1. Introduction
Society today is confronted with a range of environmental challenges. Human population growth and consumption behaviours all over the world have caused many threats to our planet and all its inhabitants. The most topical of these challenges is climate change, which has become a widely known issue. Many scientific disciplines have addressed climate change, and it is a driver for new policies and legislation all over the world, an example of which can be found in [
1]. However, there is another, equally dangerous, threat to a sustainable future: biodiversity loss. Biodiversity on our planet is decreasing at an alarming rate, which will have a grave impact on the environment, as well as on humans [
2]. However, this is less widely known and less covered in the media than climate change-related issues [
3].
Human behaviours are the main cause of the ongoing decline in biodiversity. We, as a society, need to change our behaviours to reduce the current harm we are causing and to actively support the restoration of ecosystems and wildlife [
4]. There are various behaviours that individuals can undertake to support and protect local, regional, national, and international wildlife, as well as ecosystems as a whole [
5]. These actions can be classed as pro-nature conservation behaviours. Similar to the general media coverage of climate change in comparison to biodiversity loss, there is a large body of research on general pro-environmental behaviours but far less research on pro-nature conservation behaviours. In order to change this and to create an understanding of pro-nature conservation behaviours, with the aim of effectively encouraging the general public to engage in them, a reliable and valid measurement tool is needed. This paper will introduce the Pro-Nature Conservation Behaviour Scale (ProCoBS), which is a psychometrically validated measure based on expert ratings of the ecological impact of the included behaviours.
The decline in biodiversity affects a wide variety of species, but particularly those classed as wild. Recently, a report by The Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) [
2] highlighted the fact that up to 1 million species are threatened with extinction, and only 13% of oceans and 23% of land can still be classed as wilderness. One of the most typically reported examples of the gravity of biodiversity loss is the decline of wildlife. The Living Planet Report [
6] revealed a 60% decrease in wildlife populations between 1970 and 2014. In particular, amphibians (>40% of recorded species critically endangered [
2]) and pollinating or pest-controlling insects (e.g., 75% decline in the biomass of flying insects in Germany [
7]) will have significant impacts on how ecosystems function [
8]. Not only is this devastating on a biodiversity and ecosystem level, but also regarding the impact that such loss or decline has on a number of “services” that are essential to human living and well-being [
9]. We are now within the sixth documented mass extinction event—one which has been solely and uniquely accredited to anthropogenic (human-induced) forces [
10]. Researchers found that, even when using conservative assumptions, the rates of vertebrate decline can be classed as a mass extinction [
10]. Primarily, land use associated with the processes of urbanisation and agriculture contribute to the destruction of habitats [
11,
12].
Although this paints a depressing picture, the fact that these declines are accredited to human-induced actions means we can act and attempt to reverse or halt the current trends. Furthermore, people are becoming more aware of, and therefore more concerned about, the impacts of wildlife extinctions. However, despite an increase in people reporting a level of concern about environmental issues, their actions are often inconsistent with these thoughts. Research has shown that 72% of people report a gap between attitudes, intentions, and actions, even without situational barriers [
13]. This is known as the Value–Action gap [
14]. Psychological theory can be used to understand the reasons for this and to achieve effective communications and interventions [
15]. A reliable and valid measure of pro-nature conservation behaviours is therefore an essential first step to explore the psychological determinants of the value–action gap and to evaluate behavioural interventions. There is extensive research on general pro-environmental behaviours in environmental psychology. Over 40 scales have been developed to measure these behaviours [
16]. They are often positive inactions, with the goal of minimising a negative impact on the environment [
17]. Usually, this relates more closely to general environmental issues (e.g., choosing public transport over a car, or aiming to reduce one’s carbon footprint) [
16]. As of yet, no scale has been developed to measure active behaviours that specifically support nature conservation (i.e., pro-nature conservation). Thus, while there are a range of options available to researchers seeking to measure behaviours which may slow climate change or reduce pollution, there is currently no specific measure that captures behaviours that specifically aim to restore the natural environment and increase biodiversity.
