Operating under a low-input rainfed system, the country’s economic performance thus depends largely on how its smallholder farmers perform [
5]. Malawi’s agricultural productivity, particularly among the majority of the smallholder farmers, has, however, fallen a long way below its potential, given the available technology. For example, local maize and Burley tobacco yields have rarely reached 1.5 tons per hectare [
5]. This is substantiated further by the 74% of the respondents, who could not produce enough food in the field survey.
As of 2002, the per capita maize production was on average 49 kg for the ultra-poor, 63 kg for the poor and 116 kg for the non-poor, all falling short of the average 155 kg minimum staple food requirement and leaving even the non-poor in a deficit position [
9,
10]. Mvula [
11] and his colleagues identified similar categories in 2003. The “well-to-do” have food stocks that on average last eight to nine months of the year; the “fairly well-to-do” have food sufficient to cover four to six months; and, finally, the “have-nots” usually have only one to two months of their household’s food supply needs [
6,
11]. While everyone’s food security has deteriorated, the latter group has experienced the most precipitous slide downwards [
6]. A detailed survey by Peters [
12] found that the poorest farmers were reducing the proportion of their maize harvest that they sold to conserve household food stocks. However, their extremely low level of food output necessitated the purchase of maize in rural markets, where the role of the government-owned Agricultural Development and Marketing Corporation (ADMARC) as a price stabilizer is/was declining, making them more vulnerable.
Malawi’s agricultural productivity is, therefore, under threat. The 2008 population census estimated the country’s population at 13.1 million and growing at 2.8% per annum, possibly doubling by 2025 [
13]. This puts enormous pressure on agriculture to grow at levels sufficient to feed the growing population. Many of the proposed solutions are aimed at improving the smallholder sector, with varying degrees of agreement on their impacts. In this section, we discuss in detail the dynamics of the factors that would enhance agricultural production in the name of availability of sufficient labor, land and agricultural production materials and how they together intertwine to exacerbate the food security problem, hence threatening the environment, for smallholder farmers in rural Malawi.
3.2.1. Labor
Farmers’ reliance on casual labor has grown so much, resulting largely from the fact that their livelihood strategies revolve around the need to obtain food on a day-to-day basis. Labor is, therefore, a key asset for smallholder farmers in rural Malawi. The quality and quantity of labor available to the farmer in terms of numbers, educational level, skills and health constitute the human capital. This, then, becomes the basis for constructing household livelihood strategies [
14] that are essential in enhancing the agricultural productivity.
Ganyu is a short-duration casual labor contract for unskilled work paid in cash or kind [
14,
15].
As the population grew, the labor supply began to outstrip demand, reducing the bargaining power of
ganyu workers with respect to wage levels and the nature of the work tasks demanded. The growing prevalence of HIV/AIDS, compounded by occasional famine, reinforced this tendency by limiting the number of people who were able to employ
ganyu labor [
6]. The removal of the fertilizer subsidy in the early 1990s, when the Malawi government ceded to World Bank pressure, caused smallholder farmers to drastically reduce their improved input usage. This caused maize productivity to decline and shifted smallholder allocation of labor from their family farms to larger farms producing at scale or to non-agricultural activities [
6]. As a consequence of the suboptimal labor inputs, productivity on smallholdings further decreased [
16].
Ganyu labor remains important in rural Malawi for two main reasons: (i) it provides supplementary labor for labor-deficient farmers, due to HIV/AIDs-related issues that have led to high numbers of female/children-headed households; and (ii) it provides a ready sustainable way of obtaining food when households’ food supplies run out. It interrelates with the high risks in agricultural production and the problem of food deficiency and provides a means for risk sharing for the employers and food security for the laborers [
14]. For the majority of the rural farmers, therefore,
ganyu labor has become a way of life, but one that exacerbates rather than solves the farmers’ food production constraints [
6].
This is the case, because both the opportunities and necessity for
ganyu increase during the rainy season. The opportunities arise from the increased agricultural activities as the cropping season begins. It becomes a necessity, because this is the time when most households are worst hit by hunger after depleting their food reserves. The overall effect during this season, then, becomes a labor allocation dilemma for
ganyu laborers. Trying to satisfy their immediate need for food, they are forced by circumstances to do
ganyu labor at the critical time when they should be preparing, planting and weeding their own fields [
6]. In doing so, they unwillingly exacerbate their future food deficiency. Being a rainfed agricultural production system, planting late has serious consequences on output. However, poor farmers do not have much of a choice but to plant late, because they must first do
ganyu to earn enough cash to buy production materials.
