Research on the Cultural Tracing of the Patriarchal Clan System of Traditional Buildings in the Eastern Zhejiang Province, China, Based on Space Syntax: The Case Study of Huzhai in Shaoxing

Abstract

The patriarchal clan system is an important prerequisite for the formation and development of Chinese traditional culture. The spatial layout and space usage of traditional buildings are intimately related to patriarchal culture. Thus, analyzing the spatial layout and usage is an effective way to trace the culture of traditional buildings. In this study, a typical traditional building named Huzhai in eastern Zhejiang was examined as an example. The spatial layout characteristics of Huzhai and different space usage relations corresponding to different users under the influence of the patriarchal clan system were investigated through “all lines” analysis in space syntax. In this process, traditional ritual activities were considered crucial for tracing the culture of traditional buildings in the eastern Zhejiang province. The results demonstrate that spatial layout and the usage of traditional buildings in the eastern Zhejiang province have led to “class” distinctions under the influence of patriarchal culture. The sacrificial activities of families further emphasize the class distinctions of building space. The differences in building space usage among different classes reflect the unequal distribution of social resources in China’s traditional feudal society. These differences reflect the inequality of space mastership and control among different classes that are a result of the unequal distribution of social resources in China.

1. Introduction

Traditional buildings in China carry heavy characteristics of Chinese traditional culture and express connotations of Chinese philosophical thoughts. Chinese traditional buildings are the epitome of Chinese traditional culture, according to Zhen [1]. Architectural activity is not the consequence of natural power or the independent effect of any single factor, but is rather the result of sociocultural factors. Chinese traditional buildings are significantly influenced by patriarchal culture in Chinese traditional culture [2]. “Patriarchal clan system” refers to the ancient rules which define families and divide interpersonal relationships according to blood lineage—mainly by the close descent system regulated by the feudal society—the laws of blood lineage, and the domestic disciplines of family activities. The core of the patriarchal clan system lies in the paternity and lineal primogeniture system. Paternity is the core of maintaining the stability of a family, including spatial domains, the division of labor, relative systems, values, and morality, as well as codes of daily interaction and conduct. The lineal primogeniture system regulates that the eldest son born by the lawful wife will inherit the social status and social resources of his father [3]. The ritual system is equal to ritual “governance”. It can be understood that “rite” is an important standard in Chinese ancient society to determine the social status of people and allocate social resources [4]. There is strict social class distinction in Chinese ancient society. The ultimate goal of the patriarchal clan system is to maintain the feudal hierarchy and consolidate the hereditary rule service of the nobilities. Chinese traditional buildings became a unique carrier of Chinese traditional culture in the background of the patriarchal clan system, and they reflect unique cultural codes. The activity mode, decoration style, and spatial layout all reflect the above characteristics. In the construction process of residential buildings, class distinctions are reflected by positions, orientations, widths and heights of courtyards. These courtyards are connected into a whole, showing hierarchical orders and strong ethnic characteristics. They reflects the characteristics of “rites” in the patriarchal clan system clearly [5]. For this reason, tracing patriarchal culture by analyzing spatial layout and space usage of Chinese traditional buildings is of positive significance.

In recent years, space syntax has been extensively used to study connotation relations of building culture because of its ability in studying the relations among spatial form, spatial structure and the social behaviors of humans [6]. Hillier regarded the occupancy and use of family space as closely related to a certain social culture. The function, position, and connection of each space are the expressions of certain culture and rules in the form of family space [7]. In a topological sense, space syntax analyzes spatial data using computers, makes scale divisions and space divisions, describes and analyzes space based on visual language [8], and combines characteristics of space with graphs and data. Space syntax possesses quantitative and qualitative advantages in studying spatial form and social cultural logics of traditional houses [7]. With the application of space syntax to studies of traditional buildings, research on the spatial layout of traditional buildings changes from qualitative studies to qualitative–quantitative combined studies gradually. Space syntax also provides a possibility to investigate the relationship between traditional buildings and traditional culture.

Studies on the space of traditional buildings based on space syntax can generally be divided into three types. The first type is the study of the spatial evolution of a region or a type of residential building to explore variations in spatial layout brought by social structural evolution. Dawson demonstrated that variation in family structure and the behavioral directives present in Inuit kinship systems are reflected in the spatial configurations of snow house architecture [9]. Huang et al. analyzed the spatial topological layout of traditional siheyuans by using the space syntax theory, and thus deduced the cultural connotation embedded in traditional siheyuans and compared spatial forms and behavioral modes between traditional and modern buildings [10]. Krauth studied differences between two stages in the evolutionary process of vernacular architectures of Bai Nationality in China. These results revealed parallels to changes to the means of subsistence, social structure of families, and conceptions of privacy [11]. The second type discusses specific manifestations of social systems, traditional culture, and religious factors in the spatial layouts of traditional buildings, hoping to reproduce the history more accurately. These studies involve various territories and different types of residential buildings. Studies on the spatial form of Qatari vernacular houses—Siheyuan—reflect the essence of social form in the ancient Qatari settlements. Socio-cultural patterns, namely privacy, gender segregation and hospitality, determine the spatial form of Qatari vernacular houses [12,13]. Traditional Iranian architecture organizes space according to people’s beliefs, one of which is respect for private life and self-esteem [14]. In Turkey, traditional houses are divided into independent spaces due to the custom of sexual isolation [15]. In the family spatial layouts of the Berber in Karlamuiza, the rooms for women tourists often have good connections with surrounding spaces in terms of vision, while spaces for men are highly closed [16]. When analyzing the spatial structure of typical traditional buildings in Henan Province, China, Li pointed out that spatial structure generally reflects a cultural order of “center-edges”, which is the “Moderation way” for people to pursue traffic convenience and hope to maintain enough space for privacy [17]. Lyv found that the space of Chinese traditional buildings and courtyard connections are closely related with ritual systems and daily life. For example, the “inner–outer” ritual system requires the building of houses as a “sand clock” in space, where the subordinate position of each affiliated courtyard is clear [18]. Through analyzing the characteristics of spatial pattern, Zou summarized the characteristics of moral concepts, clan concepts, and living habits in Southeast Hubei [19]. The third type is comparative studies on traditional buildings in different regions. These studies analyze socio-culture and historical factors through common features and differences. The research results are extensively distributed. There are not only comparisons of residential buildings among different countries or among different regions, but also comparisons of different types of residential buildings in the same region. Soflaei et al. compared the sustainability of social environments between Iranian and Chinese traditional courtyard houses, and pointed out that Iranian and Chinese traditional courtyard houses were designed based on careful attention to climatic requirements in their socio-cultural context in order to provide both physical and mental comfort for residents [20]. Through a comparative analysis of South Korea and China, it was found that South Korea is a space of dual-power structure, and is influenced by class and gender in the formation of spatial structure, while China has a very vertical order. However, in a highly controlled space, the influence of class and gender can be ignored [21]. It was also found in one study that the dwellings in Anhui, Jiangsu, and Zhejiang have different habitation behavioral patterns, and are influential factors in terms of spatial structures. In particular, specific public areas that are defined as core spaces differ in accordance with the surrounding environment [22]. According to an analysis and interpretation of spatial features of traditional buildings in Zhangguying village and Laodong village in western Hunan province, China, the spatial structure of traditional buildings in Zhangguying village reflects the hierarchical order of feudal patriarchy, while traditional buildings in Laodong village do not have an obvious hierarchical order [23].

