′ North, and longitudes 0°45′ and 1°15′ West. The Sekyere Afram Plain can be found in the northeastern section of the region, situated between 0°20′ and 1°2′ North latitude and 6°52′ and 7°32′ West longitude [
62,
63]. The districts constitute a large portion of the Afram Plains. The districts also share borders with adjoining districts such as Sekyere Central and Ashanti Akim North (see
Figure 1). Regarding land size, the Sekyere Kumawu and Sekyere Afram Plains cover approximately 1500 sq. km and 3525 sq. km, respectively [
62,
63].
The Sekyere Afram Plains and Sekyere Kumawu have two distinct ecological zones: semi-deciduous forest and transitional zones. The districts have a semi-arid climate, with a monthly temperature averaging 25 °C [
62,
63]. The districts have a double (two-season) rainfall pattern annually. The primary wet season occurs between March and July, whereas the secondary one falls between mid-September and November. Typically, July marks the peak of the major rainy season, while November is when the minor rainy season reaches its peak. The dry season in the districts typically occurs from December to March and is characterised by drought conditions. The agro-climatic condition (i.e., soil type, temperature, rainfall, and water availability) has made agriculture an attraction venture in the two districts. Also, the arable land influences the growth of plant species (e.g.,
Hyperthelia dissotula,
Imperata cylindrica,
Andropogon gayanus, and
Centrocema pubescence) and “canopy” trees such as Odum and Mahogany [
64].
The agro-climatic conditions and grazing resources encourage all-year-round livestock production [
20,
64]. Consequently, these areas draw significant herds of cattle from the Sahelian region of West Africa and the northern regions of Ghana, leading to situations where certain transhumant pastoralists either extend their stay in the host districts beyond the dry season or settle there permanently. Their continued stay and increased competition over natural resources between them and locals result in spilling-over transhumance activities into neighbouring districts [
7].
4. Study Methods
The research adopted a mixed research design. In operationalising this design, a mixed methodology (exploratory sequential mixed method), incorporating both quantitative and qualitative approaches to collect and analyse pertinent data, was employed. The initial step in the qualitative approach was to examine the pertinent and interconnected literature on the collaborative planning model for transdisciplinary knowledge production and transhumant pastoralism. Qualitative data (such as the nature of transhumance in Ghana, objectives of the policy intervention, project details, and potential threats to the initiative) obtained from MoFA’s policy documents were also reviewed and analysed using content analysis. Additionally, in-depth interviews were conducted with key individuals from the Ghana Cattle Ranching Committee (GCRC). The committee is a planning agent established under the MoFA, responsible for formulating and implementing Ghana’s Pastoral Policy, Livestock Policy Development and Strategy, and other policy interventions. Also, representatives of farming and herding groups, decentralised institutions (District Agricultural Directorates), and traditional authorities (custodians of lands) were interviewed. The respondents for the qualitative interviews were purposely selected based on their likely influence in implementing the policy intervention. A total of 8 respondents were interviewed (see
Table 1). Some discussion points during the interviews included (1) the contribution of the grazing reserves and transhumance corridor system towards sustainable transhumant pastoralism and (2) elements that are expected to impact the efficiency and long-term viability of the policy intervention. The data from the experts were solicited using semi-structured interviews.
A cross-sectional survey of farmers and herders was further conducted on the discussion points. The survey of the farmers was carried out in 10 selected rural communities in the Sekyere Afram Plains and Sekyere Kumawu Districts (see
Table 2). These communities were purposely selected out of a total of 12 sites proposed by MoFA for delineating district transhumance corridors [
7]. The 10 communities are also noted for persistent farmer-herder conflicts [
7]. The remaining two proposed sites (Plantation and Pame) were left out of the survey because they are forest reserves. Owing to the absence of a sample frame for farming households in each selected community, the total number of houses in each was used as the sampling frame (see
Table 2). The houses were chosen as the sample frame rather than households mainly because they allowed for easy identification of respondents and ensured some spatial spread [
65]. The Google Earth application pinpointed and counted every house, resulting in 781 houses across the two districts. Based on the sampling frame for each community, a corresponding sample size was computed, assuming that at least a farming household occupied a house. The premise for assuming that a house was occupied by at least a farming household was the fact that rural households in the two districts were predominantly (Sekyere Kumawu = 90%; Sekyere Afram = 87%) engaged in agriculture, with over 98% involved in farming [
62,
63]. Even though the assumption might result in overestimating the sample size, it would not be out of place because it is a drive to depict the reality of the population under study.