Indeed, conservation practitioners and researchers have shown interest in these more specific behaviours, which are often missed in other scales. Several studies clearly express a difference between pro-environmental and pro-nature conservation behaviours [
18,
19,
20]. Research supported by the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds (RSPB), one of the world’s largest conservation organisations, referred to this exactly and stated that there are two clear types of behaviours: “pro-environmental behaviours focused on resource use and energy saving, and pro-nature behaviours focused on wildlife- oriented actions” [
18]. This distinction can also be found in research done in collaboration with, and reports published by, other conservation organisations (e.g., as explored in [
20]). These reports show a strong desire from conservation practitioners for a behavioural measure more specific to nature conservation. In fact, a study conducted in collaboration with the Wildlife Trusts in the United Kingdom lamented the lack of a measurement tool for nature conservation-specific behaviours [
21]. This lack of focus on more biodiversity-specific behaviours has also been pointed out from an academic point of view by Prévot and colleagues [
5]. Some research has considered conservation-related behaviours and their determinants, as well as possible communications and interventions [
5,
20]. Each study, however, assesses different behaviours, and not all studies consider the ecological impact of the behaviours they assess. In addition, a variety of different terms have been used to describe these behaviours, from pro-nature [
18], over pro-biodiversity practices [
22], to conservation engagement [
23]. For scientific research into pro-nature conservation behaviours, validated and established measurement tools play a key role [
24]. The Value–Action gap in the specific area of conservation-directed behaviours needs to be studied in more detail, and, therefore, the development of a validated measurement tool is essential. The following paragraphs define pro-nature conservation behaviours and introduce some ecologically impactful types of behaviour that formed the base of the ProCoBS.
To define pro-nature conservation behaviours, the term “nature conservation” needs clarification. While the term “conservation” often refers to nature conservation, it can also refer to the conservation of resources (e.g., water) or built heritage. In fact, the term “conservation behaviours” is often used to refer to general environmental behaviours or resource conservation-specific behaviours [
25]. Thus, the term “nature conservation” is used in this paper. This is a widely used term by leading nature conservation organisations, such as the RSPB (
www.rspb.org.uk/our-work/conservation/) and the UK government (
www.gov.uk/government/organisations/joint-nature-conservation-committee). These organisations see nature conservation as a response to the decline of biodiversity and seek to protect species, particularly wildlife, and habitats. Therefore, pro-nature conservation behaviours are positive actions that aim to support these conservation goals and have an impact on nature conservation. Both the aim to support nature conservation and the impact of the actions are important to consider. Stern [
26] differentiates between two “realities” of behaviour: a subjective reality, which refers to behaviours as the means for people to achieve a goal, and an objective reality, which refers to the meaning of the behaviour and its consequences. Kaiser and Wilson [
27] argue that researching environmental behaviours that are not goal-directed and, therefore, are not tapping into the subjective reality component, will not be psychologically meaningful. In contrast, behaviours with good intentions but no real impact on the ecosystem or biodiversity are of no interest to conservation practitioners. Therefore, when developing a scale measuring pro-nature conservation behaviours, it is important to address both realities in an inter-disciplinary manner. The scale should be tested using psychometric methods, but the behaviours must be based on conservation biology and ecology, and reviewed by academic experts and conservation practitioners, to insure their impact. Research from a stratified sample of 4960 UK residents has revealed that pro-nature conservation behaviours are distinct from pro-environmental behaviours on a psychological level [
19]. Furthermore, many pro-environmental behaviour scales do not include the kind of behaviours typically examined by applied behavioural nature conservation research (e.g., as detailed in [
16,
28]).
Various conservation organisations already encourage some behaviours for wildlife and biodiversity conservation. However, some of these behaviours fall under pro-environmental behaviours, and for others their impact on biodiversity needs to be considered. Conservation behaviours for the scale were chosen based on research in the field of conservation biology and ecology, as well as opinions of subject matter experts. Ecologists have started capitalising on green spaces in urban areas as important wildlife habitats [
29]. A large proportion of these green spaces are made up of private gardens, thus giving garden owners the possibility of supporting wildlife [
30]. Simple changes to domestic gardens have the power to increase native biodiversity, making gardens an important tool for nature conservation [
31]. Many conservation organisations suggest a variety of gardening behaviours (e.g., those detailed in [
32]). These behaviours can include, for example, planting a tree or maintaining a wildlife friendly pond [
31]. However, not everyone has access to a garden, especially people from lower income groups. This does not mean that those people cannot engage in pro-nature conservation behaviours. Indeed, behaviours regarding political participation (for example) are more widely accessible and can have an important influence on public policy decision-making and social change [
33]. These behaviours do not only concern urban greenspaces but often wider nature conservation issues. For example, Prévot and colleagues [
5] included voting intentions, based on candidates’ positions on conservation issues in their assessment of conservation practices, and highlighted its importance amongst other individual commitments [
34]. Pro-nature conservation behaviours may be motivated by, and related to, a variety of psychological and behavioural constructs. These can be used to test for construct validity of a scale measuring pro-nature conservation behaviours. They will be introduced in the following paragraphs.
