1. Introduction
Hurricane Katrina was the one of most devastating natural disasters in the United States that hit Southeast Louisiana in August 2005. Around 2500 people died in the hurricane and property damage was approximately $108 billion [
1]. The affected population of Katrina faced many socioeconomic problems. For example, eighty percent of New Orleans was flooded and many homes were destroyed. Approximately one million people migrated to different places as 35,000 refugees moved to Texas, 24,000 to Alabama and 15,000 went to Northern Louisiana [
2]. The lives of Katrina migrants were not good as they did not find many job opportunities. This situation persisted more than a year [
3,
4]. This disaster also brought forward psychosocial distress [
5,
6] as one third of the affected adults faced psychological problems [
7,
8]. It was found that the violence and suicide completion rates were three and 14 times higher, respectively than the baseline rates in the U.S. [
9].
Other consequence of the hurricane was dislocation of nearly 180,000 public school students, consisting of around 25% of Louisiana public school enrollment on that year [
2]. Some of them moved to other states in the U.S (e.g., 45,000 dislocated students went to Texas, 8000 to Georgia, 5500 to Florida, 5000 to Mississippi,
etc.) [
10]. Ninety-three percent of the evacuee students were from the most affected parishes (Orleans, Jefferson, Plaquemines and St. Bernard), but only 69% of them stayed in those parishes next spring as the result of relocation [
11]. Many studies investigated the consequent psychological problems of displaced students. One report showed that evacuee students had long-term (two years and more) psychological problems [
12]. Another study found that displaced students were more likely to experience general psychological distress and posttraumatic stress [
13]. These symptoms happened with higher probabilities among those being more disrupted [
14] and tended to be worsening over time [
15]. It was also observed that displaced students were more prone to have negative emotions [
16].
A natural expectation is that the psychological disorders caused by the hurricane could lead to behavioral problems among affected students. However, literature discussing behavioral change pre and post the hurricane of those students are rare. This paper investigates the change of displaced students’ in-school discipline records after the hurricane in a difference-in-difference (DID) framework using Louisiana Department of Education administrative data. There are many advantages of the DID approach and one is that it yields well-founded causality from treatment to outcome when the treatment is exogenous [
17]. At this point, two related research papers are worth mentioning. One is similar to our paper in that the authors studied Katrina in a DID framework but it looked into the effect of the hurricane on students’ academic performance while this paper investigates the change of in-school behavior [
11]. The other one studied the change of students’ discipline post Katrina as this paper does. However, the previous paper mainly examined the effect of influx of evacuees on native students’ discipline in order to study peer effects whereas our paper looks into the change of behavior of student evacuees [
10].
4. Discussion
One feature of the data used in this study is that many affected students disappeared from the sample post the hurricane when they moved to other states. As we showed before, the attrition is far from random which makes it difficult to identify the causal effects of the disaster on students’ behavior in the following ways. One point is that those who are most deprived will be more likely to stay, as traveling needs some least amount of resources. As a consequence, what constitutes the sample in our DID analysis will be over-represented by students from more deprived families who are subject to more strain and expected to conduct more deviant behavior, according to Agnew’s GST. In this case, the results reported in
Table 5 will be upward biased. It is also possible that the most deprived families will be ready to move as they have less to give up in Louisiana. Put another way, their opportunity cost of moving is less. Then most data would consist of less deprived families’ children and thus estimated results would be downward biased. The second hypothesis seems to be more relevant to our data as around 78.7 percent of evacuees were eligible for free lunch in 2004 while the number for those who had disappeared post Katrina is as high as 93.5 percent. Since families at economic disadvantage are more vulnerable (e.g., with shelters of lower quality and less means to cope with the disaster,
etc.) and prone to be more deprived during the storm. It would be reasonable to infer that the displaced students moving out of state were more likely to be from the most deprived families.
A related study estimated that the students who disappeared from the data did not originate from each parish with equal likelihood [
11]. Students from Orleans Parish (the most affected parish) have 0.308 higher disappearance probability than other parishes. Also considering that around 35.9 percent of evacuees come from that parish, we decide to re-do the DID analysis excluding the samples originating from Orleans Parish. In this case, the coefficient identification would be less affected by the data attrition.