The sample sizes (see
Table 1) were determined using the EPI Info 7.2 (developed by the United States Centres for Disease Control and Prevention) software, with expected frequency = 80%, confidence level = 95%, and confidence interval = 8%. Prior to the field survey, a pilot survey was conducted, revealing that 35 out of 40 (87.5%) of the sampled crop farmers had similar characteristics, consistent with the 80/20 split ideology espoused by Salant & Dillman [
66] (the expectation of more than 80% of the respondents to respond one way or have a certain characteristic, whereas a few (20%) do not). The foregone explains the expected frequency used for this study. The 8% confidence level choice was inclined to the cost-effectiveness principle, as detailed in the research by Bacchetta and Bustamante [
67] cited in Amponsah et al. [
68]. The scholars contended that research involving innovative concepts could use a small but representative sample size, which proves to be more budget-friendly than a larger sample size. The purposive sampling technique was employed to select farmers who have experienced livestock-induced crop damage.
Similar to the farmers, there was no sampling frame for the herders. The absence of a sample frame is explained by the instability of pastoralists (i.e., their frequent movement across geographic locations). Thus, it was not easy pinning them for interaction. Following this, a convenient sampling technique was adopted, allowing 82 herders to be surveyed after reaching a saturation point. For the researchers to achieve the saturation point, data collected daily were subjected to a preliminary analysis. From the analysis, data that deviated widely from the general viewpoint were investigated further by seeking clarity from the next batch of responses. The saturation point was finally realised when the additional information obtained from respondents was not significantly affected by the findings of this study.
The data collected from the farmers and herders include socio-demographic data (such as gender, age, place of origin, marital status, residential status, and years of experience engaged in economic activity). This data plays a crucial role in understanding and addressing the underlying causes and dynamics of these conflicts [
69,
70,
71]. Also, data on the perception of the causes of farmer-herder conflict and interest in sustainable transhumance were solicited. Additionally, respondents’ views on strategies were implemented at the national and local levels to resolve farmer-herder disputes. These data were gathered using a semi-structured questionnaire from farmers in ten rural communities and herders at the Wawase Ranch in the Afram Plains from November 2021 to December 2021. The surveys yielded a total of 336 responses. Subsequently, the data underwent scrutiny to identify any missing data, revealing that none of the cases had more than 5% missing data. Consequently, all 336 responses were retained for analysis.
The analysis of the data involved examining the responses given for the designated variables. Both quantitative and qualitative methods were utilised in the data analysis, with an emphasis on qualitative analytical techniques in this study. The Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) software version 22 was initially used to analyse the quantitative data. Statistical methods like descriptive statistics, correlation analysis, and regression analysis were used to quantify perceptions and examine relationships between different variables. A subjective dependent variable was developed based on the overall perceived effectiveness of the policy. The cross-sectional surveys provided information regarding the perceived effectiveness of each of the objectives of the policy. The perceived effectiveness of each of the objectives was measured.
The qualitative assessment elucidated how various stakeholders perceive the causes of farmer-herder conflicts and the effectiveness of various policies in promoting sustainable transhumant pastoralism. Quotes and text obtained from the transcribed data were analysed using content analysis. Initial codes were developed from a preliminary review of the data. The coding scheme was then applied to the entire dataset manually. Finally, the codes were analysed to identify significant themes, patterns, and relationships within the data. The findings of this study were interpreted in the context of the theoretical framework discussed in
Section 2. Additionally, findings on how multi-stakeholders perceptions align or differ from what was expected and explore the implications of these perceptions for policy implementation and effectiveness.
