1. General Introduction
Although the global rise in life expectancy is one of the greatest achievements of the last century, aging is often portrayed as a gloomy and dreary process, and people hold relatively negative attitudes and perceptions towards older individuals [
1]. “Everybody wants to grow old, but nobody wants to
be old” has been a popular saying since ancient times. Stereotyping, prejudice and discrimination against older adults (even among older adults themselves) on the grounds of their age is commonly referred to as
ageism (e.g., [
2])
, similar to corresponding ways of casting in sexism and racism. Ageist beliefs and attitudes are thought to emerge from the chronic lifetime exposure to (predominantly negative) societal views and stereotypes about older adults, which are assimilated in and shape people’s feelings, perceptions, and behavior towards older individuals (e.g., [
3,
4,
5]). Ageism can manifest at institutional (e.g., policies), interpersonal (e.g., interactions, such as patronizing older adults), and individual levels (e.g., thinking one is too old to learn something new; [
6]). Crucially, ageism is insidious because it is deeply ingrained and more socially accepted than many other forms of bias, and often goes largely unrecognized [
6,
7,
8]. At least one in every two people hold moderately or highly ageist attitudes [
9], and more than one in three older people have been a target of ageism [
10].
Previous studies have shown that ageism can strongly undermine older adults’ physical and mental health, and argue that it warrants greater recognition as a threat for successful aging [
11,
12]. Ageism has been associated with earlier death (by up to 7.5 years on average) and slower recovery from disability [
13,
14]. Furthermore, greater experiences of ageism were found to predict poorer mental health (e.g., depression, anxiety and general stress) and well-being [
15,
16,
17]. Interestingly, older adults who (frequently)
perceive age discrimination or negative age stereotypes are more likely to have negative self-perceptions of aging [
3,
17,
18], and this negative view of their own aging can lead to decreased purpose in life and increased depressive symptoms [
17,
18].
Moreover, when negative attitudes about aging are (unconsciously) assimilated (via e.g., stereotype embodiment or stereotype threat; [
19,
20]), individuals show reduced physical and functional mental health [
5,
21,
22,
23], are less likely to engage in preventive health behaviors (e.g., eating a balanced diet, exercising, medication adherence; [
24]) and underperform on cognitive or memory tests [
25,
26,
27]. Negative aging attitudes can also lower one’s level of resilience (and thus increase vulnerability) by enhancing one’s negative emotional reactivity to daily stressors [
28]. Finally, internalized expectations and stereotypes of loneliness at older age were found to be associated with significantly enhanced loneliness eight years later ([
29], i.e., stereotype embodiment [
19]). Thus, exposure to age-related prejudices, stereotypes, and discrimination can act as self-fulfilling prophecies (e.g., [
30]). Finding ways to combat ageism in the graying population will therefore become increasingly important [
31].
To further improve our understanding of the effects of ageism, find target points for interventions, and evaluate the efficacy of such strategies to reduce ageism, comprehensive measurements tools are urgently needed [
6]. At present, multiple scales are available to examine the
manifestations (or
prevalence) of ageism. These scales often reflect stereotypes, prejudices, or expectations towards old age in general (e.g., ‘When people get older, they need to lower their expectations of how healthy they can be’) or towards oneself (e.g., ‘I expect that as I get older, I will get tired more quickly’), and are constructed to evaluate both younger and older adults’ perceptions of aging, aging individuals, and (projected) life as an older individual (see [
32] for review). Yet, a validated and comprehensive scale to assess
ageism as perceived and experienced by older individuals, reflecting all dimensions of ageism, is still lacking. To this end, we aimed to develop and validate a Perceived Ageism Questionnaire (PAQ), that taps into the subjective experiences of older individuals.
