Search Results (1,473)

Climate change education has expanded in curricular, institutional and media arenas, yet it still faces a central challenge: turning scientific knowledge into educational practices that transform perceptions, decisions and participation. This article argues that the challenge cannot be addressed by merely adding content about the climate system, because the climate crisis is experienced in specific territories, affects communities unequally and activates emotions that can either enable or inhibit action. Through a critical integrative review and research-reflection approach, the article connects three bodies of scholarship that are commonly developed in parallel: territorial and place-based learning, climate justice, and emotional literacy. Its conceptual novelty lies not in claiming that these components are individually new, but in specifying territorial memory as the mediating mechanism through which scientific evidence, unequal vulnerability, affective experience and collective action are combined in teacher education. On this basis, it presents the TEJA Model—territorialization, experience, justice and action—as a heuristic framework for designing, analyzing and evaluating teacher-education sequences. Its practical contribution is a five-phase process and an operational matrix that translate nearby risks such as floods, droughts and wildfires into inquiry, deliberation, emotional care and feasible collective action. The model is presented as a testable conceptual proposal rather than a validated intervention. The article concludes that relevant climate education must be scientific, human, territorial and political: it should recognize vulnerability, begin from lived places and address unequal responsibilities and collective capacities for action. Full article

Conspiracy beliefs targeting lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) individuals have attracted increasing attention in social and political psychology due to their role in prejudice, social exclusion, and resistance to social change. Despite growing interest in this phenomenon, validated instruments for assessing LGBTQ+-related conspiracy beliefs in Spanish-speaking populations remain limited. The present study aimed to adapt and evaluate the psychometric properties of the Spanish version of the Gender Ideology and LGBTQ+ Lobby Conspiracies Scale (GILC) in a Chilean sample. A total of 611 participants completed the instrument. Evidence based on internal structure was examined using parallel analysis, psychometric network analysis, confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), and measurement invariance testing across sex assigned at birth. Evidence based on relations with external variables was assessed through sociodemographic characteristics, religiosity, political orientation, and generic conspiracy beliefs. Results consistently supported a predominantly unidimensional structure. The CFA showed that the original one-factor model achieved satisfactory fit after incorporating two theoretically meaningful residual correlations. In addition, the scale demonstrated configural, metric, and scalar invariance across sex assigned at birth. GILC scores were positively associated with generic conspiracy beliefs, religiosity, age, and right-wing political orientation. Overall, the findings provide support for the validity of the Spanish version of the GILC and suggest that it constitutes a useful tool for studying LGBTQ+-related conspiracy beliefs in Spanish-speaking contexts. Full article

Gender-based violence may be considered a failure or absence of care across the interpersonal, symbolic, and structural levels. Feminist scholars have called for closer attention to an ethic of care as one vital pathway to shared solidarity for social justice and relations of non-violence. Works from Black, Indigenous, queer and disability writers and activists have similarly illustrated the transformative potential of collective care for building community and ending systems of oppression. In this paper, we draw on this critical literature to argue for framing collective care as both a practice and a long-term objective in work to prevent gender-based violence. To illustrate this framing, we share empirical data from two Australian studies: one with young people using social media to prevent gender-based violence, and one with prevention practitioners who work with men and boys. Our findings are organised around four central themes: care as collaboration; transformative care; a politic of care; and collective care in structural change. These findings represent patterns in practice, political approach, and imagined futures among our research participants that we suggest are reflective of ongoing commitments to empathy, compassion, and accountability. These patterns are substantively distinct from much mainstream programmatic and policy approaches to gender-based violence prevention, which often reproduce individualistic frames and are constrained by funding and governance models. We argue that violence prevention is fundamentally a shared project of collective care: supporting one another to recognise, interrogate, and challenge the gendered norms and structures that perpetuate gender-based violence. This work is inescapably relational, political, personal, and motivated by a shared sense of caring for each other. Full article