5. Results
5.1. Profile of Respondent
The socioeconomic traits analysed included gender, geographic origin, educational attainment, residential status, and membership in associations, notably those related to farming and herding. These factors collectively impact how transhumance is practised, the sustainability of the practice, and the interactions between different groups involved in transhumance [
15,
69,
70,
71]. For instance, education level can impact the adoption of new practices and technologies in transhumance. Also, residence status, including whether individuals are indigenous, allochthonous, or allogenic, can influence their rights, access to resources, and interactions with other communities [
15]. Understanding these aspects is crucial for developing sustainable transhumance practices that are ecologically viable and socially equitable.
Table 3 shows a significant gender disparity in the roles of farmers and herders, with a majority of male participants in both groups but a total absence of female herders. This disparity can be related to the existing literature that often discusses gender roles in agricultural and pastoral societies. Traditionally, certain cultures have assigned the role of herding primarily to men, possibly due to the physical demands and risks associated with pastoralism and cultural norms dictating gender roles [
15]. Also, the data suggests a notable presence of in-country transhumance (64.9% of herders from within Ghana, mainly from the Savannah Region). This reflects patterns observed in the literature, such as [
20] and [
72]. These studies highlight the dynamic nature of transhumance, influenced by factors like socio-political conditions and environmental changes. Bukari [
20] maintain that some cross-border transhumance have permanently settled with their families in host countries and, with time commute, across communities seeking grazing resources.
The age range of farmers and herders is quite similar, with a median age in the early 40s. This suggests a mature demographic engaged in these occupations. Also, both groups have substantial experience, with median values of 18 and 20 years for farmers and herders, respectively. This level of experience reflects the significant amount of time required to acquire the necessary skills and knowledge in these fields. The data on residence status show a stark contrast between farmers and herders: a majority of farmers are indigenous (92.5%), whereas most herders are allochthonous (82.5%), with none being allogenic. These findings align with the existing literature [
15,
37] that highlights how indigenous populations are closely tied to their ancestral lands, influencing their farming practices and resource management. In contrast, herders, especially those who are allochthonous, tend to be more mobile, adapting to different regions for grazing, which is a key aspect of pastoralism.
The results further show low educational levels among farmers and herders are consistent with the existing literature on agricultural and pastoralist communities. This trend could be attributed to several factors, such as the prioritization of traditional agricultural practices over formal education and economic constraints that necessitate early involvement in family livelihood activities. In pastoralist areas, traditional knowledge and skills related to herding and land management are often valued more than formal education [
37,
72]. This is partly due to the remote and rural nature of these communities, where access to educational facilities can be limited, and the lifestyle is more nomadic, making regular schooling challenging [
73,
74]. The results indicating low association membership among both farmers (4.3%) and herders (12.2%) suggest a limited engagement with formal or organised groups. This trend is somewhat consistent with the existing literature on agricultural and pastoral communities, which often highlights a reliance on informal networks and traditional practices over formal associations [
37,
75].
5.2. Expert Perspective on the Delineation of Corridors (Conception of the Policy)
Discussion with the GCRC highlighted that the government’s establishment of grazing reserves and delineation of transhumance corridors is rooted in National Pastoral Policy. This policy aims to develop and improve pastoral infrastructure and mobility management. This decision is consistent with Articles 7 and 15 of the ECOWAS Protocol on Transhumance, which suggests that member countries should make livestock centres and transhumance routes available [
25]. The committee further revealed that the decision to establish the grazing reserves and transhumance corridor systems was arrived at through an extensive engagement of multiple stakeholders. The stakeholders include representatives from farmers and herder groups, national and decentralised institutions, academics, and experts. The engagement exposed the ineffectiveness of established fodder banks (ranches), leading to persistent farmer-herder conflicts. The foregone necessitated redesigning existing fodder banks into grazing reserves with complementary transhumance corridors. The following is a response from the committee.
