1. Introduction
The quality of the living environment, especially in urban areas, has become an important issue for residents and a fundamental theme in spatial planning [
1]. Low quality of air, water, climate and the decreasing availability of green space per capita affect the physical and mental health of urban residents [
2,
3,
4,
5]. Consequently, urban planners and policymakers have to address easy access and high quality green areas as a part of common health promotion [
5].
Contact with urban nature such as public parks fosters wellbeing and human health in cities [
6,
7]. Access to green space is associated with a greater probability of being physically active [
5]. Moreover, species richness present in a green area and perceived by local people is positively linked to a greater connection with nature and a better site satisfaction [
8]. If the environment is aesthetically appealing and space allows opportunities for gardening and for recreation, people are encouraged to visit it, improving social cohesion within the neighborhood, which in turn can generate beneficial effects on wellbeing [
9,
10]. In addition, trees provide several ecosystem services that contribute to increase human wellbeing and can mitigate the negative impacts of urbanization, e.g., [
11,
12]. Citizens seem to have a greater sense of community when more commonly shared green space is around their house [
13]. Up to now urban planning has not taken the development of a city as a socio-ecological and macroeconomic system into proper consideration [
14].
Urban greenery research generally focuses more on parks and public gardens [
15,
16,
17], whereas the residential greenery has not been investigated. We defined residential greenery as mainly semi-public green spaces with direct connection to residential buildings, regularly created during the construction of the buildings with great importance for less-mobile people, for children and for after-work recreation [
18].
To close this research gap, our study focused on the residential greenery of the four most relevant building types in Berlin, which are also representative of other Central European cities. As quality of and access to local green affects mainly low-income people [
19], we focused our analysis on disadvantaged neighborhoods in Berlin. Our objective was to provide a description of the status quo of the residential greenery. We focused on tree and shrub composition and the structural elements (e.g., benches, paths, parking areas) that determine health-related ecosystem services such as cooling and air filtering and foster physical activity and the wellbeing of residents. We also included the allergenic potential of the plants as a health-relevant disservice [
20,
21,
22,
23]. We explored the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats (SWOT analysis) of residential greenery to develop general strategies to enhance health-relevant ecosystem services and social cohesion.
4. Discussion
The residential greenery in the past has often been considered as the empty space between buildings or an area for ornamental purposes, rather than a green area with multiple functions serving the wellbeing of local residents.
Figure 2 shows the main elements of the residential greenery in the study areas. It is mainly determined by design and plant use choices. Interestingly, we found no similarity in terms of abundance and presence of woody species within residential greenery (
Table 3). Even within the same building type, similarity i low. The planting patterns of residential greenery do not follow common design guidelines or maintenance practices when individual trees or shrubs are replaced. We detected a largely unused potential to enhance health effects of residential greenery by a predominant use of woody species that provide health-relevant ecosystem services.
In general, urban trees in our study areas provide moderate to high benefits by absorbing air pollution. Evergreens and conifers play an important role in this regard [
31,
32]. Across all sampling sites, we revealed that one to two thirds of all trees have a high to very high allergenic potential (
Table 5). Their presence, growth and management must be considered at the planning phase to maximize the provision of ecosystem services and to reduce potential disservices [
23,
42,
43,
44]. Instead of an increasing body of literature on health impacts of allergenic plants in urban areas [
48,
49,
50], this topic has been scarcely considered in public or semi-public green area design. A plant use guide for residential greenery will assist real estate companies and managers of residential greenery to address this issue. High allergenic species such as
Alnus glutinosa (L.) Gaertn.,
Betula pendula Roth,
Carpinus betulus L.,
Corylus colurna L.,
Cupressus sempervirens L.,
Fagus sylvatica L.,
Fraxinus excelsior L.,
Morus alba L.,
Quercus robur L. and
Ulmus laevis Pall. have to be avoided in these green spaces.
In the classic buildings of the Wilhelminian period in Germany (1870s to 1920s), different building laws and economic factors led to a perimeter block development without a noteworthy open-space structure and almost no living environment. The typical late 19th century courtyards in Berlin, with several backyards, used as traffic and storage areas, formed an almost complete overbuilding of the inner city. The residential greenery in the block-edge developments of the Wilhelminian area is smaller than in the other areas studied. Over 500 inhabitants are living in these areas per hectare with low access to public greenery, high air pollution and high bioclimatic stress. Eighty per cent of the surface is sealed (
Table 1). The main elements of this era were street trees and some trees and shrubs in the small backyards. Commonly, the presence of plants is limited to a few individuals, however the number of trees per area is not significantly different from the other areas. Only a few benches, lights, playgrounds or paths were found mainly due to the small size of greenery (
Table 2); however, the number of bike racks demonstrates that the use of bicycles and related physical activity is very common in Berlin’s inner city districts. The number of balconies is low compared to other areas and 43% of them are greened by residents. Due to the lack of open space, we identified the need for the implementation of building-attached green (e.g., green wall measures, green roof or pervious parking areas,
Figure 2B). Installing some more benches could provide meeting points in the small green realms of these densely over-built areas.