The above three types of studies have connected traditional cultures of countries with spatial layout characteristics to some extent. However, most studies emphasize space. Take the second type of study, for example. The key lies in how to analyze spatial factors and socio-cultural factors more accurately. Although there are many associated studies, they still have shortcomings in accuracy. In China, there is still a severe shortage of special studies on spatial layout and the space usage of residential buildings based on patriarchal culture, although existing studies have involved traditional feudal patriarchal cultural concepts, such as the concept of center and inner–outer structural relations. Feudal patriarchal culture is one of the most important components in the spatial connection of Chinese traditional buildings. Hence, this study attempts to discuss the spatial layout and space usage of Chinese traditional buildings by space syntax, and further explore the specific relationship between Chinese traditional buildings and patriarchal culture to supplement similar studies. With respect to the use of space syntax, existing studies on the space of traditional buildings mainly use convex space analysis and visibility analysis. However, this study applies an “all lines” analysis of space syntax.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Sample Selection

In order to identify the extent to which patriarchal culture influences the layout of traditional buildings, this study focuses on the eastern Zhejiang region in China. Eastern Zhejiang is a term used to refer to Shaoxing, Ningbo, and a large part of Taizhou, which are located in east Zhejiang along the south bank of the Qiantang River. It is the territory of Yue country in the spring and autumn period, and also the first place of southward spreading and development of Chinese filial piety culture. It has developed agricultural business lifestyles and Confucian business as mutually penetrating concepts. In culture, the eastern Zhejiang province respects ancient traditions and advocate courtesies. The traditional buildings in eastern Zhejiang are primarily regulated as large and medium-sized courtyard houses, also known as Taimen. Taimen houses usually have explicit ritual axial lines that reflect the concept of clan settlement and hierarchical order in the family. Daily space usage and ritual patterns both reflect the profound influence of Chinese traditional patriarchal culture on the spatial layout of buildings. Hence, the influence of the patriarchal clan system is presented in the spatial layout of Chinese traditional buildings in eastern Zhejiang province.

In this study, Huzhai, a large traditional building in Shaoxing city in eastern Zhejiang province (Figure 1), was chosen as the research object. Huzhai was built in the Qing Dynasty, and it is a typical case to study traditional buildings in eastern Zhejiang province since its spatial layout is closely related to traditional patriarchal culture and it is protected well. Although the building status and current usage of Huzhai have changed a lot compared with its initial state in history, the original specific spatial layout and space usage of Huzhai have been reproduced by inquiry into the family tree and through oral history.

The courtyard of Huzhai is well-organized, with five-bay, four-entry courtyards arranged symmetrically on the central axis, and the main part of the building is approximately 38 meters wide by 65 meters deep (Figure 2). The building space of Huzhai is composed of indoor space, open space and the “gray” space between indoor and open spaces. The open space is mainly courtyard which serves for rainwater collection, fire prevention, landscape greening, etc. The open space is also an important means to regulate the microclimate of the building. The “gray” space includes eaves galleries and porches. It serves as a gentle transition from virtual space to physical space and from open space to private space. There are crescent beams and sparrow braces with exquisite sculptures on the top of the eaves galleries of Huzhai. They reflect the beauty of the structure, enrich the spaces at the top of the eaves galleries, and form humanized good transition spaces. In Huzhai, ground elevation difference and materials are set through the ordered integration of indoor spaces, eaves galleries, and courtyard spaces. The spatial enclosing elements are applied in a clever manner, bringing virtual–physical contrast and flexible psychological transition to the whole space. People can feel the space size, openness and closeness, and light-shading contrast in the space. Moreover, the design of courtyard doors and the ornamental perforated windows of the space enclosing elements allow the mutual penetration of different spaces, produce abundant landscape levels, and give people profound spatial feelings.

The room layout in Huzhai has a clear hierarchy of class due to the influence of the patriarchal clan system. After passing through the front door (entrance hall) and Yi door (second door), you will enter into the front courtyard, which is the second hall. The hall in the third courtyard is the ancestor’s hall. The principal room in the fourth courtyard is Zuolou, where the bedrooms of the master and his family are. The halls of different courtyards are places for weddings, funerals and greeting the guests. Wing rooms in different courtyards are subsidiary rooms, study rooms and bedrooms for children and grandchildren. In view of the spatial layout, Huzhai is designed in a strict symmetric structure around the axial line. The ancestor’s hall is located in the center, and its front and back halls are the second hall and Zuolou. There is a courtyard in the front of each hall, with corridors around the hall and courtyard. The outer area is surrounded by wing rooms and subsidiary rooms. Halls, wing rooms, and courtyards in Huzhai, regardless of their arrangement of levels, positions, and orientations, indicate that users of the building have different identities and hierarchies. The rooms of the master have independent flow lines, daughters of the master live in the attics, and servants live in small and simple wing rooms, showing the different social hierarchical relations of family members. The symmetric principal hall has strong guidance and helps you concentrate in spaces of the axial line. The ancestor’s hall is located in the center, showing its important position in the whole building and the idea of “ancestral temple first” in patriarchal culture. The whole building has strong privacy to the outer environment, which is manifested by high-rising walls with some doors or windows on the outer wall. However, the internal spaces are more flexible. Halls are completely open to the courtyards. Huzhai is a typical case of integrating privacy and openness in Chinese traditional buildings.