“… we evaluated the ranching system and realised there was low patronage of the existing fodder banks, hence the need to redesign them into grazing reserves for local and transhumance livestock to access adequate grazing resources. We also deem it necessary to provide transhumance corridors to avoid crop damage during livestock mobility, especially at night, when farmers are not around to safeguard their farms against encroachment”
(Source: official of GCRC, 2021)
From the narrative, the committee conceptualised the policy strategy as areas and pathways or routes demarcated or set aside to aid cattle access to grazing reserves to enhance livestock production. The committee further revealed that the pathways (transhumance corridor systems) would be delineated with pillars at various intervals, including water points. The width of the corridors would measure up to 150 m; however, when there are impediments by way of land contestation, they could be 100 m. This claim is consistent with the work of [
76], which maintain that transhumance corridors that permeate agricultural zones may vary in width. These demarcations are necessary to avoid the loss of significant agrarian production land [
19,
76]. The technical report of the committee revealed that the overall objective of the strategy is to “
develop a more efficient land use production system that mitigates farmer-herder conflicts and contributes to the improvement of the livelihoods of all crop and livestock value chain actors and the national economy while protecting the environment, preserving livestock biodiversity and ensuring bio-security” [
7]. Key informant interview responses from representatives from relevant stakeholders confirmed this assertion. The following are some of the responses from the key informant interviews.
“… because there are no/inadequate grazing reserves, it has become easier for farmers and herders to clash. With the designation of grazing resources, peace and calm will be ensured. Also, since land contestation often exists among the two groups (i.e., farmers and herders), the corridors will clearly define the jurisdiction for which each group is expected to operate. Unlike the ranching system, grazing reserves are much like natural grazing areas, which expose livestock to adequate pasture”
(representative of the Herders Association of Ghana, 2021)
“Water points would be included in grazing reserves and along transhumance corridors. This will prevent cattle from encroaching on farms and grazing or trampling on crops on routes to water bodies. It would further prevent the contamination of water bodies, which are often used by community members for domestic purposes”
(representative of the Ghana Association of Peasant Farmers, 2021)
“With the ranching system, mobility is highly restricted, resulting in continued grazing and trampling, reducing pasture and increasing land degradation. This situation would be mitigated when the grazing reserves and transhumance corridor systems are established”
(member of GCRC, MoFA, 2021)
From the perspective of members of the traditional authority, implementing the strategy will bring peace in their area between farmers and herders. During the interaction with the traditional authorities from the Sekyere Afram Plains District, it was stated,
“We want our people to have peace going about their everyday activities. We are tired of the occasional clashes between farmers and herders. So, if the government’s actions could help ensure that the animals do not go into people’s farms to destroy them, we would be happy. Again, as much as the government is taking lands for projects for these pastoralists, we want to consistently be recognised as the allodial holders and owners of the land, and any compensations or rents be paid to use”
(Member of the Kumawu Traditional Council in Sekyere Kumawu District)
It could be deduced from the foregone narrative that the committee and stakeholders perceived the intervention to (1) reduce farmer-herder conflict by mitigating crop damages, (2) promote access to grazing resources, and (3) enhance environmental sustainability. Thus, the general perception of the policy strategy from the perspective of the committee is positive.
5.3. Perception of Primary Stakeholders on the Delineation of Grazing Reserves and Transhumance Corridors System
Considering that farmers and herders would be directly affected by the implementation of the policy intervention, it was essential to seek their perspective to establish a base for analysing the extent of its feasibility. It was also relevant because their perception could significantly influence the implementation and sustainability of the intervention. The views of farmers and herders were therefore sought on whether the policy strategy was likely to achieve its primary objectives, which include (1) preventing crop destruction, (2) promoting environmental sustainability by limiting water pollution and land degradation, and (3) promoting access to the use of scarce ecological resources. Their views on the risk associated with the policy were also assessed. Particular emphasis was placed on the likelihood of transferring land ownership rights to herders [
1,
30].
Further analysis was conducted to establish the difference in perceptions between the two sampled groups (i.e., crop farmers and herders). Prior to this, a test was conducted to determine if the data were normally distributed, as presented in
Table A2 and
Table A3. The results of
Table A2 (test statistics were outside the range −0.05 and 0.05) and
Table A3 (
p-value = 0.00 with the acceptable error margin of 0.05) suggest a non-normal distribution of the sampled data. Therefore, an independent sample Mann–Whitney U-test was employed to assess the disparity in perception among the two groups under examination.