Ageism is considered to include three dimensions: stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination [
33]. Stereotypes are overgeneralized, often simplified ideas that people hold about specific groups of individuals (e.g., ‘Older adults are slow in movement and thought’) and reflect how people think (
cognitive dimension). Prejudices are opinions related to feelings and attitudes about a person or group of people formed irrespective of evidence or experience (
affective dimension; e.g., considering older adults as boring conversation partners). Prejudicial reactions are often based on stereotypes. Finally, discrimination is the application of beliefs that are based on stereotypes and prejudices [
34] and relates to how people behave towards members of a specific group of individuals (
behavioral dimension; e.g., older adults are not taken seriously). Most forms of ageism relate to at least two of these dimensions.
Most studies that have looked at
perceived ageism used self-generated questions that did not always tap into specific age-related situations, but could be applied to several attributes, including age (e.g., gender, race, sexual orientation: ‘How often did people act as if they think you are not smart?’; [
17,
18]), or did not cover (the full range of) all three dimensions of ageism [
17,
18,
35,
36]. Moreover, existing instruments fail to assess the
severity, or
level, of perceived ageism [
37,
38]. A recent study on the influence of ageism on frailty in older adults included three questions to assess perceived ageism that related to all three dimensions (e.g., ‘How often have you felt that someone showed you a lack of respect because of your age, for instance by ignoring or patronizing you?’) and showed high internal consistency [
39]. However, this scale did not include any positive forms of ageism. While ageism generally tends to be negative in nature, older people are sometimes also perceived in a positive light [
40], such as the stereotype that older adults are wise and know how to respond in complex situations such as social conflicts [
7]. Positive ageism may have different, and possibly even opposite, effects on self-perceptions of aging and/or (in)directly on physical, mental and cognitive measures [
22,
26,
41,
42,
43]. For instance, it was shown that exposing individuals to positive stereotypes of aging can improve gait speed [
22], and that positive beliefs about the impact of ageing (e.g., ‘As I get older, I get wiser’) were associated with better mental status, short-delay memory, and executive functioning [
41]. Hence, recognizing the distinction between negative and positive ageism is critical, and the development and validation of a comprehensive scale that can assess all dimensions and forms of perceived ageism is of high importance.
In this paper, we describe the results of two sets of analyses (based on existing data from an ongoing, large-scale online study) on the development and validation of the Perceived Ageism Scale (PAQ), including both positive and negative items that relate to all three dimensions of ageism. We conducted two sets of analyses, focused on (1) item selection, scale development, and exploring the reliability and underlying factor structure, and (2) the confirmation of the dimensionality of the PAQ and psychometric as well as validity characteristics in two independent samples. This resulted in an 8-item PAQ.
5. Introduction (Analysis 2)
The second analysis set out to confirm the factor structure as established and analysed in Analysis 1 in a new, independent sample of participants (
n = 500) from the same study [
44]. Additional purposes were to further evaluate the psychometric characteristics and validity correlates of the PAQ-8 and its NEG and POS subscales. We aimed to explore how PAQ-8 subscale scores vary by age (anticipating that the older the participant, the stronger the perceived ageism), and test theoretically based mediation models to assess whether both positive and negative ageism affect quality of life, mental well-being, depression, anxiety, loneliness, and perceived stress directly, as well as indirectly through their impact on self-perceptions of aging, as assessed by the Aging Perceptions Questionnaire (APQ; comprising seven different dimensions of aging attitudes [
62]).
Based on previous studies, we expected to find positive associations with negative ageism for depression [
15,
17,
18,
63,
64,
65], anxiety [
15,
43], loneliness [
29,
43,
63,
65,
66], and stress [
15,
67]. In contrast, negative associations were expected for mental well-being [
15,
68] and quality of life [
69,
70]. Previous studies on the mental health benefits of positive ageism are relatively scarce (e.g., [
42]: well-being; [
43]: anxiety). Yet, considering the positive benefits reported for other domains (e.g., memory function, physical recovery; [
22,
26,
41]) that are known to promote mental functioning, we expected to find rather favourable relationships with mental health, mental well-being and quality of life. As a previous study by Levy and colleagues [
67] showed that positive ageism can provide a buffer against cumulative stress at old age by stabilizing cortisol levels, but not lowering stress levels, we anticipated that scores on our positive ageism subscale may not be associated with reduced perceived stress levels.