2.2. Research Methods

Space syntax was developed by Bill Hillier from University College London and his colleagues. It is used to study the influence of human socio-culture and behavioral modes on the spatial layout of cities and buildings. In space syntax theory, spatial form is closely related to social form. A specific spatial form can define several social forms [7]. Hillier pointed out that space is a set of strategies related to social forms. The empirical studies on architectural forms are vital for the exploration of such “internal laws” [24]. Now, space syntax has been extensively utilized as a media to study the relationships between the spatial structure of residential buildings, daily behaviors, and socio-culture. Moreover, the significance of embedding implicit socio-culture in spatial configuration can be clarified through calculation and analysis based on space syntax theory and software [25]. Space syntax is a set of theory systems of spatial connection and social relations [26]. Syntactic analysis can build quantitative models of space and explore spatial connections through operation analysis using Depthmap software, which is developed by Alasdair Turner from University College London.

In specific applications, space syntax analyzes spaces by three spatial partition methods, which are convex space analysis, axial line analysis, and visibility analysis [27]. All of these methods emphasize the notion of the “least”. Based on these three basic methods, overlapping convex spaces, “all lines” analysis, and visibility graph analysis (VGA) have been developed since 1990. All of these methods emphasize “most”, that is, all non-repetitive subspaces under a definition, regardless of complexity in spatial overlapping. Although these methods have heavy operation workloads, they have explicit definitions. They can finish analysis automatically with the support of computers [28]. The variables of axial line data in the “all lines” analysis and the space syntax variables in previous convex space analysis use the same set of calculation systems. All axial line analysis represents all possible vision directions and movement routes in the space. It is closer to specific practical spatial connection than other spatial partition methods. Previous “all lines” analyses have mainly been applied to large-scale and large-volume modern urban planning analysis of roads and lines, such as studies on urban planning and reconstruction [29], the spatial structure of residential parks [30], and traditional Chinese garden spaces [31]. “All lines” analysis helps a building or landmark to identify its own role in a precise and effective manner [32]. Additionally, it can depict possible paths for people to follow and is suitable for quantifying accessibility and selective route space features [33]. Generally, it is rare for “all lines” analysis to be applied to the spatial analysis of individual buildings, but some scholars are becoming more interested in it. Qi and Chen applied “all lines” analysis to compare the spatial layout and spatial configurations of the Washington National Gallery and the Shanghai Art Gallery and found that there was an insufficient spatial logic relationship between the two that was difficult to detect by human perception [34]. Braga and De Saboya adapted “all lines” analysis to examine the mutual influence of spatial distribution and thermal performance on tropical and contemporary Brazilian dwellings [35], etc. Since “all lines” analyses are as present as axial lines during space division, relevant analysis processes and results may reflect the influence of local spatial structures such as buildings and furniture. Therefore, establishing a space model based on “all lines” analysis has specific advantages to analyze spatial layout and the space usage of traditional buildings. It can express practical visions of the direction and movement routes of people more scientifically.

In this study, a quantitative analysis on the spatial layout of Huzhai was carried out through “all lines” analysis. The corresponding relationship between spatial layout and usage and patriarchal culture was verified by the output of an in space syntax data model and detailed historical information. The study was composed of operation analysis and verification. The mathematical model assures the objectivity of the operation results. In the verification, reasonable interpretation was provided through detailed historical information.

The operation analysis was realized by Integration and Control. Integration is an important indicator for spatial analysis, and it can be used to describe the social contact distance in space. It is the most common syntax parameter. The integration of an axial line or a node refers to the connectivity and separation degree of this axial line or node with other axial lines or nodes. It presents a linear relationship with connectivity (Equations (1) and (2)).

$${\mathrm{RA}}_{\mathrm{i}}=\frac{2\left({\mathrm{MD}}_{\mathrm{i}}-1\right)}{\mathrm{n}-2},$$

(1)

where n is the total number of nodes, and MD_i is the average depth from the i-th node.

$$\mathrm{D}=2\left\{\mathrm{n}{\log }_2\left(\left(\mathrm{n}+2\right)\left(3-1\right)+1\right)\right\}\left[\left(\mathrm{n}-1\right)\left(\mathrm{n}-2\right)\right]$$

(2)

where n is number of nodes.

The value of integration is an important index in spatial analysis, and it can be used to describe social distance in the space. It is the most common syntax parameter. Integration represents the connectivity of a node in the space with other nodes in the whole system, and it measures the ability of a node to attract space users as a target place. The node with the higher value of integration is more closely related to the whole space and has better accessibility. Control refers to the degree of mutual control among different nodes. The control of a node or an axial line represents the weight of this node to other nodes connected to it. If the weight of each node in the system is 1, the distributed weight of a node (a) from the adjacent node (b) is [1/(connectivity of b)]. Then, the sum of the weights of node a, which are distributed from all nodes connected to it directly, is the control of node a (Equation (3)). The choice of a node relative to a specific node is relatively low, indicating that the control of a node over a specific node is relatively low [36].

$${\mathrm{Ctrl}}_{\mathrm{i}}={\displaystyle \sum }_{\mathrm{j}=1}^{\mathrm{k}}\frac{1}{{\mathrm{C}}_{\mathrm{j}}}$$

(3)

where C_i is the control of the node, k is the number of nodes connected to i-th node directly, and C_j refers to the connectivity of j-th node.