Table 4 shows that the majority of both farmers and herders agreed that grazing reserves and transhumance corridor system would prevent crop damage, with almost identical percentages (farmer = 79.5% and herder = 79.3%). This suggests a very similar perception between the two groups regarding this variable. Both groups perceived that the boundaries established by the transhumance corridor systems and grazing reserves would prevent farmers from encroaching and herders from straying outside the designated land use space, thereby preventing crop damage and water pollution. This claim is consistent with studies by Alidou [
60] and Kitchell et al. [
19]. The respondents who disagreed with the role of the system in preventing crop damages revealed that their experience from similar land-use interventions (e.g., established ranches) have not adequately prevented crop destruction. The majority of these respondents (approximately 84%) revealed that inadequate grazing resources were the cause of crop damage (see
Table 5).
A notable difference was observed when it came to the role of the policy in preventing environmental degradation. A significantly higher percentage of farmers agree with the assertion compared to herders (see
Table 4). This indicates a difference in perception, with farmers showing stronger agreement.
Table 4 further shows that herders perceive grazing reserves and corridors as more beneficial to their land tenure and access to resources compared to the farmers’ perception. Nonetheless, both groups have a negative perception of the role of these systems in promoting flexibility in the use of natural resources, with herders feeling slightly more strongly about it. While frequencies in
Table 4 provide a basic understanding of how many respondents fall into each category, they do not tell us whether the observed differences are statistically significant [
77]. As such, a Mann–Whitney U-test was conducted to determine if the differences in perceptions between farmers and herders are due to chance or are statistically significant [
78].
The Mann–Whitney U-test indicates a statistically significant between the farmers and herders concerning their perception of the policy in preventing environmental degradation
[p-value = 0.001, effect size r = 0.18, median (farmers = 1 and herders = 1] and strengthening herders’ land tenure
[p-value = 0.017, with effect size, r = 0.18, median (farmers = 2 and herders = 1] (see
Table 6). Hence, the null hypothesis that there is “no difference in perception between farmers and herders for the two variables” is not supported. In summary, while both groups generally agree on the positive effects of the policy, herders perceive it as more beneficial for preventing environmental degradation and significantly more effective in strengthening their land tenure compared with farmers. For example, herders logically maintained that the policy intervention would benevolently cede territory and grant them access rights to land-based resources. A common refrain is: “We would have rights to access natural resources without threats when grazing reserves and corridors are created”.
Nonetheless, this stance is in stark contrast with the aspirations of farmers’ livelihoods, as they perceive the demarcated pastoral reserves would deny them legitimate access to their land for agricultural expansion or other developmental projects. This claim was evident as they revealed they required additional land averaging 5 acres (minimum = 2 acres; 25th percentile = 5 acres; 75th percentile = 10 acres; maximum = 15 acres) for farming. Hence, a more significant proportion of the farmers (approximately 64%) did not think the strategy would promote flexibility in the use of resources (see
Table 4). A 52-year-old farmer at Dagomba in the Sekyere Afram Plains questioned, “
Whose land would be used to delineate the corridors as herders do not have legitimate access to land”. The extract affirms the vital role of access and control of land in policies on sustainable transhumant pastoralism.
Even though the herders acknowledged that the intervention would ensure their right to access grazing resources, most (approximately 74%) disagreed that it would promote flexibility in using grazing resources. The findings show that while the policy is likely to protect pastoralists’ right to grazing resources, it further limits flexibility in resource use, a situation described by Moritz et al. [
31] as the “paradox of pastoral land tenure”. One of the herders stationed at the Wawase Ranch in the Afram Plains stated,
“… I don’t think what the government wants to do will be any different from this fodder bank (referring to the Wawase Ranch). The initiative would also limit free access to grazing resources outside the buffer zone. Interestingly, the government fails to engage us when designing such policies. It is just like a tailor, who sits at home, sews a dress without your measurement, and expects it to suit you perfectly …”.
He added,
“If the animals are kept here for three months, it affects their movements, and sometimes they go on rampage, making it difficult to control them. It is, therefore, important to develop other strategies to manage them throughout the year. This is important as their numbers keep on increasing”.
