1. Introduction
In Ireland, as in many other countries, there has been significant emphasis in the past decade to reduce car travel and to increase travel by more sustainable modes of transportation, in particular active modes [
1]. This is driven by the recognition that private car travel is an unsustainable form of transport. As travelling by bicycle is an accessible and energy efficient form of travel, there is scope to encourage the uptake of cycling across the population to reduce greenhouse gases emissions [
2]. The health benefits associated with cycling to school have also been well-documented with studies showing higher cardio-respiratory fitness among children and adolescents who cycle to school compared with those who do not cycle [
3,
4]. A full understanding of the reasons behind the current low rates of cycling, especially in half of the population, females, is required to meaningfully inform policy to encourage the mass uptake of cycling.
Low rates of cycling and significant gender differences exist across many countries. In England, males made 24 cycling trips per year on average across all ages, while females made only eight cycling trips, according to 2019 figures. The same survey showed that males travelled on average 3.7 times farther than females by bicycle (138 km v 37 km in 2019) [
5]. The gender inequality is constant in the English-speaking countries of Canada, USA, UK, Ireland, Australia and New Zealand where the percentage of cyclists that are female, for all trips, ranges only from 20% to 30% [
6].
While this trend of lower cycling rates amongst women is common internationally, there are exceptions. This tends to be in countries where the overall cycling commuter rates are higher and where cycling is seen as a more conventional mode for commuting. In Finland, Germany, and Sweden, almost half of cyclists are female. In Denmark and in the Netherlands, 18% and 26% of all trips are by bicycle, respectively. Furthermore, approximately 55% of all cyclists are female [
6].
In many countries, the differences in cycling rates between men and women are apparent from an early age. In England, up to the age of 16, boys make three times as many bicycle trips per year as girls [
5]. The Central Statistics Office (CSO) in Ireland reports that only 2% of boys cycle and only 1% of girls cycle to primary school but that at secondary school level, the rate for boys doubles to 4% while the rate for girls halves to 0.5% [
7]. This suggests that the transition from primary school to secondary school has a significant effect on cycling to school rates, in particular by gender.
The reasons for the lower cycling rate among schoolgirls compared with schoolboys may be associated with safety perceptions as well as peer and parental influences. However, most of the research on gendered cycling differences relates to adults and not children. Presented here are the main findings from research available on cycling barriers by gender for adults followed by, where available, those for adolescents.
There are several factors which may explain the reasons for lower cycling rates amongst women. Existing research seems to indicate that, in many countries, women are more likely than men to see cycling as a risky behaviour, with greater concerns in relation to both safety in traffic and personal safety. However, in countries with high levels of cycling amongst women, the public perception for both men and women is that cycling is safe [
8]. Several studies have demonstrated that females express greater concerns than males regarding the risks associated with cycling. Aldred and Elliott [
9] conducted an extensive study of attitudes to cycling amongst males and females, and amongst different age groups, examining research from a number of different countries. Their findings indicated that female cyclists are more likely than male cyclists to want to be segregated from other traffic. It is also suggested in their work that further research should be carried out on children’s own views of the barriers to cycling. Dill and Gliebe [
10] made similar findings related to female preferences for segregation in the USA.
Women are also more likely than men to have concerns about their personal safety when cycling [
11,
12]. The public nature of cycling can also lead to the harassment from motorists. This appears to be most prevalent in low-cycling countries where cycling is a marginalised activity. A study of 1414 cyclists in Australia showed that cyclists self-reported on different types of harassment that they experienced from motorists, affecting females more than males. While males were subjected to significantly more of some types of harassment than females, including “throwing objects” and “obscene gestures”, arguably the most unpleasant, “sexual harassment” was reported, proportionally, 25 times more often by females than males [
13].
Research also suggests that women rate their cycling ability negatively compared to men, feel that they do not have the appropriate skills required to cycle and are more likely to see lack of infrastructure as a barrier to cycling [
9,
14,
15].
Distance is a barrier to cycling for both genders, but more so for women. Carroll and Brazil [
16] found that there was a significantly greater reduction in the female cycling mode share with distance from the city centre.