The specific analysis process in this study was introduced as follows. The AutoCAD architectural plan was introduced into the Depthmap software to generate all axial lines of divided plane spaces automatically and thereby operate the axial line graphs. Before operation, it had to choose the appropriate operation radius, which was determined as “n, 3, 5, 7, 9, 11” in this study. This implies that space mapping centered at an element was carried out during calculation. In the calculation, the “whole system radius was 3, 5, 7, 9, 11”. After finishing the operation, the data graph involving integration and control was obtained. Meanwhile, data excel was output according to any needs. Since “all lines” analysis produces considerable axial lines during plane space division, this study extracts some key axial line data that can present layout and usage characteristics of the same space as the representatives in data analysis.

Two space usage patterns of Huzhai during daily activities and sacrificial activities were discussed (Figure 3). In daily activities, spatial layout and the space usage of Huzhai were simulated and the plan graph was input into the Depthmap software for operation. The integration graph was extracted and data sampling was performed to different types of space. The spatial layout and space usage characteristics of Huzhai were analyzed according to spatial connectivity reflected by integration. To analyze the reflection of class distinctions in the spatial layout of Huzhai during daily activities, the spaces for upper class and lower class were operated independently and compared. Hence, extra conditions were added to the input plane graph; except for public spaces, the plane graph for the operation of the spaces used by the upper class closed the major spaces used by the lower class, while the plane graph for the operation of the spaces used by the lower class closed the major spaces used by upper class. Spaces for upper and lower classes were separated in the generation of axial lines and operations. However, the control graphs of the axial lines of both spaces were extracted at the same time. This study then tried to explore the more distinct patriarchal cultural colors in Huzhai by analyzing space usage patterns during sacrificial activities. Hence, only the ancestors’ hall and the third courtyard of Huzhai, which were occupied by sacrificial activities, were selected in the analysis. The space usage characteristics of sacrificial activities were analyzed by integration in this space. To explore class distinctions during sacrificial activities, contents related to space usage during sacrificial activities, such as standing positions and orientations, were extracted according to relevant records in Chinese traditional patriarchal cultural and ritual books. Then, these contents were combined with data on spatial analysis to analyze differences in space usage among different classes and different users, thus summarizing influences of patriarchal culture on space usage and spatial layout.

The analysis results were reflected by dual indexes. One was data and the other was a two-dimensional graph. Integration in the data index was used in analyzing class distinctions of the space usage of Huzhai during daily activities and sacrificial activities in order to analyze the attraction of each space to users in the whole building under two usage patterns, thus enabling an elaboration on the relationship between space usage and patriarchal culture. The control indicator was applied to analyze class distinctions in the space usage of Huzhai during daily activities because it describes the choice from the adjacent nodes to the analysis nodes. Hence, control can reflect local features (e.g., space quality and living experiences) of a space more than integration. The differences between upper and lower classes in terms of space usage can be reflected obviously through control analysis, thus further illustrating different space usages under the influence of the patriarchal clan system. The color-coding system makes the results visual, and numerical values were expressed in red, orange, yellow, green, and blue from high to low.

3. Research Process and Findings

As a representative of large traditional buildings in eastern Zhejiang province under the influence of the Chinese traditional feudal system, Huzhai has extremely typical characteristics in terms of spatial layout, and its plane is symmetric along the central axis. It connects the entrance hall, halls, ancestors’ hall and courtyards successively along the central axial line, which are all spaces with strong public characteristics. The wing rooms are on both sides of the axis, providing bedrooms, kitchens, and other areas with strong privacy. Specifically, the ancestors’ hall is the place for a family to sacrifice ancestors. This space is unique and located in the rear part of the building, close to the bedroom of the master. However, this space is only used during sacrificial activities. In this type of big family, there are strict hierarchical orders among family members. Moreover, there is an obvious space division between the master as upper class and the servants as lower class, forming a traditionally regulated spatial sequence with strict hierarchical orders. This sequence shows some differences between daily activities and sacrificial activities.

3.1. Space Usage Analysis of Huzhai during Daily Activities and Reflected Class Distinctions

3.1.1. Space Usage Analysis of Huzhai during Daily Activities

In the context of the Chinese traditional feudal system, large residential buildings of masters of high social status usually close the front door in daily life, while the side door is the main entrance and exit. In the space syntax analysis of Huzhai for daily activities, the front door and the door of the ancestors’ hall in the AutoCAD plane graph were closed in the simulation. Later, the plane graph was input into the Depthmap, thus obtaining the “all line” integration graph shown in Figure 4a.

In the “all line” integration analysis of Huzhai, a total of three types of spaces are divided according to the colors of all axial lines. Corridor space shows the highest integration level and the best accessibility, with axial lines in mainly red and yellow. The public spaces from the entrance to the central axial line, such as the side hall, halls and central hall of Zuolou, show the second highest integration level and the second-best accessibility. Axial lines in these public spaces are mainly green. Wing rooms and bedrooms show the lowest integration, where axial lines are mainly blue. These analysis results verify the corresponding relationship between space usage and spatial attributes. It can be seen from Figure 4b that the space of Huzhai can be divided into three layers from public to private. As the traffic space connecting various spaces, corridors have relatively high accessibility and also show the highest publicity. Halls on the central axial line are gathering places of family members for public activities and places for various family ceremonies. Although these spaces are open to some extent, the publicity is lower than that of the corridors. Therefore, these spaces propose lower requirements on accessibility than traffic spaces such as corridors in order to decrease mutual interferences with other spaces. Wing rooms and bedrooms have the highest requirements for privacy of space and show the lowest integration. It can be seen from Figure 4 that the corridor spaces of halls along the central axial line actually become break points of integration in Huzhai. Corridor space and internal space surrounded by corridors have relatively high integration and publicity, and are easy to access. The peripheral spaces of corridors have relatively low integration and strong privacy. All three spaces are put in order from inner to outer. An integration comparison of the three types of space is shown in

Table 1. Comparison of integration among three types of spaces for daily activities.