5.4. Influence of Socioeconomic Characteristics of Farmers and Herders on Their Perception
Socioeconomic characteristics significantly influence perceptions of an individual, shaping how individuals view the world and react to various issues. An example is educational level, as it typically influences one’s understanding of global issues, fosters critical thinking, and exposes individuals to diverse perspectives. Also, occupational experiences can shape viewpoints on labour rights and economic policies. Other factors, such as age and ethnicity, also play vital roles, contributing to the diversity of perspectives in society, thus highlighting the importance of understanding these socioeconomic influences to fully grasp the complexity of human perception.
The regression analysis presented in
Table 7 examines the relationship between certain socioeconomic factors of respondents (farmers and herders) and their perception of the policy intervention related to grazing reserves and transhumance corridor systems. For farmers, age significantly negatively impacts their perception (β = −0.259,
p < 0.000), suggesting that older farmers, 55–65+ years (see
Table A4), are less likely to view the policy favourably. This could be due to a resistance to change or a preference for traditional practices. On the other hand, the effect of age on herders is also negative, but it is not statistically significant (β = −0.191,
p = 0.251), indicating that this factor might not be as influential for herders as it is for farmers.
Another factor that was observed to be significant for both groups was association membership, thus positively influencing their perception of the policy. This effect is stronger among farmers (β = 0.25, p < 0.000 for farmers; β = 0.19, p = 0.06 for herders), highlighting the role of social networks and collective action in shaping attitudes towards environmental policies. Interviews with some respondents revealed that being part of an association likely provides access to information, peer support, and collective learning experiences, which foster a more favourable view of policy interventions. This was evident when a 43-year-old member of the Ghana Association of Peasant Farmers revealed, “…being a member of the association, I have gained knowledge of improved farming methods, received post-harvest training and awareness creation on various government interventions”.
In terms of education, there is a nuanced difference between the two groups. Education years have a positive yet not statistically significant impact on the perception of farmers (β = 0.1,
p = 0.11). This could mean that while education plays a role in shaping farmers’ views, it is not a decisive factor. Conversely, for herders, the effect of education years is negative but also non-significant (β = −0.05,
p = 0.59). This reflects a disconnect between formal education and traditional herding practices, where formal education does not necessarily translate into positive perceptions of the policy [
79]. Finally, the years of experience present an intriguing contrast. For farmers, this factor has a negative and non-significant effect on their perception (β = −0.02,
p = 0.73), indicating a diverse range of views based on farming experience. However, for herders, the years of experience have a significantly positive impact on their perception (β = 0.6,
p < 0.00).
The value of R for farmers is 0.36. This suggests a moderate positive correlation between the predictors and the farmers’ perception of the policy. It indicates that as the values of the predictors increase (or decrease), there is a moderate corresponding increase (or decrease) in the farmers’ positive perception of the policy. The R-square value of 0.13 indicates that approximately 13% of the variance in farmers’ perceptions of the policy can be explained by the predictors of the model (association membership, education, age, experience). For herders, the R-value is 0.51, indicating a stronger positive correlation compared with farmers. This implies that the predictors have a more substantial relationship with herders’ perceptions of the policy. The R-square value is 0.26, implying that about 26% of the variance in herders’ perceptions is explained by the model. This is significantly higher than that for farmers, suggesting these factors are more influential in predicting herders’ perceptions.
6. Discussion
Scholarly works show that the predominant threat to sustainable transhumant pastoralism is competition over natural resources and its associated effect on crop damage, the contamination of waterbodies, and the destruction of other natural resources. Raleigh [
16] argues that land-use planning is one of the surest mechanisms in preventing land-use conflict and environmental degradation, hence the need for appropriate land-use planning strategies to foster sustainable transhumant pastoralism. It is, however, contested that land-use strategies, especially ranches, restrict flexible access to grazing resources and promote overgrazing and, subsequently, land degradation [
30,
31]. Following this argument, the purpose of this study was to examine the perception of stakeholders on land-use strategies, particularly how Ghana’s grazing reserves and transhumance corridor system promote sustainable transhumance practice. The assessment of the policy initiative was done based on its role in preventing crop damage and environmental degradation, strengthening the land tenure and access to natural resources of herders, and ensuring flexible access to land and other land-based resources.