Women are just as equally involved in
ganyu as men, despite there being large gender differentials in remuneration. Men reportedly tend to earn twice as much as women of the daily piecework rates [
17]. These differentials are locally justified in that: (i) men put in a full day’s work, whereas women are distracted by domestic duties; (ii) besides attitudinal differences regarding the value of female labor, there is the very real issue of need for cash for women. Also, with their lack of other income sources, women’s opportunity costs of their labor are significantly lowered; and (iii) women are restricted to
ganyu work close to their homes, whereas men venture longer distances, thereby increasing their chances of finding higher wage levels [
6,
18].
Traditionally, women and children work as unpaid family labor in smallholder agricultural production. Much in the way that their husbands expect them to work unpaid on the family farm, now women (and men alike) expect their children to do
ganyu labor to contribute to household income [
6]. This expectation is not strange, as traditionally, children have always helped with the household workload doing domestic labor and cultivating the family agricultural fields, as well as doing household-based crafts, like weaving and rope-making, without expecting any remuneration. As such, parents see their offspring as economic dependents who should be helping them to earn
ganyu income, rather than doing
ganyu on their own account. However, as Bryceson [
6] notes, teenage estrangement is thwarting this traditional ideal of a collective rural smallholder household labor effort, with modern youth increasingly unwilling to do so. She attributes this trend of events to the introduction of free primary education in the mid-1990s. Though it was an extremely positive development, free primary education tends to serve as a communication barrier between the younger children generation and the parent generation. This is largely because with free primary education, the rural youth are already better educated than their parents. On top of that, there is the issue of human rights that came with the introduction of multi-party democracy in 1992. At the village level, many older people equate human rights with the perceived individualistic behavior of the youth at the expense of the age-old moral values of the collective community [
6].
Considering that children make up to 60% of total population (
Figure 4(a)), this teenage estrangement ties up a significant portion of the family labor force. With female-headed households owning on average even lesser land per household (and per household size) than their male-headed counterparts, these highlighted factors worsens the problems of the female farmers more than the male-headed households. Not only are the female-headed households producing little per hectare due to low fertilizer use (lack of cash to buy) and less land, but also they have limited options in terms of both
ganyu and the variety of more rewarding crops they can produce with their limited labor. This is a predicament 36% of the households in Malingunde find themselves in (
Figure 4(b)), for which only 3% of total land owned by the female-headed households is allocated to growing tobacco as a cash crop compared to 10% for the male-headed ones.
Figure 4.
Population structure for Malingunde EPA.
Figure 4.
Population structure for Malingunde EPA.
3.2.2. Land
The importance of family labor in farm work and the lack of mechanization in agricultural production imply that the state of the soil condition to support agricultural production becomes very critical. However, soil conditions have deteriorated in the past couple of decades, due to inappropriate land management practices and agriculture on unsuitable land and widespread use of fertile soils for brick production and construction [
19]. Coupled with insufficient production materials, the soils have since been depleted of essential nutrients as a result. A study conducted in 1998 indicated that Malawi’s soils lose on average 40.0, 6.6 and 32.2 kg per hectare per year of nitrogen (N), phosphorus (P) and potassium (K), respectively [
5].
Land remains the most significant productive asset for the majority of Malawians, yet it is far from being equitably distributed [
20]. Alwang and Siegel [
21] estimate that 70% of Malawian smallholder farmers cultivate less than 1.0 hectare, with the median area cultivated being 0.6 ha, and devote 70% of the land to maize production, the main staple food. As shown in
Figure 5, land distribution in Malingunde follows similar trends. However, though the mean total land per household increases as the household size increases, the per capita total land is decreasing steadily. This is largely attributed to poor land administration by the TAs, who have an informal and ambiguous authority to distribute the vast customary land to their constituents, and poor family planning choices on the part of the farmers. Again, the average total arable land per household has also reduced by at least 0.1 ha between 2006 and 2012 (see
Table 1,
Table 2).
In terms of gender, the land distribution puts women farmers in an even worse situation. In
Figure 6, male-headed households edge the female-headed households out both in terms of total land owned and total land per capita. In both cases, though (
Figure 5,
Figure 6), the impact of poor family planning and HIV/AIDS that force relatives to “adopt” the orphaned children is evident in the low per capita of cultivable land as household size increases.
