1. Introduction
The elimination of poverty is a focus of the whole world. China has made achievements in the elimination of absolute poverty, which have attracted global attention and have been highly recognized by international organizations [
1], such as the World Bank. According to the calculation based on the existing Chinese standard for rural poverty, the poverty count of China was 770.39 million in 1978 and the poverty incidence was 97.5%. By the end of 2019, the poverty count was reduced to 5.51 million and the poverty incidence was merely 0.6%. Furthermore, China has comprehensively built a moderately prosperous society, historically solving the problem of absolute poverty.
However, the elimination of absolute poverty does not mean a thorough solution to poverty. Generally speaking, poverty can be classified into three kinds: absolute poverty, relative poverty, and social exclusion. Under absolute poverty, individuals lack the resources that allow them to maintain basic survival. Relative poverty means individuals lack or have difficulty obtaining the resources necessary for their daily life. Meanwhile, social exclusion underlines the integration of individuals with society as a whole [
2]. In terms of practice, China has now eliminated absolute poverty. However, relative poverty and social exclusion have not yet been solved, which means poverty reduction has entered a new stage in China.
To set up a long-term mechanism of solving poverty, the cause must be clarified. Different views on the cause of poverty can be found in academic circles. Some scholars believe that objective and explicit factors are the key [
1,
3,
4,
5,
6], e.g., system, policy, natural environment, geographical location and physical capital, human capital, and technology. These views are conscious of the effects of the external environment and system but have difficulty explaining why the income gap and relative poverty exist under the same restraint, which is why other perspectives have arisen, including poverty culture theory, social exclusion, and rights deprivation theory [
7]. With the deepening of poverty studies and poverty reduction practices, the connotation of poverty has expanded from income poverty in a narrow sense to human poverty in a broad sense [
8]. More attention has also been given to absolute income deficiency, and the political and academic circles have focused more attention on relative poverty and rights deprivation.
Sen (2000) [
9] is the founder of the multidimensional poverty theory. Based on his theory, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) [
8] developed the human poverty index, which is used for the assessment of the poverty state. In determining solutions to poverty, the first step is to identify accurately who can be categorized as belonging to the poor. Existing studies have discussed how to measure poverty accurately. Compared with earlier studies, the current consensus in academic circles is that relative poverty will exist in the economic society for a long time and its measurement should be multidimensional, and thus, the unidimensional poverty standard theory has been abandoned. For example, Huo et al. (2021) [
10] built an index system of physical, cultural, and social needs from the perspective of the needs of a good life for measurement of poverty. Some scholars believed that under the state of relative poverty, it is even more necessary to focus on the “poverty” in social development and, therefore, to set a composite measurement standard that reflects equal stress on the “poverty” in both development and the economy, as well as an appropriate number of rural people in relative poverty [
1]. In addition, some scholars believe that with the development of the economic society, the indices of multidimensional poverty should also change, and therefore, poverty indices should be established dynamically to suit local conditions [
4]. Existing studies generally focus on the state of relative and multidimensional poverty, highlighting the focus on the social integration and development of the poor.
However, the ultimate development of a society and individuals depends on realizing the harmonious coexistence between humans and nature [
11]. Therefore, the governments of various countries generally reach the goal by setting up nature reserves. Since the first nature reserve was set up in 1956, China has formed a system of nature reserves with complete types, reasonable layout, and sound functions. By the end of 2018, China (excluding Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan) had set up 2750 nature reserves, including 474 at the national level, which have a total area of 1.47 million km
2, accounting for about 14.84% of the national land area [
12]. Despite the recognized importance of the nature reserves in protecting biodiversity, studies have found a high degree of overlap between the nature reserves and the regions inhabited by national minorities and the poor [
13,
14]. Most farmers living in or around the nature reserves fall into the poor of lower living standards [
15]. Therefore, scholars began to focus on the externalities of nature reserves for the surrounding farmers. The studies of some scholars show that the establishment of nature reserves will increase the poverty of the farmers living therein or nearby [
13,
16,
17]. The reason is that nature reserves restrict the resources available to farmers in the process of protecting biodiversity [
13], but policies have ignored the requirements of the surrounding farmers [
18]. For example, with the vigorously boosted ecological projects, including the “Grain for Green Program”, the protection of natural forests and the protection zone works caused serious loss of farmland to the surrounding farmers, thereby increasing the degree of poverty. Some scholars believe the establishment of nature reserves will affect the surrounding farmers [
19,
20,
21] because they received earnings even though they bear the cost of environmental protection [
4]. Direct earnings include the ecological compensation that the farmers can receive, the employment they find in the reserves, income from tourism, and reasonable collection of resources [
22,
23,
24]. Additionally, the surrounding farmers can also receive indirect earnings, e.g., those derived from improvement from community environment and infrastructure [
25]. Some scholars even made direct verification to show that the establishment of nature reserves can help mitigate the poverty of surrounding farmers [
26,
27] because, on the one hand, economic development can drive farmers to lower their reliance upon natural resources and, on the other hand, a series of development projects carried out around the nature reserves can attract the preferential policies of the government [
28].