Research also suggests that there is a conflict between the requirements to look presentable and cycling, especially among women. This has been found in studies in the US [
17] and the UK [
18]. The latter describes an obligation particularly felt amongst women, especially at work, to “appear attractive and smart” and that this was not conducive to cycling in bad weather conditions. Corroborating research carried out by the Transport Research Laboratory in the UK affirms that women were less likely to commute by bicycle because of their personal appearance concerns. The safety requirement of having to wear a helmet was a particular deterrent [
19].
The factors described thus far (safety, personal safety, social pressure) affect both adult and young cyclists. However, this paper will focus on school children to explore if some of these differences in perceptions of cycling start to emerge at a young age. In previous research by the authors [
20], it was found that there were no significant differences between boys and girls across a number of predefined barriers to active commuting to school, except proportionally the “weather” and “bags” seemed to affect girls significantly more than boys. That research comprising 4122 students related to barriers to both walking and cycling to school whereas this study relates to cycling only. Although children’s perceptions of cycling to school may match their perceptions of active travel to school, this research explicitly addresses cycling.
Similar to the findings of cycling preferences among adults, a study of adolescents in Belgium found strong preferences for separation from traffic, especially with a raised kerb or a barrier rather than road markings; shorter distances and cycling with friends. This was a comprehensive study comprising 882 participants across twelve schools; however, the results by gender were not presented [
21].
A further analysis on cycling to school distance limits revealed literature, also from Flanders, which indicated that eight kilometres is a feasible cycling to school distance. This was, however, among older teenagers, 17- and 18-year-olds, whereas younger adolescents may have different thresholds [
22].
The influence of parents/guardians on cycling and modal choice will also be explored. Research related to teenage New Zealanders indicates that parents perceive cycling to be less supported by themselves, by students and even by the schools when compared with walking. Parents were more concerned with their children’s safety in relation to cycling compared with walking; although, safety concerns for both walking and cycling increased with distance from school [
23].
Pang and Rundle-Thiele [
24] found that, among Australian parents/guardians, social norms have a significant effect on walking and cycling to school behaviours. This suggests that parents/guardians are influenced by what their friends, neighbours and family members think about allowing children to actively commute to school.
The independence that parents/guardians offer their children with respect to their mobility is seen as a significant factor in students’ travel mode to school. There is strong evidence that children and young people would prefer more independence and would walk and cycle more if they had the choice but are limited by their and their parents’/guardians’ personal safety fears [
25]. There is much consensus in research from around the world that indicates that boys are afforded more independence than girls [
26]. This is considered to be one of the factors for differing cycling to school rates among boys and girls. Solana [
27] conducted research on Spanish families regarding active commuting to school for 9 to 12-year-olds. They found that mothers and fathers had similar views regarding the barriers to active commuting, with both mothers and fathers seeing distance as the most significant barrier. However, they found that the perceptions of mothers differed in several respects to those of fathers. Mothers were more likely to be involved in organising extra-curricular activities for their children and this led to more positive attitudes to active commuting to schools, as this allowed greater flexibility. On the other hand, mothers were more likely to see walking as being something children would find boring, and that this was a barrier to active commuting. Mothers also perceived, more than fathers, that the lack of policemen at junctions was a barrier to active commuting to school. Research in this area is limited and there are gaps in our knowledge regarding the influence of parents on their children’s commuting choices.
With an overarching aim of informing policy on sustainable commuting, particularly travel by bicycle to school, this paper seeks to add to the research on cycling and the differences in the perceptions of a range of factors associated with cycling to school amongst boys and girls in secondary school. The objectives of the paper are:
To identify differences in the rates of cycling amongst boys and girls, at primary and secondary school, by weather conditions.
To examine if boys and girls perceived barriers to cycling differently.
To identify the role of parents in the commuting choices of children and
To examine if male and female parents/guardians have different perceptions of barriers to cycling for boys and girls.