Corridor		Hall		Bedrooms and Wing Rooms
corridor 1#	Max: 6.05	hall 10#	Max: 5.57	bedroom 13#	Max: 4.48
corridor 2#	Max: 5.70	hall 11#	Max: 5.66	bedroom 14#	Max: 5.38
corridor 3#	Max: 5.66	hall 12#	Max: 4.84	bedroom 15#	Max: 4.13
corridor 4#	Max: 6.02			bedroom 16#	Max: 4.33
corridor 5#	Max: 6.28			bedroom 17#	Max: 5.24
corridor 6#	Max: 6.50			bedroom 18#	Max: 5.38
corridor 7#	Max: 6.28
corridor 8#	Max: 6.05
corridor 9#	Max: 8.21

. According to the space data comparison based on the maximum extraction point, integration values decrease gradually from corridors to halls and then to wing rooms and bedrooms. Meanwhile, integration values are different for different corridors, halls, wing rooms and bedrooms. Since the front door is closed and the right-side door is open, the corridor 9# becomes the space with the highest integration in the whole building, reaching 8.21. Comparatively speaking, although corridors 7# and 8# are in symmetric distribution with corridor 9#, their integrations are far lower than that of the corridor 9#. The maximum values of integration of corridors 7# and 8# are only 6.28 and 6.05. The integration of east-to-west corridors decreases firstly and then increases from south to north, showing 1# > 2# > 3# and 3# < 4# < 5# < 6#. It can be seen from figure that the corridor 3#, located on the north of the entrance hall, is the place to greet guests. There are four corridors on the north of the entrance hall. In particular, corridors 5# and 6# are the core places of family life and they show higher integration than other transverse corridors. The analysis results fully agree with the mode of family life. With respect to halls, the front hall has a higher integration (5.66) than the secondary hall and the hall of Zuolou (5.57 up to the most). This reveals that the front hall possesses more space advantages in view of the spatial layout (it is almost located in the core position of the building). The front hall and the hall of Zuolou have extremely high representativeness since the former one is the center of greeting guests and the latter one is the center for the activities of family members.

3.1.2. Reflection of Class Distinctions in Space Usage of Huzhai during Daily Activities

Firstly, there is almost no space limitation for the upper class in the building and the upper class can use all building spaces. Of course, the upper class often will not go to the non-public space of the lower class under normal situations. On the contrary, the space usage of the lower class is limited greatly in the building. For example, servants are not allowed to access the front door, and also cannot enter into the private space of the master in the Zuolou without calling. From oral historical records, the space usage conditions of family members and servants in Huzhai have been obtained. In Figure 5, the red part is space for the upper class (master and family members), while the blue part is the space for the lower class (servants). Red 1# is the Zuolou, which is the living space of the family head and the elders of the head, while the east and west wing rooms are bedrooms of children and servants. The rest of the red areas are represented as small independent courtyards on the plane graph, which are close to the courtyards and have good ventilation conditions. Red 2#, 4# and 5# are the living spaces of sons and grandsons. The third courtyard is on the west of Red 3#, which is the living space of old sons. Red 6# is similar to a reception hall or waiting room, or can be used as a study room for the younger generation. In view of the plane layout, the blue areas are the affiliated spaces next to the red areas or spaces with unsatisfying ventilation or illumination. They are often used as the space for the lower class. Blue areas 1# and 2# are close to the Zuolou and are affiliated spaces and bedrooms of servants for the master of the Zuolou. Rooms in blue area 3# are not connected, and they are subsidiary rooms or bedrooms of servants. Blue area 4# is the major kitchen and logistics area of Huzhai. Blue area 5# comprises subsidiary rooms and blue area 6# is mainly the bedrooms of servants. We analyzed all lines of the space and public spaces for the upper class, as well as all lines of the space and the public space for the lower class, and compared the analysis results.

By comparing the “all lines” analysis graphs of spaces used by different classes, we found that the spaces for the upper class showed the highest overall control compared to the spaces for the lower class. There are more axial lines in warm colors in Figure 6a compared to those in Figure 6b. The control of spaces decreases gradually from corridors to halls and then to wing rooms (bedrooms). Axial lines of spaces for the lower class are mainly in blue. There are fewer red and yellow axial lines with high control in the spaces for the lower class compared to spaces for the upper class. In the spaces for the lower class, axial line colors change greatly from corridors to halls and then to wing rooms. The axial lines of halls, wing rooms and bedrooms, except corridor spaces, are mainly blue and have low control. Although data analyses of the upper and lower classes are independent, and the problem cannot be elaborated by comparing the control directly, the differences between the upper and lower classes in space usage can be reflected by variations in control (

Table 2. Comparison of control between spaces for the upper and lower classes.

Upper Class Maximum Control Value of the Entire Area: 3.75		Lower Class Maximum Control Value of the Entire Area: 4.51
Maximum Control Value of a Single Corridor	Ratio of to the Maximum Control Value of the Entire Area	Maximum Control Value of a Single Corridor	Ratio of to the Maximum Control Value of the Entire Area
corridor 1#: 3.17	0.85	corridor 1#: 3.41	0.76
corridor 2#: 2.80	0.75	corridor 2#: 2.58	0.57
corridor 3#: 2.56	0.68	corridor 3#: 2.49	0.55
corridor 4#: 2.88	0.77	corridor 4#: 2.80	0.62
corridor 5#: 3.01	0.80	corridor 5#: 2.89	0.64
corridor 6#: 3.28	0.87	corridor 6#: 3.58	0.79
corridor 7#: 2.48	0.66	corridor 7#: 2.42	0.54
corridor 8#: 2.72	0.73	corridor 8#: 2.75	0.61
corridor 9#: 3.75	1	corridor 9#: 4.51	1
hall 10#: 2.80	0.75	hall 10#: 2.53	0.56
hall 11#: 3.01	0.80
wing room 12#: 1.85	0.49	wing room 13#: 1.84	0.41
wing room 14#: 2.17	0.58	wing room 15#: 2.15	0.48
wing room 16#: 2.20	0.59	wing room 17#: 1.57	0.35
wing room 18#: 1.85	0.49	wing room 19#: 1.44	0.32

).

