1. Introduction
Mexico is highly vulnerable to the effects of climate change. One effect of this global phenomenon is the increased variability and reduction of rainfall [
1,
2,
3]. The consequent water scarcity threatens the survival of rural farming communities, whose food and income come from rainfed agriculture [
4]. Therefore, analyzing the causes and consequences of this process is essential to build adaptation strategies that increase the resilience of communities and face this challenge in the best way possible [
5,
6,
7,
8].
Despite growing interest in understanding resilient systems, there is a lack of research on the factors that favor a successful transition through critical stages, based on examples of real socio-ecological systems [
2,
9,
10]
Different capabilities that favor system resilience have been identified, especially related to information management, how information is shared and understood by the group, and the driving factors for collective action [
7,
11]. However, no research has been conducted on how these capabilities can be used to stimulate tourist activity.
These capabilities can be integrated as part of an adaptive capacity [
12,
13] or as part of a system management capability [
11].In our research, however, the capabilities are considered as different because separating them allows a better appreciation of their development over time at different stages of the adaptive cycle, to appreciate their shaping and relationships over time.
It should be noted that the adaptive cycle shows temporal changes related to the system’s progression through developmental stages: rapid growth and exploitation (r); conservation (k); collapse, release, or creative destruction (Ω); and renewal or reorganization (α). Throughout these stages, various capabilities are developed [
12,
14].
Our research extends the framework of socioecological systems to community-based tourism. It is proposed that the community, even unintentionally, has developed tourism-related capabilities regarding the use of information, involvement, personal self-assessment, and use of resources for tourism.
Tourist activity is not separate from the dynamics of the socio-ecological system in which it operates [
2,
15]. In this sense, efforts for conservation and better use of natural resources also imply changes in the way in which economic activities are developed, seeking to develop sustainable and community tourism [
16].
Although previous investigations were not focused on the identification of tourism capabilities, they did show signs of the construction of capabilities throughout the historical development of the system, through its adaptive cycles. These capabilities allow the community to become informed, get involved, and activate more sustainable tourism [
17,
18].
The development of adaptation capabilities does not work exclusively, and thus both the diversity of adaptation capabilities and the diversity of innovations they generate favor the resilience of the system in environmental terms, such as overcoming the water crisis, but also provide economic and social benefits, in the form of tourism [
19].
These capabilities are built and emerge over time, responding to the characteristics and needs of each stage of the adaptive cycle. Thus, it is possible to identify them in the moment and as they develop because they are related.
This work is useful because it allows us to understand how community tourism does not happen spontaneously but is built over time, mediated by capabilities focused on the material reproduction and the symbolic community life [
20]. Thus, tourism activity favors system resilience by allowing adaptation to change and uncertainty; nurturing the diversity of its economic activities; promoting the combination of different types of knowledge; and creating opportunities for self-organization [
21,
22,
23].
The following section introduces the location of San Andrés Ixtlahuaca. The methodology section explains how the research model was tested using qualitative and quantitative data. At the end, the results, discussion, and conclusions are declared.
2. Context of San Andrés Ixtlahuaca
The municipality of San Andrés Ixtlahuaca is in the central part of the state of Oaxaca, the Central Valley region, and belongs to the Centro District. It is located southwest (SW) of the city of Oaxaca. It is bordered to the north by the municipalities of San Felipe Tejalapam and San Lorenzo Cacaotepec; to the south by San Pedro Ixtlahuaca; to the east by Santa María Atzompa; and to the west by San Felipe Tejalapam. Its approximate distance to the state capital is 10 km (see
Figure 1).
San Andrés Ixtlahuaca has the history and cultural legacy of the Mixtec, Zapotec, and Mexica native people: Mixtecs from Cieneguilla, Chiyau ñu saca, Zapotecs from the sandy valley of San Andrés Ixtlahuaca Guixonachapa, and Mexicas arriving in distinct waves through the Oaxacan territory [
24]. It was a place of passage for travelers and traders on the road between the Mixteca Alta and the Central Valley. In Chiyau ñu saca or Cieneguilla, there are vestiges of an altar with stone stairs, a dedicated place to stop and rest.
After the Mexican Revolution, San Andrés Ixtlahuaca progressively lost its communal territory to the benefit of actors outside the community, both private individuals and other nearby towns. This period, or rather a series of periods of agrarian conflict, ended with a resolution from the Mexican Supreme Court of Justice, which ruled in favor of San Andrés in 1965, thus ending the conflict and dropping the complaints that had been filed due to the violent events that occurred during the conflict [
24]. After 1965, agricultural and commercial development brought a certain stability and prosperity to San Andrés Ixtlahuaca.