3. Results
3.1. Cycling to/from School Rates by Gender and by Weather
The cycling to school rates are presented by weather conditions, good and bad, by journey direction, to and from school, by gender, male and female, and by school type, primary or secondary school, in
Table 2. The figures shown are the numbers and percentages within totals. At primary school level, boys are 2.7 times more likely than girls (7.3% vs. 2.7%) to cycle to and from school in all weather conditions. This is the case when to and from school and when good and bad weather conditions are averaged. The corresponding rates from the 2016 census, for Limerick City and Suburbs, indicated that boys are twice as likely to cycle than girls (1.13% vs. 0.57%). The analysis for travel to and from secondary school travel, reveals that boys are approximately 18 times more likely than girls (7.1% vs. 0.4%) to cycle; while the CSO’s figures from secondary school indicate that boys are 24.3 times more likely to cycle than girls (4.69% vs. 0.19%) [
7]. The ratios of boy to girls cycling reflects the CSO’s data; however, the cycling rates among the sample are higher than the CSO’s data. This is likely due to the fact that the survey omitted 15.8% and 28.8% of those who lived greater than 8km from primary and secondary school respectively.
For the eight comparisons–cycling to and from school, in good and bad weather conditions, for both genders and for both primary school and secondary school–the results of column proportion tests confirmed that there were statistically significant differences in all eight comparisons. It is concluded that there are significant differences in cycling to and from school rates between boys and girls for both primary school and secondary school.
While the proportions of boys cycling to and from primary and secondary schools were low, averaging at approximately 7.2%, the proportion of girls cycling to/from primary school was statistically significantly lower and further lower for girls at secondary school level. The responses indicated that no girls cycle to secondary school while only one and two girls cycle home from school in good and bad weather conditions respectively. This limits the statistical analysis that can be conducted on girls who cycle to school.
3.2. Barriers to Cycling to School with Significant Gender Differences
Students were asked to indicate their level of agreement with statements relating to cycling to school. The results of the Mann-Whitney U tests, with Benjamini-Hochberg adjustments, for secondary school-related questions, show that there were statistically significant differences (
p < 0.05) in perceptions between male and female students in several factors, see
Table 3.
The factor with the largest difference between means was “my uniform does not lend itself to riding a bicycle”, where the mean for female students was 1.88 and that for male students was 2.95. It should be noted that it is obligatory for girls in secondary to wear long skirts at least to “midcalf” in all of the schools that engaged with the study [
30,
31], and this is common in most schools in Ireland.
Many of the factors that were significantly different for boys and girls at secondary school level relate to an aversion to the physical exertion of cycling rather than any environmental barriers. This includes perceptions that the number of bags or weight of bags is a barrier to cycling or being “too tired”, “too lazy”, “not physically fit enough to cycle” or that cycling “involves too much planning ahead”. These results also show girls’ resistance to the effort that is associated with cycling to school. Girls’ perceptions of their skills for cycling to school were significantly different from that of boys. This is evidenced by a comparison of the mean responses by gender of the “handing a bike” and an inability to “fix minor mechanical issues” statements.
Aligned with research among adults, female students seemed to be more concerned about their physical appearance than males with a significant difference in means related to the level of agreement with the statement, “cycling would ruin my hair especially if I wore a helmet”. There were also significant differences in the perceptions among boys and girls of the barriers to cycling to school associated with traffic volumes and speeds with girls more than boys seemingly affected by traffic conditions.
There was a significant difference between males and females regarding the peer-perception of cycling to school with proportionally more girls than boys indicating that “cycling to school being uncool”.
An obvious barrier to cycling to school is having access to a bicycle. A significantly higher rate of boys than girls indicated owning or having access to a bicycle. Literature on bicycle ownership rates by gender was not found and therefore, comparisons between these results and previous research could not be made.
3.3. Age-Effect of Perceptions towards Cycling to School
Following the analyses comparing the responses to various statements about cycling to/from school by gender, the age-effect was examined, i.e., does the gender difference in attitudes and perceptions related to cycling to school vary with age. As the dependent variable was ordinal–varying from Strongly Agree to Strongly Disagree–ordinal regression was carried out. This was important to examine, as the study seeks to identify if the differences between male and female perceptions of cycling becomes more marked as students move from pre-adolescence to adolescence.