With respect to public space, the variation law of control for the east-to-west corridors from south to north is the same as that of integration in the above text, regardless of corridor usage by the upper and lower classes. Specifically, the control decreases from corridor 1# to corridor 3#, while the control increases gradually from corridor 3# to corridor 6#. This echoes the living pattern of the family. In other words, the inner core of family life is located in the rear part of the building, and the Zuolou in the northernmost area is usually the living place of the family head. High control reflects that the master has relatively high right of control over the space. This law also can be seen from differences in numerical values of control between corridors 7# and 8#. Corridor 8# is located on the south and corridor 7# is located on the north. The control of corridor 7# is far higher than that of corridor 8#. In two patterns, corridor 9# is the region with the highest control in the whole building, because it is the sole corridor that connects the south and north regions and connects the inner and outer spaces of the building. To further compare the control of the spaces for the upper and lower classes, the maximum control in the building space (control of corridor 9#) was chosen as the base to calculate the ratio of maximum control of each space. According to ratios, the numerical values of each corridor in spaces for the upper class were higher than those in spaces for the lower class. For the hall, take the control value of hall 10# as an example. The ratio of space usage by masters is 0.75, but the ratio of space usage by servants is only 0.56. Public spaces such as halls are the activity spaces of masters, while servants are only allowed to enter into these public spaces when they are serving for masters. The ratio differences of hall spaces reflect the different space usage relations between the upper and lower classes. In other words, the lower class is affiliated to the upper class. The upper class takes a dominant role in buildings, while the lower class is in a disadvantaged role when using building spaces, reflecting significant differences in status between the upper and lower classes. In the control analysis of wing rooms, one wing room for the upper and lower classes on the east, south, west and north were chosen, respectively (12# and 13#, 14# and 15#, 16# and 17#, 18# and 19#). We found that the numerical values of control of the master rooms were usually higher than those of the servant rooms. Hence, spaces for masters and servants are distinguished well by analyzing control. Data analysis agrees well with the practical space usage of the building.

Based on the above analysis, an analogy analysis between space types of Huzhai and “discipline rite-based” class division in patriarchal culture was carried out. In “discipline rite-based” class division, the distributed social resources according to social status determine that those within the same have similar features, such as identity, status, wealth, etc. However, differences in social resources among different classes lead to differences among different classes. In view of the spatial layout of Huzhai, the spaces for the upper class are better than spaces for the lower class. These spaces usually occupy positions with good ventilation and illumination, and have small limitations and strong space dominance. On the contrary, spaces for the lower class usually have poor ventilation and illumination and some rooms are close to the bedrooms of masters for the convenience of serving for masters. Such spatial relationship reflects inequality among different classes in social resource distribution. The upper class enjoys more social resources and governs the lower class, which is the material expression of class oppression and exploitation. The shapes and structures of Chinese traditional buildings are constructed according to class and the status of the users. Differences in building usage caused by different classes and different genders all reflect that patriarchal culture is closely related to Chinese traditional buildings [37]. The ultimate goal of “discipline rite-based” class division is to assure the ordered development of the whole society according to a hierarchical order. This is also one of the governance rules in Chinese traditional society. Chinese traditional buildings express such governance rules in spaces.

3.2. Space Usage Analysis of Huzhai under Sacrificial Activities and the Reflected Class Distinctions

3.2.1. Space Usage Analysis of Huzhai under Sacrificial Activities

The patriarchal clan system is a key link to ritual culture and it covers the laws of consanguinity and regulations on ritual activities. It determines the spiritual function of buildings. The ancestors’ hall in these buildings carries this spiritual function and highlights the ritual-based spatial layout of buildings. Hence, it has positive significance to analyze the ritual connotation of buildings through sacrificial activities. Many traditional buildings in eastern Zhejiang province have a typified hall space for ceremonies, mainly for sacrificing ancestors. Such space is often called “Shentang” (ancestors’ hall in Huzhai). This space is the space to sacrifice ancestors in the center of the hall. In a building with four courtyards, Shentang often occupies the central bay of the third courtyard on the central axial line, behind the entrance hall and reception hall and before the Zuolou. According to inquiry into the family tree, sacrificial activities were held in the third courtyard and ancestors’ hall in Huzhai. This agrees with most traditional buildings in eastern Zhejiang province. The eaves of the ancestor’s hall in Huzhai are relatively long, forming a semi-open space with outer colonnades, internal doors and windows, and groundwork. A long eaves gallery is formed. It is not only the transition from the closed ancestor’s hall to the open courtyard, but also the boundary between core family members and others during sacrificial activities. To study the spatial structure of Huzhai during sacrificial activities, the research area was narrowed to the third courtyard and ancestors’ hall as well as some corridor spaces connecting to these spaces. Moreover, to demonstrate the advantages of “all lines” analysis, details of sacrificial vessels and furniture arrangement were added in the plane graph according to genealogical sacrifice records (Figure 7,

Table 3. The list of sacrificial vessels and furniture.

No.	Sacrificial Vessels and Furniture	The Purpose of These Vessels and Furniture
1	Square table	Placing the ancestral tablets
2	Chair	The ancestors’ seat, which is required for the ceremony
3	Incense table	Placing the incense burner and the candlestick
4	A pot	Sand is placed in a pot, which is then filled with thatch, which is used for sacrifices
5	Square table	Placing food for the ancestors
6	Square table	Placing the board or cardboard on which congratulations will be written
7	The round table	Placing the incense stove, incense spoons, fire bars, soup bottles, etc., on the table.
8	The wine rack	The place where the wine is displayed
9	Square table	Placing wine sets, tea sets, vinegar bottles, salt saucers, and so forth.
10	The rack for a basin	Placing the wash basin and towels
11	Basin and towels	Washing hands
12	Square table	Placing the sacrificial items

). This plane graph was then input into the Depthmap software to extract the “all lines” analysis graph of the research area.

According to “all lines” analysis in the third courtyard, regarding the ancestor’s hall and surrounding connected auxiliary spaces, the space in front of the ancestors’ hall showed the densest axial lines and radiated the most axial lines. Most of these axial lines are red and yellow. This is the space with the highest integration in Huzhai. The axial line with the highest integration is the red transverse axial line that crosses over corridor 3#. The longitudinal axial lines that connect the ancestors’ hall and courtyard have the second highest integration, which are tangerine and yellow. Axial lines in other spaces are mainly blue and green. It can be seen from Figure 8 that the space in front of the ancestors’ hall is the center and absolute focus of the space for sacrificial activities.