We expected that these effects would, at least partially, be mediated by self-perceptions of aging. In line with increasing support for the idea that exposure to age-related stereotypes, prejudices, and discrimination can impact one’s self-perceptions of aging [
19,
30], we anticipated to find coherent relationships between positive and negative ageism subscale scores and participants’ attitudes and beliefs about aging. For the NEG subscale, we predicted that higher scores would be associated with more negative self-perceptions of aging, including more
negative beliefs about the impact of aging (APQ4) and about how much control one has over certain aspects of aging (APQ7), more
negative emotional responses to aging (APQ5), and a stronger conscious awareness of one’s age (APQ1 and APQ2). On the other hand, we predicted higher NEG scores to reduce agreement with APQ dimensions that are related to more positive views on aging, including positive beliefs about the impact of aging (APQ3) and how much control one has over certain aspects of aging (APQ6). The negative APQ dimensions were expected to reduce quality of life and mental well-being, and enhance depressive and anxiety symptoms, feelings of loneliness and perceived stress; the positive APQ dimensions were expected to show opposite effects.
Altogether, for the NEG subscale these predictions resulted in two types of mediation effects for self-perceptions of aging: (1) a negative mediation effect for quality of life and mental well-being, and (2) a positive mediation effect for depression, anxiety, loneliness, and perceived stress.
Reversed relationships were expected between POS scores and the APQ dimensions, although less strongly than observed for the negative ageism subscale. Consequently, for the POS subscale, we predicted (1) a positive mediation effect for quality of life and mental well-being, and (2) a negative mediation effect for depression, anxiety, loneliness, and perceived stress.
8. Interim Discussion (Analysis 2)
In Analysis 2, the factor structure of the PAQ-8 that was established in Analysis 1 was confirmed in an independent sample (
n = 500). Moreover, the subscales of the PAQ were found to hold good validity, as the relationships found for the NEG and POS subscales were in line with theoretical hypotheses and existing knowledge of the concept of ageism. The levels of perceived negative and positive ageism were both positively associated with age, albeit less strongly for the positive subscale, which is in line with the idea that ageism increases with age [
32]. Our scale is also consistent with the hypothesis of a negative effect of
negative ageism on mental health (e.g., [
15,
18]) by showing a negative relationship between the level of perceived negative ageism and both quality of life and mental well-being, and positive relationships with depression, anxiety, loneliness, and perceived stress (e.g., [
42,
43]) (i.e., unmediated effects). Moreover, opposite patterns for the level of perceived positive ageism confirm that positive ageism may indeed have opposite consequences for mental well-being, and that the PAQ-8 can reliably assess negative and positive forms of ageism.
The most convincing evidence for the
subscale validity comes from the relationships that were observed with the seven APQ subscales. That is, we found specific patterns of relationships for both positive and negative subscales that are in line with the idea that negative ageism generally has negative consequences for one’s self-perceptions of aging (e.g., [
17,
18]), whereas positive ageism may actually improve one’s attitude towards one’s own aging (e.g., [
22,
41]). Specifically, those who reported high levels of
perceived negative ageism also scored higher on the APQ subscales that relate to
negative beliefs about the impact of aging and how much control a person has over certain aspects of aging. Relationships with
perceived positive ageism for these APQ subscales were nonsignificant. Similarly, the APQ subscales that relate to
positive beliefs about the impact of aging and how much control a person has over certain aspects of aging correlated positively with the level of
perceived positive ageism. These APQ subscales were not associated with the level of
perceived negative ageism. Finally, the APQ subscale that relates to
negative emotional responses to aging was
positively related with the level of
perceived negative ageism, and
negatively correlated (albeit only weakly) with the level of
perceived positive ageism. Both chronic and cyclical awareness of the aging timeline were positively related to levels of
perceived negative ageism, meaning that those who perceive more negative ageism are also more aware of their age and aging timeline, either constantly or in phases. The level of perceived positive ageism was negatively related to individuals’ reported cyclical awareness, but not chronic awareness.
