1. Introduction
Social phenomena tend occasionally to spatially diffuse between geographic features and regions [
1]. Spatial diffusion is defined as the spread of a phenomenon over space and time from a primary source outward to (a) remote destination(s).
The diffusion may be either sudden—such as the propagation of damage during an earthquake [
2]—or a continuous one—such as the international diffusion of anti-terrorism laws [
3]. In the field of human geography, a diffusion of behavioral change affected by processes occurring elsewhere is termed cultural diffusion [
4]—that is, a process associated with a social phenomenon that disseminates from one area to another in the course of a specified period [
5]. Coined by the French scholar Leo Frobenius in the early 20th century, cultural diffusion was initially defined as “the spread of cultural items—such as ideas, styles, religions, technologies, languages—between individuals, whether within a single culture or from one culture to another over space and time” [
6]. Yet, as the discipline of geography has evolved, so does the term, and ever since, cultural diffusion has often been broadly classified into two main types: relocation diffusion and expansion diffusion.
Relocation diffusion occurs when a phenomenon shifts from its source to a new place, ceasing to exist at the original location. For instance, the 19th-century immigration from the Eastern to the Western United States of the Mormon community [
7]. Expansion diffusion describes a phenomenon that continues to exist at its original location while spreading to new regions [
8]. Expansion diffusion can be divided into two subtypes: hierarchical diffusion and contagious diffusion. Hierarchical diffusion occurs when the main distribution source of a phenomenon is tagged as the leader in a spatial hierarchy, while other spreading sources are hierarchically leveled based on a spatial order. An example is the spread of Rotary clubs throughout the United States in the most populated cities at the beginning of the 20th century [
9]. Contagious diffusion, on the other hand, is based on distance decay principles, with dissemination into the neighboring or nearest area [
8]—for example, the transition of European hunter-gatherers to farming by acquiring domestic plants, animals and knowledge from neighboring farmers [
10].
Cultural phenomena presenting patterns of cultural diffusion can be assessed both qualitatively and quantitatively. Qualitative analysis methods rely on the interpretation of visual sources (e.g., maps and photographs), the characterization of communities, and social examination at the individual level. For example, the spread of the term “public intellectual” in the English press in Canada that reveals a continuous diffusion from the US press [
11]. Quantitative methods, on the other hand, rely on statistical and mathematical models to analyze diffusion patterns by correlative models (i.e., variables are correlated), continuous models (the independent variable has continuous values—e.g., time) and discontinuous models (the independent variable is noncontinuous—e.g., place names). An example of spatial quantitative methods employed in the study of a cultural diffusion is an analysis of the patterns of dissemination of village names in neighboring regions in China that shows diffusion patterns where names spread outward from the center through spatial proximity while also appearing in distant locations due to population migration [
5].
This article examines whether spatial diffusion patterns associated with the COVID-19 virus are detectable, based on a weekly analysis of three indicators: the number of COVID-19 tests normalized with the population size, the number of confirmed cases normalized with the population size and the ratio between them—namely, the Percent Positivity Index (PPI). The research question is as follows: did the spatial distribution of COVID-19 tests and confirmed cases have a societal influence? In other words, are the ratios of COVID-19 tests and confirmed cases determined solely by epidemiological conditions, or are they also influenced by social factors? We hypothesize that the diffusion of COVID-19 tests and confirmed cases are influenced by social and cultural factors. As test cases, we examine the Tel Aviv-Jaffa and Haifa (Israel) metropolitan regions, for they are socially, culturally and ethnically diverse.
1.1. The COVID-19 Virus as a Spatial Phenomenon
SARS-CoV-2, also referred to as COVID-19—a recently discovered coronavirus strain—was first detected in Wuhan, China, in December 2019 [
12]. During February 2020, the virus began to spread globally, triggering significant fear and concern [
12]. Commonly, once infection occurred in a given region, the number of confirmed cases and morbidity rate increased sharply, reaching a peak, and then rapidly declined back to normal, demonstrating wave propagation with peaks and lows [
13]. To prevent the spread of the virus, restrictions were implemented worldwide, including lockdowns and the isolation of people suspected of being infected [
14,
15]. To detect the presence of infection, polymerase chain reaction (PCR) tests were used, gaining popularity [
16] and becoming the primary method for detecting infection cases [
15].