Due to the lack of substantial literature on pro-nature conservation behaviours, not all chosen variables were based on research in this area. Some were based on research regarding pro-environmental behaviours. The constructs of self-efficacy, connectedness to nature, ecological worldview, and well-being were central to our development of the ProCoBS. Further pro-environmental behaviours were also included in the validation measures.
Self-efficacy is a widely used key concept in explaining a variety of behaviours [
35]. It is defined as a person’s confidence in their ability to solve a problem or accomplish a task [
36] and affects their actual ability to achieve the goal [
37]. As such a widely used concept, self-efficacy has also been applied to pro-nature conservation behaviours; perceived self-efficacy to protect biodiversity was found to be highly correlated to behaviour and behavioural intent [
38]. Thus, the ProCoBS should correlate with perceived self-efficacy.
Recently, emotions have become an important focus of research on the Value–Action gap. Connectedness to nature is a psychological construct of an individual’s affective relationship to nature [
39,
40]. Nature connectedness has been found to outperform other predictors of pro-environmental behaviour [
41], which was confirmed by recent meta-analyses [
42,
43]. We predict that connectedness to nature will be similarly important in conservation behaviours. It may not only act as a predictor. Spending time in nature through wildlife-friendly gardening could evoke a feeling of connectedness to nature, as it constitutes a compassionate behaviour towards nature. Compassion towards nature has been found to be a pathway to nature connectedness [
44].
Another key variable in research on pro-environmental behaviours is the ecological worldview. An individual’s ecological worldview consists of their primitive beliefs about the roles nature and humans play for one another [
45]. Ecological worldview is commonly measured with the New Environmental Paradigm (NEP [
46]). This construct has been positively related to environmental behaviours [
47]. Furthermore, Gkargkavouzi, Halkos, and Matsiori [
48], found that ecological worldview and connectedness to nature were especially predictive of environmental behaviours, falling under the dimensions of civic actions, recycling, household behaviours, and consumerism. Conservation behaviours include civic actions and behaviours conducted at home and may, therefore, be predicted by those two constructs in particular.
Bridging the Value–Action gap in conservation behaviours may not only have a positive impact on ecosystems. Well-being benefits to those who engage in conservation behaviours have been found. These benefits could be related to several aspects of a pro-conservation behaviour intervention. Volunteering with conservation organisations can lead to the significant improvement of mental well-being [
49]. Furthermore, caring for nature is a pathway to nature connectedness [
44], which itself has well-being benefits [
50]. More generally, just spending time in nature can positively affect stress relief and mood [
51]. Engaging in pro-nature conservation behaviours, which include volunteering with conservation organisations, as well as activities taking place outdoors in nature, might, therefore, be related to well-being.
This study developed and validated a questionnaire scale to measure pro-nature conservation behaviours (ProCoBS) according to the current standard for psychometric scale development [
52]. All items on the scale were based on their ecological impact and were reviewed by a panel of Subject Matter Experts (SMEs) to ensure content validity. The resulting item pool was administered to a sample of the general UK population. The item list was reduced using internal consistency tests to achieve reliability and an exploratory factor analysis (EFA) was executed to examine dimensionality and further shorten the item list, leading to the finished ProCoBS. Test–retest reliability and construct validity were investigated in a second study. One month after the first study, the ProCoBS was administered to a subsample of the original participants, in conjunction with measures of possibly-related constructs. Based on the existing literature, as outlined above, we hypothesised that pro-nature conservation behaviours are related to pro-environmental behaviours, nature connectedness, ecological worldview, self-efficacy, and well-being. A third study was therefore conducted to complete a confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) on the factor structure that emerged from the EFA.