Additionally, in line with the theoretical framework that perceived ageism can impact mental health due to the assimilation of beliefs and perceptions about aging, the relationships between NEG and POS scores and the outcome variables were all mediated by self-perceptions of aging. This may constitute the most compelling evidence for good validity of both the negative and positive subscale of the PAQ-8. For some mediation models—NEG on mental well-being, POS on quality of life and perceived stress—the indirect (mediated) effect fully explained the relationship between the independent and dependent variable. This suggests that the deleterious effects of negative ageism on mental well-being, and beneficial effects of positive ageism on quality of life and perceived stress, are due to the assimilation of the beliefs and attitudes related to the stereotypes, prejudices, and discrimination, thereby shaping one’s perceptions of aging.
In most cases, the relationships between the PAQ-8 subscales and the (mental) health outcome variables were only partially mediated by self-perceptions of aging. This is consistent with the idea that there are multiple pathways via which perceived ageism can affect functioning and (mental) health [
11]. For instance, an additional pathway to loneliness may be that frequent social rejection inclines older adults to avoid and/or withdraw from social participation, thereby promoting feelings of loneliness [
83]. Another potential mechanism linking negative ageism to depressive symptoms is the negative emotional reactions (i.e., anger, sadness, powerlessness) that are evoked by disturbing experiences [
84].
Indeed, it may also be that some mediating factors are not independent, but act as transmitters prior to or after other mediators in a longer chain. For instance, Han and Richardson [
17] showed that perceived ageism can improve negative self-perceptions of aging, thereby decreasing the sense of purpose of life, which subsequently leads to more depressive symptoms. To unravel unknown pathways from ageism to mental health, exploratory network analysis may prove highly informative, as it allows for the inclusion of many variables and the visualization of their interplay (see e.g., [
85]).
In summary, Analysis 2 provided convincing evidence that the PAQ-8, and its subscales in particular, have good validity and can be used to reliably assess perceived ageism.
9. General Discussion
To increase the potential for successful aging, age barriers and ageism need to be combatted. However, in order to do so, it is important to further improve our understanding of the effects of ageism and be able to evaluate the effectivity of various attempts to reduce ageism. This calls for a reliable and comprehensive measure to assess the subjective experience of all forms and dimensions of ageism. In this study, we used a rational-empirical approach in the construction and validation of the Perceived Ageism Questionnaire (PAQ) for older adults. This scale was developed with the intention to reflect all three dimensions of ageism (stereotypes, prejudices, and discrimination), and to include both positive and negative forms. In Analysis 1, the 8-item PAQ (PAQ-8) showed good psychometric and structural properties, and revealed a reliable two-factor structure, distinguishing positive (POS) and negative (NEG) forms of ageism, which was confirmed in Analysis 2. Additionally, in Analysis 2, both subscales demonstrated high validity, as evidenced by meaningful relationships with indices of quality of life, mental well-being, mental health and self-perceptions of aging. Below, we critically evaluate the overall findings, discuss the implications, and provide suggestions for future studies in which the PAQ-8 could help to obtain relevant, and sometimes urgently needed, insights.
9.1. Contribution of the Two-Dimensional PAQ
As has often been pointed out, a major hindrance for ageism research is that studies use different definitions and measures of ageism (e.g., [
11,
86]). Hence, as a matter of priority, the WHO and its collaborators are currently developing a comprehensive scale to assess the prevalence of ageism in society [
6]. Our scale development effort, resulting in the PAQ-8, provides a useful complement to this scale and can help to gather more reliable, standardized and comparable data of the level, role and impact of
ageism as perceived and experienced by older individuals themselves. The PAQ-8 can be used to examine the impact of ageism in society on the individual level, and disentangle potential protective and risk factors that can affect one’s level of resilience to the consequences of ageism (also see
Section 9.2).