Table 4 shows the ordinal regression results comprising the Wald’s chi-squared statistic and associated p-values for the independent variable age. The 95% confidence intervals of odds ratios are also shown. The results of the ordinal regression analyses indicate that age is not statistically significant for each of the 36 statements related to cycling to school.
3.4. Parents’/Guardians’ Effect on Cycling to School by Student Gender
There were 168 cases where parents’/guardians’ responses matched with those of their respective children. Mean scores and standard deviations showing parents’/guardians’ level of agreement, by student gender, with statements on their children cycling to school are shown in
Table 5. The results indicate that parents’/guardians’ barriers to cycling consent for both their male and female children relate to safety issues, particularly traffic volumes, traffic speeds and driver behaviour. This aligns with previous research on parents’ barriers to active travel to school [
27]. Parents/guardians also cited heavy/numerous bags as a factor affecting their children’s ability to cycling to school.
Analysing the results by student gender reveals some interesting findings.
Table 5 also shows the Mann-Whitney U test results, with p-values of less than 0.05 shown in bold, which reveal significant differences, by student gender, in following factors:
On average, parents/guardians indicated a neutral response to “he/she would get too hot and sweaty if he/she cycled” for their girls but indicated disagreement for their boys. (Mean scores: Girls: 3.06; Boys: 3.61).
Parents/guardians thought that their girls’ uniforms do not lend themselves to riding a bicycle, however, this was not the case for their boys (Mean scores: Girls: 1.98; Boys: 3.36).
Parents/guardians disagreed with the statement, cycling would ruin his/her hair especially if he/she wore a helmet for both their boys and their girls; however, for they disagreed more for their boys than their girls (Mean scores: Girls: 3.46; Boys: 4.11).
Parents/guardians responded neutrally to the statement, “it is uncool to cycle to school” for the girls but disagreed for their boys (Mean scores: Girls: 3.37; Boys: 4.06).
This analysis would indicate that, in general, parents/guardians are more likely to consider their female children as having particular barriers to cycling, ranging from the effect of cycling on their physical appearance to the suitability of their uniforms as well as the social context of cycling among peers. However, for both boys and girls, cycling was not seen as convenient because of pre- and post-school activities. Interestingly, parents/guardians, on average, did not indicate a difference in their personal safety concerns between their male and female children. There was general disagreement among parents/guardians with the statement, “I am concerned of him/her being attacked by bullies or strangers on his/her way to/from school”.
3.5. Parents’/Guardians’ Responses by Student Gender and by Parents’/Guardians’ Gender
Mann-Whitney U tests results show that there were no significantly different factors associated with cycling to school between boys and girls when the male parents’/guardians’ responses are isolated. The Benjamini-Hochberg corrections adjusted the p-values for significance of all factors including that associated with “school uniforms” which was significant prior to the correction (
p = 0.004). The corresponding results for female parents’/guardians’ responses indicate significant differences between boys and girls cycling to school. Uniforms were considered by female parents/guardians as a factor affecting their girls more than their boys. Additionally, the negative effect of cycling on their hair was more applicable to their daughters than their sons. Finally, female parent/guardians indicated that girls’ abilities were less than those of boys for fixing minor mechanical issues. This is important as it appears that the same-sex parent (female) has a more negative perception of their daughters’ ability to cycle. It may be that the same sex parent has a greater impact upon the modal choices of a child. The results of analyses by student gender and by female parent/guardian gender are shown in
Table 6.
3.6. Travel to School Independence
Student participants were asked who chose their means of travel to school when they were in sixth class of primary school and who chooses their current means of travel to school. Students were given two options: “me” or “my parent (s)/guardian (s)”.
As expected, the majority (74.4%) of students indicated that their parent (s)/guardian (s) chose their means of travel to sixth class of primary school and while more females than males indicated this, the difference was not statistically significant.
Table 7.