4. Discussion
The ProCoBS and the ProCoBS-SF were developed and validated using standard psychometric procedures. The results demonstrated that both the full scale (with its subscales) as well as the short form scale have high internal reliability and test–retest reliability. Validation analyses found that both the full scale and the short form scale are correlated to constructs that were hypothesised to be related to pro-nature conservation behaviours, providing strong support for the construct validity of the scale. Furthermore, analyses distinguished four factors of pro-nature conservation behaviours. Furthermore, a Confirmatory Factor Analysis of the ProCoBS-SF indicated a good-fit with the two-factor structure found in the Exploratory Factor Analysis, thus indicating that the proposed factor structure was psychometrically robust.
In the full scale, civil actions, which, unlike the gardening behaviours, were not tied to greenspaces, were split into two factors: “Individual Engagement” and “Organised Engagement”. Both of these consisted of behaviours that may be similar to “non-activist behaviours in the public sphere” in pro-environmental behaviours [
26]. This divide between behaviours may reflect a divide also found in general environmental behaviour. Kaiser and Wilson [
27] theorised that found differences may be explained by differences in difficulties between behaviours. Engaging in behaviours that are organised by the individual may represent different challenges than participating in a pre-organised activity. This separation is supported by the difference in correlation sizes between the factors and the self-efficacy measures: The Individual Engagement items were more highly correlated with self-efficacy than the Organised Engagement items.
Behaviours that were grouped under Individual Engagement were behaviours that may require individual organisation and motivation. A large proportion of the behaviours in this factor were political behaviours, which related to opportunities whereby citizens in a democracy can influence legislation and policies surrounding nature conservation. In general, political participation is an important means for citizens to communicate their views to the government and includes behaviours such as voting and communicating with officials [
65]. Both of these behaviours grouped in the Individual Engagement factor. Voting behaviour, specifically, has also been included in existing research on conservation-related behaviours [
5]. In pro-environmental behaviours, support for public policies is an important part of non-activist behaviours in the public sphere [
26]. Interestingly, picking up litter fell into this factor as well, even though it is not political participation. Furthermore, and in contrast to the above, the behaviour of taking part in clean-up events fell into the Social Engagement factor. This specific difference shines a light on the difference between the two factors found within Civil Actions. While both behaviours have the same objective outcome (removal of litter), litter picking is coming from a place of individual effort and organisation, whereas taking part in a clean-up is attending an event organised by someone else. However, the item “I attend local council/local authority meetings about nature conservation issues” does not seem to be fully in line with the other items in this factor. Such meetings are pre-organised activities that individuals can participate in. More research is therefore required to explore how and why this behaviour in particular differs from other pre-organised activities, and in which way it may present different challenges than other similar behaviours in the “Organised Engagement” factor.
The majority of items in the Organised Engagement factor take place in the public sphere but are less directly related to political action. Instead these items rather focus on the social aspects of citizenship. Behaviours, such as petitioning, are also included in some measures of general pro-environmental behaviours, where they are classed under environmental citizenship [
26]. The other items in this factor relate more to practical volunteering within a conservation framework. Volunteering within the more general environmental sector has been examined and found to be related to positive well-being outcomes [
66], as well as the more specific volunteering with a conservation organisation [
49].
In gardening behaviours there were also two factors: “Planting” and “Wildlife”. “Planting” refers to which type of plants an individual maintains in their garden, which includes planting pollinator-friendly species, a behaviour which has a high importance considering that pollinators are particularly affected by the biodiversity decline [
7,
8]. Pollinators play an important role for society in providing an ecosystem service crucial to food production, with more than 87% of flowering plant species being pollinated by animals [
67]. The behaviour of maintaining plants with different flowering seasons can further support insect diversity in gardens and/or on agricultural land. For example, adding late-season flowering plants to the fields of early-season flowering crops has been shown to have a positive influence on bumble bee density [
68]. In addition to this, the behaviour of planting native plants has benefits beyond supporting native plant biodiversity. In Australia and the USA, native plants in domestic gardens have been found to increase bird and butterfly diversity [
69,
70].