Unlike other existing scales that have previously been used to assess
perceived ageism, the PAQ-8 covers all dimensions of ageism (stereotypes, prejudices and discrimination) and can be used to assess the differential impacts of positive and negative forms of ageism, as well as the efficacy of interventions targeting one or both of these forms of ageism. Research on the effects of positive ageism is scarce. To validate the perceived positive ageism subscale of the PAQ, we relied on previous studies revealing positive effects of positive ageism (e.g., [
42,
43]). In line with our hypotheses, we observed positive associations with quality of life, mental well-being, and negative associations with depression, anxiety, loneliness, and perceived stress.
Our findings are also in line with earlier evidence showing that negative forms of ageism tend to exert relatively stronger effects on negative outcomes than positive forms of ageism have on positive outcomes [
27]. As some studies have reported contradictory effects, with positive age stereotypes making older adults feel older [
3], it is important for future research to extend this line of research and evaluate the circumstances under which exposing individuals to positive forms of ageism may be beneficial and/or even diminish or reverse the negative consequences of perceived negative age stereotypes, prejudices, and discrimination (e.g., [
22]). The PAQ-8 lends itself well to answering such questions. Moreover, the PAQ-8 can be used to unravel specific pathways through which perceived negative or positive ageism affect physical and mental health in the long run. This would greatly benefit the field, as the majority of existing studies rely on cross-sectional data, which does not allow for testing causality.
9.2. Level of Perceived Ageism and Individual Differences
On average, levels of perceived ageism, and in particular negative forms, appeared to be relatively low. This does not concur well with the general trends and discourse on
manifested ageism, showing that the prevalence of ageism in society has largely increased over the past century [
87] and that ageism is widespread and one of the most common forms of prejudices, stereotypes, and discrimination in our society [
6,
10,
88]. However, ageism also often goes largely unrecognized, partially due to the strong internalization of beliefs and attitudes regarding older adults and aging from experiences early in life onwards. Consequently, even if individuals approach older adults on the basis of stereotypes or prejudices, older individuals may not always consciously perceive this as discriminatory because such ageist attitudes are fully integrated into their existence and expectations of the world. This would result in relatively lower (subjective) scores on the PAQ, while levels of ageism in society are nonetheless high.
Despite the relatively low levels of perceived ageism, considerable individual differences among individuals were present. Indeed, individual differences in both perceived negative and positive ageism were partially explained by age [
32], with higher levels of perceived ageism being observed among those high in age. However, even younger individuals (≤67 years old) sometimes reported relatively high levels of perceived negative and positive ageism. This does not only confirm that discrimination, stereotyping and prejudices against older adults on the grounds of their age can occur at a relatively young age (e.g., on the labour market; [
89]), but also suggests that other characteristics such as gender, education, marital status, wealth, employment status [
90], as well as culture, religion, or neighborhood (e.g., percentage of older residents) may also affect the level of ageism as experienced by older adults [
91,
92]. For instance, low- and middle-income countries are associated with a higher prevalence of ageism, and individualistic cultural values foster more negative attitudes towards older adults [
93], which is most likely reflected in older adults’ perceptions of ageism as well. On the other hand, strong religious commitments can reduce death anxiety [
94], and thereby potentially diminish perceived ageism (i.e., death anxiety is known to give rise to more negative views of aging and ageist attitudes; see [
95,
96,
97]). Future research could use the PAQ-8 to determine which factors indeed drive individual differences in experiences and perceptions of ageism.