Volunteering is a key component of social capital associated with improved health outcomes. However, it remains unclear how volunteer patterns differ by race and education and whether standard measures adequately capture racial and contextual differences in how volunteering is understood and reported. This mixed-methods study examined racial and educational differences in volunteer activities over time and evaluated how individuals from different racial backgrounds define, engage in, and value volunteering. This study used a mixed-methods longitudinal design combining secondary analysis of the Midlife in the United States (MIDUS) study (1995–2016; n = 5921) with qualitative interviews (n = 47) in the United States. The quantitative outcome was the number of self-reported volunteer hours per month across four domains: healthcare, youth-related, political, and other organizations. Linear mixed-effects models were used to examine differences by race, volunteer context, and time, adjusting for age, gender, and educational attainment. Qualitative interviews used MIDUS item probes and open-ended questions to examine participants’ interpretations of volunteer work, unpaid activities, and forms of engagement. Black participants reported significantly higher volunteer hours than White participants (β = 0.97, p = 0.007). Volunteering varied by context, with higher engagement in school and youth-related (β = 1.12, p < 0.001) and other organizational activities (β = 2.80, p < 0.001) and lower engagement in political contexts (β = −0.45, p < 0.001), relative to healthcare settings. Volunteering increased modestly over time (Wave 2: β = 0.45, p < 0.001; Wave 3: β = 0.39, p < 0.001). Interaction analyses indicated that racial differences varied across contexts, with a significantly smaller increase in volunteering within “other” organizations among Black participants relative to White participants (β = −1.29, p = 0.006). Qualitative findings indicated that Black participants more often engaged in community-based and informal activities, including work within community organizations, whereas White participants more frequently participated in formal volunteering. Urban residents reported more flexible engagement compared with suburban residents’ structured participation. Volunteering is shaped by structural and contextual factors. Public health research and interventions should adopt more inclusive measures to better capture diverse forms of civic engagement. Full article

Political consumerism is frequently celebrated as an expansion of youth political participation or critiqued for its structural ineffectiveness to advance young people’s political contestations. Moving beyond this evaluative binary, this article investigates its underexplored cultural and affective implications. It defines the paradox of political consumerism as a condition in which young people’s political intent is channelled through consumer choice, only to be pre-emptively neutralised by the very neoliberal ‘business ontology’ it seeks to resist. This article interrogates this paradox through a series of focus groups in the United Kingdom and Greece among ‘neoliberal natives’; a unique generational unit whose entire civic socialisation has occurred within a totalised market logic, anchored by the historic, unfulfilled promises of the Brexit and Grexit moments. Informed by Critical and Cultural theory, the analysis explores how political consumption functions simultaneously as a meaningful political gesture and an ideological constraint. Rather than dismissing youth commitments as superficial, the article situates them within a broader political economy that individualises responsibility, commodifies dissent, and constrains their political imagination. What emerges is an ambivalent subjectivity: a generation that knows very well the limits of their market-based engagement—yet continues to participate in it. Full article

In China’s Erhai Lake basin, strict agricultural pollution control policies have reduced ecological degradation but severely disrupted smallholder livelihoods, creating an urgent need for institutional actors capable of mediating between state mandates and rural communities. This study examines Science and Technology Backyards (STBs), university-based knowledge intermediaries, as a distinctive governance mechanism embedded within China’s state-led environmental governance system. Drawing on 60 days of ethnographic fieldwork and 33 semi-structured interviews with 36 participants in Gusheng Village, Dali City, we develop a socio-technical institutional framework that conceptualizes STB effectiveness as depending on the joint operation of three dimensions: technological rationality, social embeddedness, and institutional access. Empirically, the findings show that STBs operate through three bridging mechanisms: technical correction, power adjustment, and market linkage. However, their influence is structurally uneven. Vertically, STB engagement is strong at the prefectural level but weakens sharply at township and village levels. Horizontally, technology diffusion concentrates in core villages and disproportionately benefits large-scale farmers over smallholders. Market linkage remains the weakest mechanism due to deep institutional deficits in cooperative development, supply chain infrastructure, and state–market coordination. These findings contribute to understanding how knowledge intermediaries produce uneven governance outcomes within hierarchical political systems. Full article