The spread of COVID-19 has been studied from numerus epidemiological perspectives, including the geographical propagation of the virus [
17,
18,
19,
20]. Diffusion patterns play an influential epidemiological role in terms of the virus’s propagation, and the conducted studies show they are usually predictable rather than random [
21], demonstrating a combination of hierarchical and contagious diffusions patterns [
8]. Yet, some studies demonstrate that propagation patterns are subjected to societal influence [
22,
23,
24]. That is, the propagation is influenced by social factors and not just by epidemiological parameters. This is apparent, in particular, when examining social media and crowdsourcing initiatives that inform about the progress of the contagion, implying the potential influence of information transmitted within the community and raised awareness [
25].
One of the indicators of the virus’s spread is the rate of confirmed cases. However, it should be considered with caution for several reasons. First, the PCR test indicates whether a person was infected with COVID-19 up to three months prior to the test and does not necessarily indicate an active illness [
26]. Second, many COVID-19 carriers developed no symptoms and may have not tested themselves or obeyed the authorities’ call to be tested [
27], thus causing the rate to be underestimated. Third, COVID-19 outbreaks are difficult to understand, since there is no clear insight into the effectiveness in predicting the outbreak using traditional epidemiological models in comparison to computational models [
28]. Thus, one might discover that obedient communities whose members took a large number of PCR tests may have subsequently also presented a large number of confirmed cases [
29]. It does not necessarily indicate they have higher morbidity but rather implies a phenomenon that may be subject to the social behavior of communities. Indeed, studies conducted worldwide show that the number of COVID-19 tests of people from a low socioeconomic status is relatively smaller than their ratio in the general population [
30,
31,
32,
33]. It is possible that behavioral emotional motives, which also have an economic impact, such as fear of self-isolation and absence from work, outweigh social motivations such as recognizing public health issues and consequently adhering to preserving the health of family and relatives [
30]. Additionally, it has been demonstrated that risk perception and worries influence people’s decision to take excessive preventive measures [
34].
1.2. The COVID-19 Virus in Israel
The first case of COVID-19 was confirmed in Israel on 21 February 2020 [
35], not long after the first cases in Europe were reported. A month later, the country experienced the impact of the first wave of the pandemic. The government responded with lockdowns, the cancellation of leisure activities, and imposing restrictions on social gatherings. The peak of that wave appears to have been on 31 March 2020, with over 7000 new confirmed cases per day [
36,
37]. After a gradual decline during April and May 2020, Israel began to lift restrictions: schools reopened at the end of April, and by the end of May, cafes, hotels, and tourist attractions had partially opened again. A second wave of the virus began in June 2020—this time with government regulations on city-specific restrictions, based on local morbidity indicators, namely following the “Traffic Light Model” [
38]. In September 2020, a three-week lockdown was imposed again, with the rise of the wave peaking toward the end of that month. The third wave began in December 2020, by the time the entire population began to get vaccinated for the first time. Nevertheless, a third lockdown was imposed in late December 2020 and lifted only in early February 2021, for the wave had peaked in mid-January. In July 2021, a fourth wave hit Israel, driven by the highly contagious Delta variant, which peaked in September 2021 with over 11,000 new daily confirmed cases. Throughout October and November 2021, restrictions were gradually eased [
37]. The fifth wave, caused by the rapidly transmitted Omicron variant, was the fastest to rise among the waves that hit Israel. It began at the end of December 2021 and lasted until the end of February 2022, with the number of new daily confirmed cases reaching over 80,000 at its peak [
36].
4. Discussion
The COVID-19 pandemic exposed complex interactions between social structures, spatial dynamics and epidemiological monitoring. Our study reveals that the propagation of COVID-19 testing and confirmed cases is not solely an epidemiological phenomenon but a complex process influenced by socioeconomic and spatial factors.
To assess the spread of the virus and the level of morbidity, health authorities used various indices. One of them is the PPI, which refers to the ratio of positive COVID-19 tests (confirmed cases) per total tests conducted [
51,
52]. In Israel, this ratio was monitored closely from the beginning of the pandemic by the Israeli MoH. The PPI demonstrates that the level of morbidity starts with lower values at the beginning of the wave, increases toward the peak and decreases toward the end of the wave (
Figure 3 and
Figure 6). This trend behavior is similar for each ring, whether it is in the center or the periphery. In other words, the epidemiological indicator of morbidity behaves similarly in all rings and regions. This trend is different from the results associated with the COVID-19 tests and confirmed cases, stressing that regarding the latter, other, non-viral factors may be dominant.