3.2.2. Reflection of Class Distinctions in the Space Usage of Huzhai during Sacrificial Activities

We found through a survey that during sacrificial activities, the major activity spaces of the upper class are the ancestors’ hall and the corridors and courtyard in front of it. Axial lines in these spaces are mainly red, orange and yellow. These spaces are symmetrically distributed along axial lines, indicating that the upper class takes dominant control over the usage of the whole space during specific sacrificial activity. The axial lines representing spaces for the lower class, including two sides and the back corridors of the ancestors’ hall, are mainly blue and green, which proves the small influence of the lower class on the usage of the whole space. The lower class only serves the upper class during special activities in the patriarchal clan system, and are still in a disadvantaged position in space usage. Such great differences of integration between the upper and lower classes reveal the control and absolute dominant role over building spaces. In the analysis graph, integration from the ancestors’ hall to the front courtyard decreases toward two sides of the central axial line. This is related to members with different identities and status during the sacrificial activities. Members with different status have different control roles in the space. There are more axial lines with high integration in the spaces for the family head and his children born by his lawful wife, thus resulting in the higher integration of these spaces. In ancient Chinese sacrificial activities, family members have specific standing positions according to their identities and status. The above characteristics of the clan system can be expressed well by the spatial relations in space syntax. In ancient China, sacrificial activities of families were often performed in the ancestral hall or in houses. Ceremonies were relatively similar. The “Si Shi Sacrifice” in Zhu Zi·Family Ceremonies records the ceremonies of sacrificial activities in the ancestral hall. It is evident from the comparison that the placements of the sacrificial furniture items in Hu’s house were consistently similar to those in Figure 9. The incense table, stove, wine bottles, and basin in Figure 9 correspond to Nos. 3, 7 and 11 in Figure 7. “The family head in ceremonial attire stands out of the middle door of the ancestral hall, facing to the west. His brothers stand at south of the family head, with a slight distance behind. Sons and grandsons stand behind the family head in rows, facing to the west. A desk is put in front of the family head and an incense burner, incenses, wine cups and plates are put on it”, according to Zhu Zi·Family Ceremonies. This describes standing positions and orientations of members in sacrificial activities. These standing positions reflect the identities and positions of different members, as well as their social relations. The standing positions of members during sacrificial activities are shown in Figure 9. We found that space usage differences among different users in Huzhai were further highlighted during sacrificial activities. Such differences existed not only among different classes, but also in the same class, because standing positions within the same class were different.

4. Discussion

4.1. Discussion on Research Methods

Qualitative and quantitative analyses were carried out on Huzhai, which is a traditional building in eastern Zhejiang province, using Depthmap software. These analyses verify the relationship between the spatial layout of traditional buildings in eastern Zhejiang province and Chinese traditional patriarchal culture. Through space syntax analyses on the space usage of traditional buildings, the space usage conditions during daily activities and sacrificial activities were found to be highly consistent after a full survey, evidence collection, and a relevant literature review.

In this study, “all lines” analysis was applied for operational analysis. On the research scale of single buildings, “all lines” analysis is a method which is hardly used. For this study, it had a high degree of matching and differed significantly from the convex space analysis, showing very obvious advantages. The “all lines” analysis graph of Huzhai is shown in Figure 10. Integration color distributions of different spaces differ from the convex space analysis graph to some extent. For instance, the integration colors of corridors 1#, 2# and 3# in the convex space analysis are orange, yellow, green, and light green, respectively.

In “all lines” analysis, the colors of the axial lines of the three corridors differed slightly. The maximum integration of the axial lines presented similar variation trends to those in the convex space analysis. This is because the maximum often occurs on the axial line that crosses over the whole corridor, and can represent the overall space. However, the order follows corridor 2# > corridor 1# > corridor 3# in terms of mean integration, as shown in

Table 4. Comparison of integration between “all lines” analysis and convex space analysis.

Space No.	“All Lines” Analysis	Convex Space Analysis
corridor 1#	max: 6.50 average: 4.41	1.94
corridor 2#	max: 6.28 average: 4.74	1.66
corridor 3#	max: 6.02 average: 4.32	1.44

. Such differences can be interpreted from the following two aspects. Firstly, there are not only transverse axial lines with high integration, but also longitudinal axial lines with low integration in corridors. The axial lines with low integration will lower the overall integration of the space. Secondly, the center spaces in corridors 1# and 3# are extended along columns and walls, thus producing more longitudinal axial lines with low integration. Hence, the overall mean integration is decreased. Clearly, simplicity and the convenience of convex space analysis are absent in “all lines” analysis, but the latter increases the influence of details in buildings (e.g., structure and furniture) on the analysis results.

According to the analysis in this study, “all lines” analysis is more convenient in process deduction and summarizing conclusions. In the spatial analysis of Huzhai for daily activities, “all lines” analysis expressed the movement tracks of users in the space very clearly. In particular, the domination–dominated relationship between masters and servants could be clearly seen in the comparison of their activity spaces. For example, servants were only responsible for essential services to the masters in public spaces, such as halls. Hence, movement tracks of servants in these public spaces were relatively few and relatively fixed, and were completely different from those of the masters. During sacrificial activities, participants had different standing positions according to identity and status. This was also easily reflected in the “all lines” analysis. Therefore, the results of “all lines” analysis were more intuitive than the results of the convex space analysis. The results of the “all lines” analysis verified the high integration between the spatial layout of Chinese traditional buildings and patriarchal culture. This provides a new research method to study the details of ritual culture in depth, and identify the influence of Confucian concepts of the patriarchal clan system on the indoor space and furniture forms of Chinese traditional buildings.