Introduction: The Awareness/Acceptance/Action Model (AAAM) was initially developed by one of the authors to explore stigma and prejudice towards people living with HIV/AIDS. In the present study, the AAAM was examined for its personal and professional relevance to people affected by the Troubles, 30 years of sectarian conflict in Northern Ireland. When unchecked, judgmental or reactive attitudes can undermine intentions to consistently deliver services in line with professional standards and human rights. Methods: Despite a devolved, power-sharing government and steps to address longstanding political and religious grievances, cultural sensitivities and animosity remain on both sides of the divide. A university in Northern Ireland recruited 11 practice teachers and 18 social work students, who participated in one of four focus groups. Mindfulness principles and techniques were used to allow participants to visualise “the other” before exploring how prejudice might impact personal and professional interactions. Thematic analysis of focus group transcripts was conducted using Braun and Clarke to assess the presence and nature of labelling, stereotyping, out-grouping and discriminating against people perceived as “the other”. Findings: Given the potential differences in identity, background, and experiences of social work practitioners and service users, it is important that we critically reflect on how we serve people based on direct or intergenerationally transmitted encounters. The AAAM was then piloted in undergraduate social work degree programmes and shared with practice teachers. Feedback confirmed that it offers a theoretical framework to promote anti-oppressive practice and critical reflection during professional social work training. Using Mindfulness techniques to visualise “the other” prompted participants to listen well and look deeply at the origins of their prejudices or fear, and how these could lead to biased interactions with service users. Full article

Archive studies have traditionally conceptualized archives as documentary repositories and memory institutions, whereas territorial studies have examined territorialities as processes through which social groups produce, signify, and contest space. Although both fields address the social production of meaning, the constitutive relationship through which archives participate in the political–cultural production of territoriality remains insufficiently theorized. This article advances the hypothesis that every archive possesses an Implicit Territoriality as a constitutive property and, by virtue of this condition, contributes to the political–cultural production of territory. To develop this hypothesis, it proposes a theoretical framework in which Implicit Territoriality constitutes the central analytical category. As a constitutive property of every archive, Implicit Territoriality becomes analytically observable through three interdependent constitutive dimensions: the Mode of Differential Documentation (collections), the Territorial System of Site (spatial infrastructures and locations), and the Condensed Informational Potential (contents). The interaction among these dimensions gives rise to the deployment of Implicit Territoriality through two complementary processes—Territorialized Subjectivity and the Regime of Expansibility—which explain how territorial meanings become socially embodied and projected across different spatial and social scales. Its empirical recognition is achieved through a system of Inference Devices, understood as analytical operators that establish the relationship between empirical evidence and its implicit territorial dimension. Together, these components provide an integrated explanatory framework for understanding how archives actively participate in the political–cultural production of territory. Beyond preserving documents, archives implicitly contribute to the production of territories. They organize, stabilize, circulate, legitimize, and project memories and territorial meanings across different social and spatial scales. By conceptualizing Implicit Territoriality as a constitutive property of every archive, this article situates archives within the dynamics of territorialization and provides a coherent framework for analyzing their territorial dimension. Full article

This article examines the development of Catholic reflection on media, communication, and technology from nineteenth-century debates over press freedom to contemporary interventions on artificial intelligence. Drawing on a purposively selected corpus of Catholic documents issued at the universal level between 1832 and 2026, it combines historical–hermeneutical reconstruction, comparative document analysis, and juridical–institutional interpretation. The study distinguishes three heuristic phases: defensive regulation and the construction of Catholic media institutions; pastoral appropriation, dialogue, media education, and digital adaptation; and, since 2020, an anthropological deepening accompanied by growing concern with the political, economic, juridical, and social structures of AI. Particular attention is given to the Rome Call for AI Ethics, the two papal messages of 2024, Antiqua et nova, and Magnifica humanitas. The article argues that this history does not reveal an unchanged doctrine of human dignity, but a developing anthropological concern whose vocabulary, theological grounding, and normative function change over time. Earlier concerns with truth, moral order, ecclesial responsibility, and the salvation of souls are progressively reformulated through communication as communion, participation, rights, human agency, and integral human development. Full article