Until 2000, the community had found in agriculture the source for its economic resources, and a local market niche for its products has been developed. Although the stages of adaptive cycles might be discontinuous and even overlap in time [
14], in the case of San Andrés Ixtlahuaca, there is a clear before and after state caused by the water scarcity.
First, the water crisis in San Andrés Ixtlahuaca is a direct consequence of the effects of climate change, but it also has an anthropic origin. In this regard, the community has created an explanation using a story told to explain why the rains left. In summary, they believe that at a given place in the community lives the Water Serpent, and this mythical being has brought the tributaries and the harvests. However, the humans began to populate and make a lot of noise, making the water snake feel uncomfortable and leave the place. An older and respectable adult from the community also had a dream in which he saw the Water Serpent leaving the community, the crops as well as other animals that provide food to San Andrés Ixtlahuaca following it and leaving as well. Because of this deep cultural consciousness, the community understands the importance of conserving its forests and promoting a lifestyle compatible with agriculture.
This disruption has triggered the onset of a new adaptive cycle as the water scarcity is based upon a comparison scheme depending on a perspective adopted over a given time period [
7].
3. Methodology
To show the origin, the shaping, and the relationships among the tourism-related capabilities built in San Andrés Ixtlahuaca, the following research model was developed (see
Figure 2).
As it can be seen, as the adaptive cycle progresses, different tourism-related capabilities are developed at each stage, indicating that they are related to each other.
The Ω stage creates a perfect space for reorganization and incorporation of new models [
14,
25]. At this stage, it is necessary to develop information acquisition capabilities for decision making because the introduction of an inappropriate innovation may cause system collapse (Walker & Salt, 2006). Information capabilities are also necessary for protecting vital functions and prioritizing survival functions with minimal access to the needed resources [
26].
In terms of tourism, the capabilities are developed for the acquisition and management of new information to the community, and they are built through various workshops, talks, and meetings with the institutions involved. However, it is also important to consider information from the past, through community remembrance. When the community notices that foreign people come to enjoy the natural landscapes, that makes it remember its ancient practice of providing lodging and food services to travelers.
The α stage prepares the environment for a new growth phase. In this stage, it is necessary to develop involvement capabilities aligned with the analysis of the causes of the problem and the generation of spaces to find and model alternatives, the capacity to rethink the working mode based on new visions, and then redefine the direction the system should follow [
26].
The information handled in the previous stage has an impact on the involvement of the population in the generation and implementation of solutions, evidenced by collaboration and collective actions [
7], the development of social networks, and the construction of a common vision and goals [
11]. The aspects just mentioned make up the involvement capacity, allowing us to propose the following hypotheses:
H1. Information capabilities have a positive and significant effect on involvement capabilities.
An r stage system has successfully reoriented itself after the crisis and now seeks activation energy to achieve rapid growth and development. At that point, there are opportunities to test and change courses of action for growth to change [
26].
It is necessary for the community population to feel capable of providing the services required by tourism [
27]. This includes the self-recognition as people that possess valuable knowledge and skills applicable to tourism [
28,
29,
30]. Given this, the following hypothesis is postulated:
H2. Involvement capabilities have a positive and significant effect on self-esteem capabilities.
In stage k, the potential accumulation creates a wealth increase available to the structures able to acquire, store, maintain, and use it [
26]. The aim is to increase and build capabilities for the implementation of the services or to improve usage of community resources to turn them into tourist attractions [
31,
32,
33].
H3. Self-esteem capabilities have a positive and significant effect on resource use capabilities.
In this research, qualitative and quantitative methodological tools were used.
Since the purpose of the research was to investigate how tourism emerges as an option for economic activity for the community, for the qualitative part, a case study was designed with a theoretical [
34,
35]. It was formulated for key informants, people who are knowledgeable about the subject investigated, lucid, thoughtful, and willing to speak extensively with the researcher.
Although not using statistically representative samples in qualitative research, a solid sampling strategy plays in gathering valid and reliable data to support results.
Thus, a non-probabilistic sampling design was used [
36,
37]. The inclusion criteria were (1) being in a position of authority at the time of conducting the study, (2) having been in a position of authority in previous years, and (3) having participated in the rescue and environmental conservation activities and tourism-targeted initiatives.
Purposive sampling was used to select respondents that were most likely to yield appropriate and useful information [
38]. Using this sampling technique helps the research to gain an understanding of operations on the ground, especially from key personnel involved in community tourism activity.