Behaviours in the “Wildlife” factor relate to the creation of a less artificially maintained garden and the introduction of features that can provide resources and/or habitats for wild plants and animals. Leaving an unmaintained area, or “wildflower patch” is a widely recommended action and has been used as an indicator of conservation friendly behaviour in past research [
5]. Another behaviour in this factor is feeding birds. In total, 48% of UK households provide food for wild birds [
71]. This behaviour has been shown to have a positive effect on avian diversity and abundance [
72]. In addition to the ecological impact, bird feeding has been shown to be related to connection to nature and well-being, specifically relaxation [
73].
To test the validity of the ProCoBS we correlated the scale with pro-environmental behaviours. As predicted, the full scale and its subscales, as well as the short form and its subscales, were significantly positively correlated with pro-environmental behaviours. While little is known about which specific pro-environmental behaviours and pro-conservation behaviours are related to each other, there often seems to be an overlap, and participation in wider environmental activities has been linked to wildlife-friendly gardening [
74]. However, existing research [
19] suggests that pro-conservation behaviours and pro-environmental behaviours remain separate constructs. Furthermore, we predicted that pro-conservation behaviours would be related to similar psychological concepts as pro-environmental behaviours. Especially since the two scales we employed to measure nature connectedness had a strong [
75], significant correlation with the ProCoBS, which supports that prediction. This is also in line with findings from other studies that people with higher connectedness to nature are more likely to engage in pro-nature conservation practices, such as adding wild-flower patches to their gardens or considering biodiversity in their voting intentions [
5]. Pro-nature conservation gardening directly operationalises the compassion pathway to nature connectedness [
44] and may also provide meaningful experiences with nature, thus improving nature connectedness [
76,
77].
In order to prevent a further acceleration of biodiversity loss and its consequences, a better understanding of which behaviours have a positive impact on biodiversity, and how the general public can be encouraged to engage in those behaviours, is needed. The ProCoBS constitutes a crucial tool for research on pro-nature conservation behaviours. Measuring tools for behaviours can be used to examine what influences those behaviours and to develop and evaluate communications and interventions aimed towards them [
24].
The ProCoBS is a self-report measure. Self-report measures have the advantage of being easy to administer at a low cost, thus providing an ideal tool for large scale research and citizen science studies [
24]. The developed short form can facilitate engagement with the scale from conservation organisations who wish to use the scale in evaluating their projects in time-pressured settings. However, researchers should be aware of possible inaccuracies in self-report measures. Inaccuracies can be caused, for example, by over-reporting or the differing perceptions between participants of what the frequency markers, such as “often”, mean [
78,
79]. Apart from the limitations of self-report measures, a possible limitation of the ProCoBS specifically might be that it was developed with the UK and central Europe in mind. All of the SMEs were UK based (with only one originating from mainland Europe) and all of the participants who took the scales were from the UK. Nevertheless, the political participation items might be applicable to other countries with similar democratic governments and the social engagement items may relate to all societies with similar social and cultural structures. However, it is likely that the gardening items might be more specific to the UK and central European ecosystem. Our methodology could be adopted in developing equivalent measures in heterogenous ecosystems. More research, with a greater international reach, should therefore be undertaken to explore how the ProCoBS performs in different geographical and cultural settings. The ProCoBS may be used as a complete scale for people who have access to a garden, but, when focusing on a sample where some people have access while others do not, the two subscales should be used separately. This makes the scale more adaptable and suitable for a larger socio-economic group, which could be a strength; however, it may also prove to be a limitation. Further research on whether this scale should be used as one scale, or whether the two subscales may be more useful as separate scales is needed.
The similarities and differences between pro-nature conservation behaviours and pro-environmental behaviours also needs to be further examined. Some parts of the wide base of underlying theoretical framework of pro-environmental behaviours may be applicable to pro-nature conservation behaviours, while others may not be a good fit. For example, Stern’s [
26] differentiation between public and private sphere behaviours was used in the development of this scale.
Future research should employ the ProCoBS in different contexts to further establish its validity and reliability. The ProCoBS can be used to explore the extent of the Value–Action gap for pro-nature conservation behaviours and ways to close this gap. Some of the constructs used for the validation of the scale, such as connectedness to nature, are likely to be important predictors of pro-nature conservation behaviours. Research on the different predictors of pro-nature conservation behaviours and their interaction is crucial in understanding and encouraging these behaviours as we move to mitigate and manage species loss in our changing world.