Another source for individual differences in perceived ageism may be that some individuals are biased and inclined to perceive the world more negatively or positively. Indeed, our mediation models in Analysis 2 showed that perceptions of aging mediate the relationship between NEG/POS and mental health outcomes, in line with the idea that frequent exposure to ageism can lead to the internalization of the negative or positive beliefs and attitudes, affecting one’s perceptions of aging and thereby impacting mental functioning. However, an alternative, albeit speculative conjecture is that increased mental health problems evoke more negative thoughts about aging, thereby causing individuals to view the world and everyday events more negatively. Similarly, decreased mental health problems could give rise to more positive attitudes towards aging and thereby more positive perceptions of the environment. This may subsequently promote a reinforcing loop that maintains either favorable, in case of POS, or unfavorable, in case of NEG, health outcomes. In line with the idea that negative emotions can elicit more negative thoughts about aging, it has been suggested that perceived isolation can make older adults more dissatisfied with the quality of their relationships, which increases their pessimism and thereby promotes negative attitudes towards aging [
98]. Furthermore, an earlier prospective study has shown that depressive symptoms can increase the likelihood of perceived age discrimination [
99]. This finding is explained using the
cognitive triad, which suggests that depression can incur a negative view of oneself, the world, and one’s future [
100]. According to Ayalon [
99] individuals may therefore be more likely to perceive neutral events as discriminatory, and experience more negative emotional reactions from them. Alternatively, depressed individuals may mistakenly interpret their somatic symptoms as signs of age-related decline [
101], thereby affecting their self-perceptions of aging and responding more negatively to (presumably) ageism. It is important to extend this line of research to the field of overall ageism (including stereotypes, prejudices, and discrimination) and examine the role of other mental health problems. As acknowledged by Ayalon [
99] there might be less societal incentive to show that mental health problems can precede perceived ageism, as it does not help to advocate for more equal rights, but it is important to get a better idea of the (potential) subjective nature of perceived ageism. Again, the PAQ-8 provides a comprehensive tool to examine such interplays.
In addition to explanatory factors for individual differences in
perceived ageism, it is also of high importance to disentangle which factors may exacerbate or alleviate (i.e., moderate)
the impact of perceived negative ageism on older adults’ quality of life, mental well-being, and mental health outcomes, either directly or indirectly (via mediating factors). Previous research has shown that some factors may help buffer the detrimental effects of negative ageism, or self-perceptions of aging, including optimism, body esteem, coping and high levels of flexible goal adjustment [
84,
102,
103,
104] (see for review: [
86]), whereas other factors (e.g., anxiety about aging [
105], or young age [
15]) may promote more negative consequences. Using the NEG subscale of the PAQ-8, we can further extend our knowledge of the factors that can mitigate the physical and mental health effects of ageism, which is a prerequisite for developing effective strategies that aim to diminish maladaptive consequences of (perceived) ageism.
9.3. Potential Limitations
One important limitation to consider with regards to our scale development effort is the limited size of our initial pool of items. In total, nine items were considered to be relevant to the ageism construct and were therefore subjected to psychometric testing, resulting in an eight-item PAQ with good psychometric properties and high validity. This suggests that the included items provided sufficient depth, specificity, or bandwidth. However, commonly, a larger pool of items is considered recommended [
106], leaving open the possibility that we have missed some critical examples of ageism that can meaningfully explain individual differences in the level of perceived ageism.
As the prevalence of factors that influence older adults’ perception of ageism, as well as the subsequent impact on physical and mental health, can sometimes be ingrained in specific countries or cultures (e.g., some countries/cultures are more optimistic or religiously committed than others; some countries are individualistic, whereas others are collectivistic), simply generalizing our findings to other samples might not be entirely warranted. For some countries or cultures, the examples included in the PAQ-8 may not represent the most commonly encountered forms of stereotypes, prejudices, or discrimination. Hence, future research should test how the reliability and validity of the PAQ-8 holds in different groups and cultures and take into account potential subgroup-related factors that may drive differences in responding.
Finally, as the PAQ-8 quantifies the level of perceived ageism throughout the previous year, this may introduce some limitations with regards to the applicability of the scale in longitudinal designs. Potential changes in perceived ageism (e.g., due to an intervention or campaign to reduce (perceived) ageism) can only be assessed approximately one year later (some overlap may not be a problem). Future research should evaluate whether the PAQ-8 could also be used to reliably assess the level of perceived ageism (and changes therein) throughout shorter periods of time (e.g., two or four weeks).