A chi-square test of independence was performed to examine the relationship between gender and the “who chose means of travel to/from primary school”. The relationship between these variables was not significant, X2 (1, N = 477) = 1.916, p = 0.166.
At secondary school level, the proportion of respondents that specified that their parents choose their means of travel to school reduces significantly to 52.2%. When represented by gender, the results show that 57.7% and 46.3% of female and male students respectively indicate that their parents choose their means of travel to school. A chi-square test of independence confirmed that unlike for primary school, there is a relationship gender and the “who chooses means of travel to/from secondary school”, X2 (1, N = 339) = 4.389, p = 0.036.
A binary logistic regression was carried out to predict “who chooses means of travel” to secondary school. Using the 12- to 16-year-old cohort of the sample, the result of the analysis revealed that age (p = 0.995) was not significant, but gender (p = 0.043) was significant. The odds ratio for gender is 1.603 indicating that, controlling for age, males are 1.603 times more likely to choose their means of travel school than females. This suggests that female students have less control over their independence and aligns with the findings from 3.5 above which indicates that parents/guardians, especially females, have stronger perceptions of the barriers to cycling to school for their daughters compared to their sons.
4. Discussion
The main objectives of the paper were:
- (a)
To identify differences in the rates of cycling amongst boys and girls, at primary and secondary school.
- (b)
To examine if secondary school boys and girls perceived barriers to cycling differently.
- (c)
To identify the role of parents in the commuting choices of children
- (d)
To examine if male and female parents/guardians have different perceptions of barriers to cycling for boys and girls.
The research confirmed that girls cycle to school less than boys and that the difference in the rates of cycling increases significantly as children move from primary to secondary school. Bad weather conditions affected cycling rates for both boys and girls at both school levels. This finding aligns with some research on active travel to school in Canada [
32] but contradicted other findings albeit from the Netherlands [
33] where active travel rates to school are significantly higher. Cycling rates may be more affected by bad weather conditions than walking and as this analysis considers cycling behaviours only, it is unsurprising that bad weather had a significant negative affect on cycling.
At secondary school level, predictably, girls’ uniforms–long skirts–were a substantial barrier to cycling when compared with the corresponding–trousers–for boys. It seems understandable that the awkwardness of cycling with long skirts for girls is added to the requirement to carry heavy and/or numerous bags which also significantly affects girls more than boys. Additionally, the bike-handling question would have been answered with due consideration to uniforms, carrying bags, and mixing with traffic, each of which affecting girls more than boys. It comes, therefore, with little surprise that “handling a bicycle” was a factor affecting girls significantly more than boys. Most international research [
14,
15,
34,
35] in the area focusses on females’ stronger preferences for separation from traffic. This research, however, suggests there are a number of factors that are barriers to cycling more for girls than for boys beginning, perhaps with uniforms, that form a vicious circle pushing teenage girls away from cycling to school.
Girls also indicated, in stronger terms than boys, not being physically fit enough, that they would get too hot and sweaty, that they often feel too tired to cycle and that they were too lazy to cycle. This suggests overall lower physically fitness levels among girls which aligns with research that indicates that Irish schoolgirls complete less physical activity than boys at both primary and post-primary school levels [
36]. The extra effort required to cycle to school compared with traveling by car would seem to be more of a deterrent to cycling for girls. Addressing this may require significant cultural and attitudinal changes among teenage girls.
Personal safety concerns (perceived risk of attack) did not seem to be a major barrier to cycling for girls and significantly less so for boys. This, interestingly, contradicts findings by the authors in a previous study, also among secondary school children [
20], but supports the themes from other research [
13].
Girls seem to be more interested in their physical appearance than boys or at least girls indicate more strongly than boys that cycling would affect their hair, especially with a helmet. While corresponding international research among adolescents was not found, this finding aligns with research among adults [
19].
While the rate of cycling increases among boys but decreases among girls from primary to secondary school, a regression analysis using age as an independent variable indicated that age was not a significant predictor in each factor related to cycling to secondary school. This would indicate that there is a considerable change in perceptions among girls towards cycling as the move from sixth class of primary school to first year of secondary school but not, significantly at least, thereafter.