This study revealed that the development of grazing reserves and transhumance corridors was a collaborative effort. It involved consultations with key stakeholders, including leaders of farming and herding groups, local authorities, and decentralised bodies such as the District Agricultural Directorate. The involvement of key stakeholders, the involvement of key stakeholders such as national leaders of farming and herding groups, local authorities, and decentralised institutions like the District Agricultural Directorate aligns with the principles of collaborative planning. This inclusive approach is crucial for ensuring that the needs and concerns of different groups are addressed and for building trust among stakeholders [
80,
81]. However, the lack of engagement with farmers and herders at the local level represents a significant gap in the collaborative process, which may impact the implementation, effectiveness, and sustainability of the policy initiative [
17]. According to Forester [
82], effective collaboration requires not only the inclusion of key decision-makers but also the active participation of those who are directly affected by the outcomes. The exclusion of local-level stakeholders can lead to a lack of local knowledge and insight, which is essential for creating practical and context-specific solutions.
The perception of farmers and herders may affect their willingness to support the implementation of the policy initiative [
83]. Also, their insights are invaluable for designing and implementing realistic and contextually appropriate grazing reserves and transhumance corridor systems [
84]. The assessment of the perception of farmers and herders revealed that the majority of them believe that grazing reserves and transhumance corridor systems will prevent crop damage and land-use conflict. This finding is consistent with findings in various studies. Research has shown that well-managed grazing reserves and transhumance corridors can significantly reduce instances of crop damage and ensuing conflicts [
19,
60,
85]. This approach aligns with conflict management theories that emphasise pre-emptive actions to create structured, predictable environments where potential conflicts are minimised [
37,
86]).
Moreso, this study revealed that the farmers and herders perceive that by demarcating specific areas for grazing and transhumance, such policies can clarify land-use rights, reducing the ambiguity that often leads to disputes. This clarity is a fundamental principle in reducing resource-based conflicts [
17]. Nonetheless, while herders perceive that the policy would grant them access rights to land-based resources, reflecting their need for secure grazing territories, farmers are concerned about losing access to land for agricultural expansion. This tension is well-documented in studies on land-use conflict, where agricultural expansion often competes with pastoral needs [
2,
30,
59]. The notion of herders feeling entitled to territory by policy intervention while farmers feel threatened in their traditional land underscores the importance of considering historical and cultural contexts in policymaking. Land tenure systems are often deeply rooted in historical claims and cultural practices [
2,
27]. This finding implies that policymakers will face a challenge of balancing the expansion needs of farmers with the grazing needs of herders. This also suggests that policy is likely to receive resistance from farmers and landowners if their needs are not addressed or compensated for.
Although the herders perceived the positive impact of the policy intervention granting them access to scarce ecological resources, they maintained that demarcated buffers restrict flexibility in accessing resources. This finding is consistent work of Moritz et al. [
31]. This event was described by the authors as the “paradox of pastoral land tenure”. In other words, while the land-use strategy grants herders access to grazing resources, it restricts unlimited access. Nonetheless, comparing the grazing reserves and transhumance corridor systems with other land-use interventions (ranching system) implemented by the government, stakeholders believe the former can provide a bit of flexibility in the use of resources and reduce animal fatigue from grazing in a familiar space. This perception was premised on the accompanied transhumance routes inherent in policy intervention, which facilitate restricted movement of livestock [
19,
60].
The results of this study also reveal that socioeconomic factors like age, education, experience, and association membership significantly influence the perception of grazing reserves and transhumance systems policy among farmers and herders. The results further show that the factors are more predictive of herders’ perceptions of the policy than farmers (herders = 26%; farmers = 13%). This could be due to herders’ direct dependence on grazing land and transhumance routes for their livelihoods, making them more sensitive to policies affecting these aspects [
15]. The moderate influence on farmers reflects the more diverse range of concerns and interests among farmers regarding land-use policies [
2]. This study also revealed that factors like association membership, which is more predictive for farmers, and experience, which is more influential for herders, highlight different priorities and informational networks in these groups. This further complicates the policymaking process.