This study examines the emotional architecture of Alevi collective memory through the concept of unfinished mourning, adopting a phenomenological perspective. The research draws on in-depth interviews with twenty participants from diverse regional and generational backgrounds across Turkey. The findings indicate that in the intergenerational transmission of historical traumas, unfinished mourning functions as a structural emotional formation rather than a pathological condition. While the older generation articulates feelings of loss and injustice through memories grounded in direct experience, the younger generation internalizes these effects through familial narratives, embodied practices, and the broader social atmosphere. The inability to complete mourning practices rooted in the absence of legal accountability and societal recognition generates a formation of unfinished mourning at the collective level. Female participants assume a carrier role in the familial transmission of emotional memory, whereas male participants render sentiments of resentment and anger more publicly visible. Cem rituals emerge as key sites where collective memory is reproduced, mourning finds expression, and intergenerational transmission is enacted through embodied performance. By integrating the sociology of emotions and historical sociology, the study demonstrates how collective memory is affectively encoded and elucidates the emotional foundations of social identity. Its principal theoretical contribution lies in reconceptualizing unfinished mourning not as a clinical state but as a modality of social solidarity, political endurance, and meaning making under conditions of ongoing structural non-recognition. Full article

Y. T. Wu (Wu Yaozong, 1893–1979) was a prominent Christian figure in twentieth-century China. His most significant contribution was to the Three-self Patriotic Movement of Protestant Churches during the 1950s, which also rendered him a controversial figure among overseas Christians. Situating Wu within the broader context of modern China, this article contends that he belonged to the generation shaped by the May Fourth and New Culture Movements, and that his Christian thought was characterized by a strong sense of social responsibility from its inception. The Great Depression (1929–1933) and the outbreak of the War of Resistance against Japan in the 1930s prompted Wu to shift toward socialism, a position he articulated in relation to Christianity and social reconstruction. In the 1940s, Wu participated in the Chinese democratic movement, emphasizing Christianity’s role in the development of the New China. Social reconstruction actually constitutes a significant dimension of Christianity in 20th-century China. While closely related to indigenization, it highlights social concerns and engagement. An examination of Wu’s intellectual legacy prior to the 1950s clarifies this dominant theme within Christianity in Modern China. Revisiting Wu’s intellectual legacy from this perspective may broaden contemporary discussions of indigenization and contextualization while also addressing critiques rooted in subsequent political events. Full article

In 19th-century Hungary, the German-language press provided an important intellectual platform for Jewish journalists, many of whom became significant actors in political communication and cultural transfer. This study examines the Pester Lloyd (founded in 1854) as an institutional case through which the mediating role of Jewish journalists in a multilingual press culture can be explored. By analyzing editorial strategies, journalistic networks, and forms of cultural mediation, the paper explores how Jewish intellectuals operated between Hungarian- and German-language cultural and political spheres. Methodologically, the study combines historical press research with institutional and intellectual–historical analysis, drawing on editorials, feuilletons, autobiographical writings, and contemporary press material. Special attention is given to Miksa Falk, whose editorial leadership embodied the ideals of liberal constitutionalism and linguistic and cultural mediation. The article situates the Pester Lloyd as both a product of and an important medium for journalistic modernization and the participation of Jewish journalists within Hungary’s evolving media landscape. Full article

This study examines the challenges facing intercultural competence education in higher education during times of intense conflict. Most of the intercultural competence programs in higher education are based on Western liberal multicultural logic that strives to build trust between groups in conflict to promote peacemaking. The common conception of trust is described as a developmental cognitive–emotional effort that is anchored in a reflective and multi-perspective calculation of events and procedures that require a willingness to give up parts of positions and standpoints. The process is supposed to be mediated by a professional and unbiased facilitator who creates a “dialogic space” based on self-reflection and perspective-taking of the “other”. Previous findings suggest that these programs were relatively efficient before the 7 October war broke out in Israel. Thus, a joint Palestinian and Jewish program that was conducted at a teacher training college after 7 October challenged these findings. Examining the discursive practices used by the participants during the meetings revealed that the basic liberal multicultural assumptions of the intercultural competence model were rejected by students from both groups. The students interpreted the model as a way to contextualize the term peace in a specific ideological–political context. Understanding peace as a concept with a layered meaning contradicts the intercultural competence model’s perception of it as a universal–humanistic–independent position. Thus, the findings further problematize the universal perception of intercultural competence models in order to adjust them to teacher trainees working outside the West during difficult times. Full article