In summary, although existing studies have focused on the relationship between the establishment of nature reserves and the poverty of surrounding farmers, most studies have conducted their analysis only from a dichotomic perspective, i.e., “whether” the farmers are in a reserve and “whether” they are under control and neglected the regulation spillover from the establishment of nature reserves toward surrounding farmers. Therefore, they seldom distinguish between the effects of different regulation intensities on the poverty of farmers. Moreover, early studies are insufficient in their understanding of poverty and more interested in absolute income poverty or livelihood, with less care as to the effects of the multidimensional poverty of farmers. Compared with the unidimensional income poverty, only multidimensional poverty, which is measured from multiple dimensions, can dissect the essence of poverty [
29]. On this account, this paper uses the farmer survey data of Panda Nature Reserves (PNRs) in China to dissect the effects of its regulation intensity upon the multidimensional poverty of surrounding farmers and its internal mechanism from the two levels of theory and empirical evidence. The paper not only expands the theoretical research on regulation and multidimensional poverty but also makes policy suggestions on promoting the ecological civilization of China and achieving common prosperity.
5. Conclusions
This paper uses the farmers around PNRs in China as the objects of study to explore the effects of the regulation intensity of the reserve upon the multidimensional poverty of surrounding farmers and its inherent mechanism from the two levels of theory and empirical evidence. Our study found that regulation intensity has significantly increased the multidimensional poverty of the farmers. Specifically, when the multidimensional poverty index of farmers is measured with the weights of dimensions, the regulation intensity increases by one unit, and the multidimensional poverty index significantly increases by 0.086 at the statistical level of 1%; when the multidimensional poverty index of farmers is calculated with the weights of the indicators, the regulation intensity increases every time by one unit, and the multidimensional poverty index significantly increases by 0.069 at the statistical level of 1%. Moreover, the regulation of agricultural production and the regulation of pollutants will produce a significantly positive effect on their multidimensional poverty, and the inherent mechanism of action is that regulation intensity has restricted farmers’ freedom of production decisions, thereby causing them to sink into poverty. In other words, the greater the intensity of regulation, the more restricted the freedom of farmers’ production decisions, and the easier it is to fall into multidimensional poverty. The conclusion of this paper has not only expanded the theoretical research on regulation and multidimensional poverty but also provided policy suggestions to boost the socialist modernization of China and achieve common prosperity.
First, the government should see that regulations have pros and cons. On the one hand, the regulation of rights in nature reserves can help the ecological environment to recover and protect animal diversity; on the other hand, such regulations may also affect the freedom of production decisions of surrounding farmers, thereby causing them to fall into multidimensional poverty. Policies should properly control the intensity of regulations to avoid over-regulation and zero regulation. Monitoring needs to be implemented in light of the local reality in a year and receive a dynamic adjustment.
Second, the government should first understand that poverty has multiple dimensions so that farmers’ poverty cannot be measured based merely on their income or state of livelihood. For the farmers around a nature reserve, the restraint upon their right to freedom of production decisions is the reason why they fall into multidimensional poverty. Therefore, the government should scientifically formulate the content of regulations and further clarify the rights of the farmers based on protecting nature reserves rather than adopt a sweeping approach.
Lastly, the government should implement a matching compensation policy while regulating the farmers around nature reserves, provide capable farmers with employment training and guidance to help them realize the optimized allocation of resources, including labor force and land, and form the inherent drive to remove poverty, and provide disadvantaged farmers with more support and compensation in relocation and medical care, among others, and use government support to help them break away from poverty.