The implications of these findings for sustainable transhumant pastoralism are profound. They highlight the need for a truly collaborative planning approach that involves not only key decision-makers but also engages local-level stakeholders actively. Such an approach should balance the competing needs of farmers and herders, considering the socioeconomic factors that influence their perceptions. This will ensure the development of practical, context-specific solutions that are crucial for the successful implementation, effectiveness, and sustainability of grazing reserves and transhumance corridor systems in pastoralism.
7. The Way Forward and Conclusions
Several studies [
7,
21,
24,
57,
87,
88,
89,
90] have highlighted the complex dynamics involved in transhumant pastoralism in sub-Saharan Africa, particularly Ghana. The practice, deeply rooted in historical and cultural traditions, has evolved under the pressures of environmental, economic, and social changes. The challenges associated with transhumance, such as farmer-herder conflicts, environmental degradation, and the spread of zoonotic diseases, emphasis the need for sustainable management strategies. As a signatory to the ECOWAS Transhumance Protocol, the government of Ghana is making attempts to adhere to Articles 5 and 17 of the protocol by developing grazing reserves and transhumance corridor systems. The purpose of this study was to examine how stakeholders perceive the policy directive within the context of sustainable transhumant pastoralism.
Through the lens of collaborative planning theory and transdisciplinary knowledge production, this study highlights the importance of incorporating diverse stakeholder perspectives in the formulation and implementation of policies aimed at fostering sustainable transhumant pastoralism. The research reveals that while the government’s initiative to delineate grazing reserves and transhumance corridors is a step towards mitigating farmer-herder conflicts, its success is contingent upon the active participation and acceptance of these strategies by the primary stakeholders—namely, the pastoralists and farmers.
The research underscores the need for more inclusive engagement with local-level stakeholders, particularly farmers and herders. It is crucial for the relevant governmental bodies, such as the District Agricultural Directorate, to initiate and facilitate regular dialogues and consultations with these local groups. This approach aligns with the principles of collaborative planning, which emphasise the importance of including all affected parties in the decision-making process. By ensuring that the voices of farmers and herders are heard and their concerns are addressed, policies can be more effectively tailored to the realities on the ground.
The conflicting perceptions of herders and farmers regarding land-use rights highlight the need for policies that carefully balance these interests. The Ministry of Food and Agriculture and the Ministry of Lands and Natural Resources, in collaboration with local authorities, should work towards developing policies that provide clear and fair guidelines on land use. This involves ensuring that herders have access to necessary grazing lands while also protecting the rights of farmers to expand agricultural activities. Such balance is essential in reducing resource-based conflicts and ensuring sustainable land use. Additionally, the “paradox of pastoral land tenure” requires policies that offer flexibility. While demarcated grazing reserves and corridors provide structured environments, they should not overly restrict the mobility of pastoralists. The Ministry of Environment, Science, Technology, and Innovation should consider designing grazing reserves and corridors that allow for some degree of flexibility, adapting to seasonal and ecological changes.
The influence of socioeconomic factors like age, education, experience, and association membership on stakeholders’ perceptions suggests the need for targeted communication and education strategies. The Ministry of Education, in partnership with local agricultural associations, should develop educational programs and outreach initiatives tailored to different demographic groups. These programs should aim to raise awareness about the importance and benefits of sustainable grazing reserves and transhumance corridors.
In conclusion, the research highlights the importance of a nuanced, inclusive, and transdisciplinary approach in the development and implementation of policies related to grazing reserves and transhumance corridors. By considering the diverse needs and perspectives of all stakeholders and integrating knowledge from various disciplines, policies can be more effectively aligned with the goals of sustainable transhumant pastoralism. This paper thus calls for a paradigm shift towards proactive land-use strategies that address not only immediate resource conflicts but also foster long-term ecological balance and social cohesion, ultimately contributing to resilient and thriving pastoral communities.