Occasionally socio-political cooperatives implemented reform ideas of green block courtyards at the beginning of the 20th Century (e.g., study area in Reinickendorf and
Figure 1A). At the end of the First World War, there was a lack of housing and a promotion of small residential complexes with gardens (1924). In that historical period there was the need to ensure ‘air and light’ for all residents, creating a free space in the housing area and pouring into the building of row constructions. The quantity and the quality depended on whether the land for the settlement was owned by the city or not, and on the level of involvement of builders and planners in the surrounding green spaces [
18]. The residential greenery in these modernist settlements of the 1920s contrasts sharply with the Wilhelminian period. The percentage of unsealed surface increased (e.g., 49% in Reinickendorf,
Table 1). Both the tenants’ gardens and the shared lawns were present, along with different structural elements such as laundry areas, playgrounds, paths and seating areas. Our study area in Reinickendorf presents a great diversity of woody species; real estate companies there pay particular attention to the maintenance of residential greenery. The number of balconies and number of benches increased manifold in this building type (
Table 2). Seventy-five per cent of the balconies are greened by the residents. Due to the large size of the greenery, elements such as bioswales or ponds can be implemented, enhancing biodiversity, providing cooling effects and functioning for effective stormwater management.
The construction of multi-storey housing in the 1920s–1970s (e.g., sample areas of Paul Hertz Siedlung, Haselhorst and Mitte) was linked to modernist settlement ideas [
18]. The row-building settlements were built loosely and criss-crossed by green spaces, where the inhabitants could walk and enjoy greenery on different paths. More than the half of the areas remain unsealed and the number of inhabitants per hectare is low (
Table 1). The design of open spaces followed mainly two different ideas of parceling as tenants or the design of the area as a “park landscape”. Tenant gardens were seen as a way to save costs of land care, a way of self-sufficiency of the inhabitants (especially after the Second World War) and as recreational areas [
18]. The buildings have a high number of balconies often greened by residents (
Table 2). The residential greenery in the study areas of Haselhorst and Mitte does not present particular plant composition, but offers ample space to spend pleasant moments, especially during the summer. Paul Hertz Siedlung holds a greater diversity of plant species compared to the other two study areas of this era (
Table 2). Bioswales are implemented in one of our sample plots in Haselhorst.
The largest areas of residential greenery with integrated gardens, playgrounds and benches are typical for large housing estate of the 1960s to 1980s; however, welcoming qualities have been questioned as they were mostly designed from the perspective of architects and not of local residents [
10]. Real estate companies in Berlin Hellersdorf and Hohenschönhausen (both neighboring quarters of Marzahn) addressed this with the successful implementation of gardens attached to the buildings, where local residents can co-design their private planting lot within the semi-public green spaces [
51]. Recently the companies of Gropiusstadt invested money in the reconstruction of some gardens.
In general, the residential greenery has an easy access for residents and invites to relate and communicate with neighbors. It is possible to enjoy the benefits of urban nature directly on the doorstep. Almost all residential greeneries examined in this study have a high diversity of tree and shrub composition. Parking lots and garages are rarely present, leaving space for lawns and ornamental plants. Up to now, only a few ground-based greening and bioswales were implemented (i.e., Haselhorst,
Table 2). The laundry-drying areas, elements historically present in the residential greenery in Germany, unfortunately disappeared with the technical development of washing machines with dryers and today can be found as relicts in the study areas of Mitte/Alte Jakob Str. and Marzahn. The playgrounds are fairly distributed in the sites and are generally in good condition.
Paths especially designed to enhance physical activities, such as bare foot paths or devices for sport and physical exercises beyond classical play grounds are missing. Bike racks are common elements of all sample areas, but residents’ demands in the sample plots are often higher. This leads to an accumulation of bicycles on the corners of the green areas, especially in the block-edge developments of the Wilhelminian area. To enhance the adaptability of residential greenery to changing residents’ needs, multifunctionality of these areas has to be fostered also including the organization of social and sport activities with the aim to improve the fruition of those spaces.
The current state in residential greeneries, however, demonstrates the (partially) small size and high fragmentation of these green areas. Sometimes, if not designed and managed with care, the residential greenery does not have high welcoming qualities (i.e., Marzahn, Haselhorst). Usage conflicts (e.g., parking and dumpsters versus leisure and pleasure) are also evident for the residential greenery. Finally, these green spaces are perceived predominantly as a functional space for parking and waste management rather than as a space for recreation, physical activities, education or to come together with neighbors. Thus, our field survey highlighted these conflicts within usage among local citizens. As an example, while some enjoy using the residential greenery with their children, older neighbors complain about the noise generated.
The possibility of implementing residential greenery, enhancing the supply of ecosystem services and improving the wellbeing of the inhabitants are many. Among the elements that can be implemented, worthy of note are the green walls, which can help to increase the level of biodiversity and reduce the urban heat island effect [
52,
53]. This improves the aesthetic quality of the residential greenery, encouraging residents to stay longer in the area.
Residential greenery has a high re-naturation potential (i.e., using nature-based solutions) and there is a current trend that invites urban gardening activities. All this means it is useful to have new urban realms for urban biodiversity and to respond to the need to create resilient neighborhoods by increasing the identity of the place and its security, while creating a strong sense of community. The image of the residential greenery will change by visible transformations that are more accepted and used and better maintained when residents are invited to co-create their green spaces on their door steps in bottom-up processes, rather than in top down designs. There is the fear of contact with neighbors or an initial difficulty in relationships due to social and cultural barriers. Moreover, the poor maintenance and care of the residential greenery can return as a negative image of the place, which can lead to an increase in vandalism. The responsibilities and especially the initial costs of building and managing such green areas are high, potentially implying the green gentrification [
54,
55]. We also revealed evidence for a high motivation for (co-)design and care by residents with reimbursement effects also for the housing estate companies (i.e., General-Barby Str.).