Table 7 reports the main results of our analysis when excluding Orleans Parish-originating students from the data. The relative increase of displaced students in the likelihood of overall infraction/offense against person/serious crime is slightly lower while the increase in status offense/offense against property is higher than the
Table 5. But generally, the results in these two tables are quite similar. Although the results in
Table 5 are likely to be subject to less bias due to data attrition, the sample without students from Orleans Parish invites another bias: because Orleans Parish is one of the most affected parishes during the hurricane and students there are accordingly more likely to be the most deprived ones, their strain is supposed to be greater as well. Then in line with Agnew’s GST, they are expected to conduct more deviancy than students from other regions. Leaving them out of sample will result in a downward bias for the results in
Table 7. This study cannot fully partial out the role of data attrition in the results because of the data availability issue; it is left for future research when the data on evacuee students in Texas and other states are accessible.
Table 7.
Effect of Hurricane Katrina on displaced students’ likelihood of discipline infraction (students originating from Orleans Parish excluded, N = 987,248).
Table 7.
Effect of Hurricane Katrina on displaced students’ likelihood of discipline infraction (students originating from Orleans Parish excluded, N = 987,248).
Independent Variable | Dependent Variable |
---|
Dummy for Any Infraction | Dummy for Status Offense | Dummy for Offense against Person | Dummy for Offense against Property | Dummy for Serious Crime |
---|
| −0.0087 | −0.0056 | 0.0045 | −0.0091 | 0.0019 |
| (0.0107) | (0.0085) | (0.0053) | (0.0121) | (0.005) |
| 0.069 *** | 0.047 *** | 0.011 *** | 0.041 *** | 0.018 *** |
| (0.0022) | (0.0034) | (0.002) | (0.0039) | (0.0024) |
| 1.76 | −0.81 | −1.45 | 0.31 | −1.33 |
| (121.2) | (63.4) | (35.4) | (78.4) | (75.5) |
R-square | 0.17 | 0.14 | 0.061 | 0.082 | 0.059 |
This paper uses administrative education data instead of students’ self reports. One problem with this data is that students’ discipline records will be affected by schools’ threshold of reporting or tolerance toward discipline infraction, of which we have no information. It is conceivable that when transferring to a new school, the displaced students are less tolerated by their new teachers with whom they are unfamiliar and reported more infractions than native students. In this case, the estimated results may be upward biased. There is another possibility that displaced students receive more tolerance toward deviancy as teachers might have sympathy for the victims of the devastating disaster and understand that they are subject to greater strain, which, on the contrary, will result in downward biased estimators. However, we cannot directly test these hypotheses in this paper due to the lack of additional data.
We compare the likelihood of infraction pre and post the hurricane in a linear probability model instead of comparing frequency of offense using count regression models because the different offenses within each type of infraction are not readily comparable. For example, suppose that a student was caught “Possessing firearms, knives or other implements, which can be used as weapons” once in 2004 whereas he/she was found “Using or possessing tobacco or lighter” and “Using or possessing alcoholic beverages” once for each in 2006. Can we conclude that he/she is more deviant in 2006 because of two status offenses compared to only one in 2004? Thus the limited comparability between offenses makes count models less attractive in the context of this study (However, the change of frequency of infraction pre and post the hurricane for some typical category of offense under each type of infraction using a negative binomial model was analysed, and can be found in the
Appendix. The results also indicate significant relative increase in deviance for displaced students).
Another concern is that the estimated results in this study might be due to the difference between pre- and post-Katrina schools if displaced students moved to schools with more crime or strain in general. This concern is partly alleviated as we have added school dummies in Equation (3) that captures the school effect on students’ deviancy (e.g., the effect of different teacher quality, tolerance toward infraction and crime rate of the communities where schools are located
etc. on students’ discipline records). However, the school dummies will not capture the effects of different peers on evacuees’ behavior when they are transferred to new schools. In the case of Katrina students, a large portion of evacuees was from New Orleans whose K12 education was worse than the Louisiana average before the hurricane. As a result, beside disruption, Hurricane Katrina also offered them the opportunity of better schooling. A study showed that “in the medium run, the New Orleans evacuees have seen increased academic achievement as a result of being kicked out of their original schools” [
11]. A natural expectation is that while moving to better schools, these evacuees would have better class peers than before (in another study, through interviewing the teachers in evacuees’ new schools, the authors find that displaced students are more deviant than their new peers “in terms of truancy, fighting and engaging in risky behaviors” [
10]). Taking into account the positive peer effect on reducing evacuees’ deviancy, the estimated results in
Table 5 are likely to be under-estimated.
Last but not least, this paper contributes to the literature of GST in that it is the first paper testing Agnew’s GST in the DID framework. Except studies using longitudinal data [
27,
42,
43] or recently in the context of a randomized experiment [
44], most research empirically testing GST makes use of cross-sectional survey data, leaving the problem of endogeneity unsolved. In this study, the exogeneity of evacuee status of students during the storm makes the identification least affected by the endogeneity issue.