Unlike the PPI, the propagation of COVID-19 tests behaves differently. The social structure in both metropolitan regions is not unified; high-class socioeconomic groups reside in the center, and the farther away a settlement is from the core of the metropolitan area, the lower its socioeconomic ranking. Considering that low-class communities tend to be tested less than their proportion in the entire population [
30,
31,
32,
33], one would expect that the number of COVID-19 tests would remain high at the geographic center and low at the peripheral rings along the entire Omicron wave. However, the examination of the low-class socioeconomic group (which populates the metropolitan periphery) reveals that this group is indeed being tested, with a small rate at the beginning of the wave, but gradually the ratio of tests rises until reaching a peak towards the middle of the wave (weeks 5–7). Then, the ratio of testing decreases back as the wave is progressing to its end. In the high-class socioeconomic group (which populates the metropolitans center), the trend is polarized; it starts with high values, then drops towards mid-wave and rises back again as the wave ends (
Figure 3). The conjunction of spatial and social perspectives in terms of COVID-19 tests implies that its propagation might also be influenced by social factors. This insight is stronger in the Haifa metropolitan region than in the Tel Aviv-Jaffa region and forms a pattern of contagious diffusion in which the phenomena of high COVID-19 testing diffuses between neighboring spatial rings (from the core to periphery and back). Social factors can be explained by commuting habits between the center and peripheral regions [
53], as demonstrated by the cases of 20th-century pandemics such as cholera [
54], Spanish flu [
55] and AIDS [
56] or different public responses to the viral spread fostered and echoed by the media [
25,
57]. Either way, the number of COVID-19 tests seems to be a false indicator for the actual virus spread.
This seems to be also the case of the confirmed cases, which during the pandemic were used as a proxy for the virus spread. Not surprisingly, when examining the ratio of the confirmed cases it seems that it follows the trend of the COVID-19 tests, in particular concerning the interplay between the core and periphery of the metropolitan regions (
Figure 7). Accordingly, at the beginning of the wave high rates were associated with the core. Then, towards the mid period, the higher rates reversed and were associated with the periphery, and then it flipped back. This is not surprising—when a large number of tests are being conducted, it is reasonable to assume that more people will be revealed as positive to COVID. In other words, if the number of confirmed cases depends on the number of conducted COVID-19 tests, and the latter in turn is subjected to social influence in time and space, then a high ratio of confirmed cases does not necessarily indicate high morbidity but rather reflects the higher responsiveness of the community to getting tested. Considering that many COVID-19 carriers do not develop any symptoms [
58], one can conclude that the number of the confirmed cases does not necessarily reflect the morbidity level nor the development of viral hotspots.
In terms of diffusion type, the propagation of COVID-19 tests and confirmed cases demonstrates a contagious diffusion pattern, whereby they diffuse from the center outward and then back inwards (
Figure 4,
Figure 5 and
Figure 6). In the Haifa metropolitan region, a typical contagious diffusion model is well identified. For instance, the diffusion from Abu Sanan to the surrounding settlements (
Figure 4), until complete contagion was reached during the peak of the wave (weeks 6–7). In the Tel Aviv-Jaffa metropolitan region, a similar process is detected in the Sharon settlements (
Figure 5), where the diffusion began in Kfar Saba and Hod Hasharon toward Ra‘anana, Ramat Hasharon and Herzliya, until it reversed back to the metropolitan center. The pattern of contagious diffusion is typical also in other virus spread scenarios such as in Brazil [
59], India [
17], Iran [
60], Indonesia [
61] and Bangladesh [
62].
The results presented in this paper are partial, for the Israeli MoH data does not include settlements with less than 2000 people, which may have affected the concluded patterns. Additionally, during pandemics, it is essential to differentiate between the actual viral propagation and social influence [
63]. Obviously, other viral factors such as vaccination rates, vaccine types or quarantine and lockdown policies may also have an influence. In addition, numerous other factors, including environmental and climatic variables, could further shape the diffusion patterns. However, addressing these shortcomings is complex and should include additional epidemiological factors and other considerations [
64,
65], which are beyond the scope of this paper.