It should be noted that the people interviewed can be considered the total number of key informants available to be interviewed. In this way, the twelve interviews carried out covered all community authorities involved in tourism, from 2020 to 2021, since many of them held office for more than one year and others died due to their age. Six men and six women were interviewed, aged between 38 and 73 years. The interviewees are recognized community leaders in San Andrés Ixtlahuaca, people who have held community positions such as committee members from the ejido and public offices for several terms.
The interviewees were farmers, whose main crops are tomato and pumpkin. As a complement to their agricultural activity, they are merchants and carry out other trades such as bakery and masonry. Some members have professions such as educators, architects, and biologists.
Table 1 shows the characteristics of the interviewees. It should be noted that participants had experience with the phenomenon, and they were willing to share their thoughts and memories.
During the interview, general data such as name, age, occupation, and official position were asked. Next, the conversation continued by inviting the interviewee to discuss tourism in the community. From this subject, categories arise such as crisis, change, training, involvement, and use of resources. Moreover, information on the history and major events of the community was addressed.
Based on this information from the community and the life experiences of its members, it was possible to identify that, at the beginning of the 2000s, the community of San Andrés Ixtlahuaca began an adaptive cycle triggered by water scarcity and its response to this challenge.
This information was organized through content analysis and contrasted with secondary documentary data to corroborate the information gathered from the informants. Thanks to this, the saturation point was achieved [
36,
39], which makes this qualitative research valid.
Capabilities that can be observed in each phase of adaptive cycle are shown in
Table 2.
For the quantitative part, a questionnaire was designed, based on the reviewed literature and examples in the context of community tourism. The questionnaire was composed of 25 questions, and they were answered based on a five-point Likert scale.
This questionnaire was applied to 88 people from the community population involved in tourism-related activities. There is no historical data on the number of people who have been involved in tourism in San Andrés Ixtlahuaca.
It should be noted that the sample meets the criteria of a PLS-SEM sampling rule of thumb, the “10-times rule”: the sample size should be greater than 10 times the maximum number of inner or outer model links pointing at any latent variable in the model [
40]. With a medium effect size, statistical power of 0.8, significance level of 0.05, and three predictors, the minimum required sample size is 77 units [
41,
42]. Thus, the sample size achieved (N = 88) for this study is larger than required.
Regarding the characteristics of our sample, people between 15 and 64 years old participated, 41 men and 47 women, with an educational level ranging from secondary to postgraduate.
With the data obtained, a partial least squares structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) analysis was performed using the Smart PLS software. The information obtained from the questionnaires shows the shaping and relationships of the actual tourism-related capabilities.
5. Conclusions
Communities are sociological systems that go through adaptive cycles, during which construction and destruction stages can be observed.
San Andrés Ixtlahuaca can be identified as a socioecological system characterized by a particular way of inhabiting the environment. This understanding of the reality is based on an ancestral tradition that is expressed in current elements, such as social relations and practices, sense of territory, management criteria, and the defense of its resources.
The community adopted a position on the problem at hand according to two aspects: first, how they perceive the impact of disasters or threats from the environment; second, the access to resources to generate and implement strategies to deal with them.
The introduction and implementation of new activities can be better understood by considering the historical moment that the community is going through at any time as each stage’s characteristics enable the development of capabilities for new activities, such as tourism. In the present work, we deepen the knowledge about how tourism is part of an adaptive response of the population, the water crisis in the case of San Andrés Ixtlahuaca, and can be treated as a multi-functionality option for the reproduction of the material and symbolic life of the community.
This research is useful because it allows us to understand how community tourism does not arise spontaneously but is developed over time and is mediated by capabilities aimed at the reproduction of the material and symbolic life of the community. Thus, tourism-related activity favors system resilience by allowing adaptation to change and uncertainty, nurturing the diversity of its economic activities, promoting the combination of different types of knowledge, and creating opportunities for self-organization.
Moreover, it was shown that tourist activity does not appear spontaneously, but rather it is developed over time, using different learning processes in the community, which have not been directly focused on tourism but allow the initiative to originate from the community itself.
However, the capabilities observed need to be strengthened. In this regard, the challenges are to provide ongoing specialized training in tourism, involving more local people and visitors in the activities, strengthening the local leadership, and integrating cultural resources into the tourism-related services.
Finally, although the community has been able to cope with the water crisis, it is necessary to strengthen economic activities, especially tourism [
54], so they may have the resources needed to respond to the new threats presented by the environment, which will create new adaptive cycles within the community.