Parents/guardians generally found that traffic volumes and speeds and lack of cycling infrastructure were barriers to cycling to school for their children. This general safety concern barrier aligns with other research [
23]. Parents’/guardians’ perceptions of personal factors would indicate that school bags and the inability “to fix minor mechanical issues” were not conducive to cycling. However, this was not the case for some other personal factors where parents/guardians generally perceived their children’s physical fitness, their ability to handle a bicycle, their tiredness/laziness and their grooming routines as factors that should not affect their cycling to school.
In general, parents/guardians showed that their attitudes also affect travel to school and that they have different attitudes towards the modal choices of their sons and daughters. However, this broad view may be misleading. Upon further analysis, it was found that, for all factors related to cycling to school, male parents’/guardians’ perceptions are not significantly differentiated by the gender of their child. Although, female parents/guardians indicated clear distinctions between their girls and boys across several factors. This is the most significant finding of the research and has policy development implications. Factors related to fixing minor mechanical issues, uniforms and ruining hair, would seem more likely to be barriers to cycling for girls rather than for boys according to female parents/guardians. The suggestion is that to increase the rates of cycling among female students, female parents’/guardians’ support is necessary. Perhaps, there is significant scope to affect a positive change in cycling to school rates by addressing specifically the concerns of female parents/guardians.
Little research has been done in the area; however, the finding of no significant difference in traffic-related perceptions between male and female parents/guardians aligns with other research [
27]. This Spanish study examined parents’ perceived barriers to active commuting to school, albeit among 9 to 12-years-olds in Spain compared with 12 to 18-years-olds in Ireland. It found no significant differences between mothers’ and fathers’ perceptions of traffic-related dangers in relation to active commuting to school for their children. However, the same study found the children’s extra-curricular activities were positively correlated with active commuting to school by mother but not by fathers. Perhaps, there are significant differences, between Irish female parents/guardians and their international counterparts, in the care of their respective boys and girls.
There is an alignment between some aspects of the students’ responses and those of their parents/guardians. Secondary school girls indicated in stronger terms than boys that their parents/guardians think that it is unsafe to cycle. This suggests that boys and girls are aware of the level of parental/guardian support for cycling with girls indicating receiving significant less perceived support than boys. The analysis of the parents/guardians’ responses suggests that this is true.
On the related issue of travel to school independence, the results aligned with other research that indicated that boys experience more independent mobility than [
26,
37]. Specifically, the results indicated that boys were offered more independence than girls for travel to primary school and offered even more independence than girls at secondary school level. It could be inferred that this is also a result of seemingly a higher level of protectiveness of female parents/guardians of their girls.
5. Conclusions
This study examined the factors associated with cycling to school using survey responses from a sample of students and their parents/guardians across Limerick City and suburbs. There were many barriers to cycling to school that significantly affected girls more than boys. Some of these were as expected relating to uniforms, dangerous traffic and not being confident handling a bicycle; however, other barriers, which related to the physical effort associated with cycling to school, should be further investigated.
The finding, that indicated that girls are more peer-influenced in relation to cycling to school than boys, needs further exploration. Perhaps, this is part of a larger gender-related phenomena or maybe it is specifically travel-related.
The effect of parents/guardians was significant and raises interesting questions about how parents/guardians, in particular female parents/guardians, view their children and their independence. The protectiveness of parents/guardians relating to their children’s school travel is affected by student gender with boys offered more independence than girls at secondary school level. It seems that female parents/guardians rate the factors associated with cycling more negatively than their male counterparts, especially for girls, and are less likely to allow their girls the independence to make their own travel choices.
From a policy development perspective, there are two main recommendations: one which relates to secondary school girls and one in relation to female parents/guardians. For the former, there should be a focus on increasing cycling skills through early intervention; changing the policies or the design of school uniforms and the development of measures to address the negative attitudes towards the physical efforts required to cycle to school. The latter should be encouraged to match their perceptions of cycling to school for their girls with those of their boys. However, further research should be conducted to determine how such policies are developed and implemented.