4.2. Guidance for the Next Round of Traditional Building Protection and Reuse

Different architectural styles highlight the social hierarchy of buildings corresponding to the social identities of the users. The essence of this theory is that buildings express the class and status of the users as a kind of social resource. The “class theory” in this space also is manifested in traditional buildings. For this reason, the patriarchal clan system is founded in social ideologies from ancient to modern times, and is the foundation for building and urban construction systems of space expression in China [38]. Therefore, studies on the relationship between space usage patterns of traditional buildings and traditional patriarchal culture provide a reference to formulate a follow-up academic research framework and to make historical building protection plans. Moreover, such studies have positive significance to China, which has a lot of traditional buildings. On one hand, research conclusions can be used to study the historical cultural tracing of traditional buildings. On the other hand, this research idea from the perspective of the patriarchal clan system enriches the cultural research framework of Chinese traditional buildings at a key level, thus enabling us to provide beneficial reference for the protection and reuse of traditional buildings in China. Buildings requiring authenticity protection are usually architectural structures with important historical significance and important values. The cultural tracing analysis in the present study can provide important reference for the repair of buildings, and can be used as a dwelling museum to exhibit scenes of daily life and patriarchal activities. Although the patriarchal clan system has disappeared in buildings that have been updated and reused, the spatial attributive characteristics extracted by the data models of the control and integration of different spaces in traditional buildings are still effective. The analyzed spatial advantages and disadvantages, as well as ideas accessibility, privacy and openness provide ideas for the reuse of spaces. Among inner spaces formed by the corridors and courtyards of traditional buildings in eastern Zhejiang province, spaces with good position, orientation and accessibility often have high integration and control, which reflect important status in the building. On contrary, some affiliated spaces have low control and integration. The increase in integration and control also reflects spatial changes from privacy to openness to some extent. Research results of these spatial hierarchical relations of traditional buildings provide not only reference for the integration of contemporary living functions, but also new ideas for contemporary building development. Moreover, some new residential spatial patterns can be created and new living experiences can be formed. In the courtyard structure of traditional residential buildings in eastern Zhejiang province, courtyard spaces have high accessibility and openness, and can regulate a microclimate. Such traditional wisdoms have important significance to the construction of green ecological buildings under the current trends of energy conservation and carbon reduction.

4.3. Limitations and Further Research

This study has some limitations which are reflected by the following two aspects. Firstly, studies on space usage status in Huzhai during different patriarchal activities are restricted due to insufficient historical data. In this study, ritual activities other than sacrificial activities were not included when studying the relationship between the space usage of Huzhai and the patriarchal clan system. However, there are many types of patriarchal activities in traditional buildings in China, such as wedding celebrations, commemorative activities for different festivals, and so on. These can be further explored in future studies.

The goal to further analyze the spatial layout and space usage of traditional buildings and their relationship with patriarchal culture based on space syntax is to gradually establish an explicit cultural element evaluation system for traditional buildings. Based on this system, existing traditional buildings around China can be classified systematically and compared. It is also expected to guide the protection and reuse of traditional buildings conforming to the heritage of traditional cultures, and develop a protection scheme using methods of historical relics that better conform to historical development records. In this study, ritual activities—except sacrificial activities—were not involved when studying the relationship between the space usage of Huzhai and the patriarchal clan system. This can be further explored in the future. Future studies can focus on the relationship between the space usage of more residential buildings and patriarchal culture and further expand the research area, e.g., to other regions of Zhejiang province and other regions in China, aiming to establish a research system outlining the relationship between the space usage of Chinese traditional buildings and patriarchal culture. This could provide full references to extract explicit cultural elements of traditional buildings in different regions, as well as to protect the reuse of traditional buildings for the future.

From the perspective of sustainable development, traditional buildings should not be perceived as rigid antiques. Instead, some essential reconstruction should be implemented to realize reuse. Cultural element evaluation systems of traditional buildings in different regions can provide references for adaptive reuse and reconstruction. In particular, the repair and reconstruction of cultural protective buildings must insist on the principles of authenticity and heritage protection. This is an empirical study, aiming to provide an effective cultural tracing method for the protection and repair of traditional buildings. Subsequent studies also involve specific adaptive reconstruction, especially reconstruction based on living reuse. Attention should be paid not only to the implantation of new functions, but also to the improvement of living comfort, including using appropriate energy-saving reconstruction strategies. However, all of these reconstructions should still continue to promote the cultural value of buildings to some extent.

5. Conclusions

Regarding the cultural tracing of traditional buildings in eastern Zhejiang province under the patriarchal clan system, this study analyzes the most representative sacrificial activity space in patriarchal culture from the perspective of class difference. This is to analyze how class differences are reflected in building spaces, thus enabling us to analyze the relationship between patriarchal culture and space use and provide a new perspective of analysis. Some conclusions can be drawn:

• Spatial organization sequences of traditional buildings have high matching degrees with social hierarchical orders formed by patriarchal culture. Regarding the spatial sequences of the axis symmetry of Huzhai, the corridor space had the highest integration and best accessibility, followed by the public spaces on the central axis, including lobbies, halls, the ancestor’s hall, and the hall of Zuolou. The wing rooms at the two sides and the bedroom spaces had the lowest integration and accessibility. Space division according to superiority, affiliation, and inner–outer relations corresponds to hierarchical family life and family activities under the influence of patriarchal culture. This also reveals the profound influence of the patriarchal clan system on residential buildings in eastern Zhejiang province;
• Space distribution in traditional buildings is determined by the social resource differences of users. Users with different classes, identities, status and wealth have different rights in space control. This is consistent with the results of the space syntax analysis. During the daily activities state, the spaces for the upper class showed a higher overall control value than the spaces for the lower class, reflecting that the upper class had a greater control over the space. During the sacrificial activities, the integration value of the upper class was also significantly higher than that of the lower class, and standing positions of different family members of the upper class also corresponded to different integration values, showing the different control roles over the space depending on the different family members’ statuses. In other words, spatial relationships in traditional buildings comprise the reproduction of user relations in terms of class and social status;
• Except for the spatial layout of buildings, the strict patriarchal clan system is also reflected in the specific detail design of inner spaces. Furniture arrangements in rooms, standing positions, orientations and the line-of-sight direction of people in sacrificial activities are reflected in the integration of the “all lines” analysis. Moreover, the ordered spatial organization and strict furniture arrangements show the strict and ordered hierarchical system in ancient China. These are material reflections of a strict patriarchal system and superiority orders. This research method provides a cultural tracing method for traditional buildings in the future.