Figure 5.
Mean total land and total land per capita distribution per household size in Malingunde EPA.
Figure 5.
Mean total land and total land per capita distribution per household size in Malingunde EPA.
Figure 6.
Mean total land and total land per capita distribution per household size by gender of head of household in Malingunde EPA. Note: M = Male; F = Female.
Figure 6.
Mean total land and total land per capita distribution per household size by gender of head of household in Malingunde EPA. Note: M = Male; F = Female.
3.2.3. Other Factors
While all the problems in the preceding discussion exist and define the deeper underlying causes, most farmers surveyed expressed satisfaction with the amount of land, the family labor they have and the condition of their soils for agricultural purposes on the condition that they have all the production materials and skills. 74% of those interviewed could not produce enough food for their households during the past couple of years, due to lack of access to production materials (cash unavailability), subsidized production materials from the central government and good farming methods (extension services). The former two directly relate to households’ over-dependence on the declining economic returns from
ganyu, as per the highlighted issues in
Section 3.2.1. The latter relates to inadequate capacity by the agricultural ministry to educate the smallholder farmers on new farming techniques. This is especially in the form of under-staffing of the EPAs. For instance, Malingunde EPA has 12 sections, with each section supposed to have at least two extension workers. However, for the past seven years, each of these 12 sections only had one EW, putting the ratio of extension worker-to-farm household at 1:1,488, instead of the recommendation of at most 1:500 [
7]. Secondly, these EPAs are also heavily under-funded, limiting further their potential to reach out to more farmers. Though not significant, these EWs also often lack the necessary orientation and facilities in technical knowledge, farming skills, economic analysis, research procedures and communication abilities [
22].
To circumvent these understaffing problems of EWs, the district assembly employs the village technician and model village approaches. Village technicians are selected outstanding farmers who are taught new technologies by the EWs, so that they can pass on the technologies to fellow farmers for easy adoption. Under the model village concept, an EW identifies the problems affecting a village and resources locally available. He then develops an action plan together with the farmers in that locality in a participatory manner [
7]. All the agricultural activities are then concentrated in that village for about three to five years. After five years, the villagers are expected to be independent to work without relying much on the EW. In 2006, Malingunde EPA had eight model villages, and the number reduced to five in 2012 out of the total 837 villages in the EPA. It also boasts of 120 village technicians against 18,282 smallholder households. Despite all these efforts in the past couple of decades, smallholder sector production continues to drop, leaving households vulnerable.
The other important factor concerns the performance of agricultural markets. Groundnuts, cassava, sweet potatoes, tobacco and soybeans are primarily grown as cash crops in the study area. However, except for tobacco, which has a well-structured market system, the market framework for the rest of the crops is discouragingly exploitative. Private vendors representing both corporate and private businesses dominate the rural agricultural markets located at Malingunde, Sinyala and Phirilanjuzi in the study area (
Figure 1). Despite offering better prices than the government-owned ADMARC markets (at Sinyala, Dickson and Phirilanjuzi), the vendors’ prices are nevertheless low for any meaningful sustenance of the production. Without much of a choice, the farmers still opt to sell some of their produce at these markets rather than waste it away. The case of tobacco is largely the other way round to the rest of the cash crops. That is, while the market structure for tobacco is well organized and seemingly less exploitative than that of the rest of the cash crops, the input costs to grow tobacco are very much higher than those of the rest of the crops. These factors, in the end, discourage most farmers from growing cash crops, as
Table 2 shows, in that, on average, less than 30% of the total arable land is allocated to cash crops. In any case, commercial maize production has become increasingly unremunerative for smallholder farmers, other than those producing on a large scale with adequate capital to buy fertilizers [
23].
Consequently, enhancing agricultural productivity is almost impossible for most farmers, where vast numbers of them live in exceptionally high-risk environments in which basic survival is a day-to-day uncertainty. Minus all the factors discussed in this section, the yield stagnation and fluctuations can, to some degree, also be attributed to natural phenomena, like unreliable rainfall and droughts. For those that failed to produce enough food for one reason or the other in the field survey, 64% of them engaged in off-farm activities to supplement food requirements for their households. It is at this point that authorities begin to worry about the environment.