Many politicians heavily leverage social media platforms to further their interests and professional goals. TikTok, the widely popular social network established in 2016, has amassed a vast user following, especially among the younger demographic known as Generation Z. This study conceptualizes it as part of a platformized political communication environment that enables direct-to-audience communication beyond traditional journalistic gatekeeping. The current study aims to analyze high-visibility TikTok content produced by active Israeli politicians by scrutinizing the best-performing videos created by politicians representing diverse political ideologies. High-visibility content refers to videos that generated relatively high engagement, exposure, and platform presence, and therefore had greater potential to influence or impact audiences compared with less visible posts. The goal is to characterize and understand the content patterns and visibility dynamics of these successful TikTok videos posted by politicians. The findings suggest that the popularity of TikTok videos posted by politicians is associated with gender, age, and political affiliation. Men, older individuals, and those with right-wing affiliations tend to create content that garners the highest levels of popularity. Moreover, a considerable proportion of the sampled high-visibility videos do not engage directly with political subject matters. This suggests that, among best-performing political TikTok posts, visibility and engagement may sometimes outweigh explicit political or ideological discourse. This implies that politicians feel compelled to participate on the platform, even when their most visible content does not specifically revolve around promoting political messages. Consequently, the findings lend cautious support to the view that platform logic shapes political visibility and communication practices, even in politicians’ use of TikTok. In doing so, this study contributes to understanding how commercial social media platforms such as TikTok shape political visibility, engagement, and direct-to-audience communication. Full article

Global restoration frameworks, such as the Bonn Challenge and Forest Landscape Restoration, have endorsed multistakeholder engagement in agroforestry as key to reversing land degradation at scale. This paper follows shifts in how stakeholders have been organised, coordinated and steered since 2010 when Rwanda’s National Forestry Policy came into force, a year ahead of Rwanda’s pledge to the Bonn Challenge. The specific focus is on Bugesera District, representing a national policy shift from focusing on restoration in highland areas only. Bugesera is a lowland area facing complex socio-ecological and livelihood challenges including high rates of deforestation, recurrent drought and rapid population fluctuations. This paper analyses these changes by investigating which stakeholders were involved, how they were engaged (modes of participation) and why they participated (drivers of participation). Conceptually, this follows stakeholder mapping, Reed’s theory of participation and multi-level governance theory. Through thematic analysis, we triangulated data from 15 policy-related documents with semi-structured interviews with representatives from 24 organisations. Our findings show that both before and after 2010, stakeholder engagement has remained top-down. However, since 2010 this has been qualified by an asymmetrical form of collaboration that increasingly takes the form of top-down deliberation. Changes were observed in participation patterns, engagement approaches, and governance arrangements, driven by contextual conditions, power relations, process design, and spatial–temporal dynamics. Within a centrally coordinated government system, shaped by the post-genocide political context and culturally embedded structures such as Umuganda and Ubudehe, multistakeholder restoration initiatives have largely remained state-led, with structured approaches to coordination and implementation that have varied in the extent of local stakeholder engagement. Trust emerged as an important factor influencing stakeholder interactions. Despite more diverse and expanded institutional arrangements over time, variations in levels of participation and influence among stakeholders persist, with differences in how engagement and decision-making power are distributed. We conclude that effective stakeholder engagement is contingent on existing governance structures, the political will to engage with a diversity of actors at different levels, contextual conditions including spatial-temporal dynamics, and opportunities provided by global and regional restoration frameworks. Full article