1. Introduction
School climate is a complex and multidimensional construct that has captured the interest of different researchers who have widely discussed its theoretical-conceptual definition [
1,
2,
3]. In general terms, school climate has been defined as the quality of social relationships and the character of school life [
4,
5]. Specifically, school climate refers to the social relationships between students, teachers and professional staff, and it also addresses academics, values, approaches and norms shared by the educational community [
6].
School climate is a highly relevant construct considering that it relates to adolescents’ mental health, since an adequate relationship between students is negatively associated with depressive symptoms, and an appropriate relationship between students–teacher is negatively linked to hostility [
7]. School climate moderates (dampens) the relationship between homophobic victimization and depression [
8]. Along the same lines, school climate is associated with school satisfaction and life satisfaction [
9], and with greater emotional commitment and fewer burnout symptoms among students [
5]. Furthermore, Barbosa et al. [
10] pose that the greater the school commitment and positive school climate, the lesser the externalization behaviors. On the contrary, educational establishments that present deteriorated school climates show an increased probability of bullying [
11,
12,
13,
14,
15], as well as of developing risky behavior, such as substance use [
16,
17,
18].
School climate has also been related to higher academic achievement [
19,
20,
21], and to students’ college projection [
22]. In this sense, school climate and high academic expectations of teachers for their students are associated with adolescents’ grades average [
23,
24], agreeing with Kraft et al. [
25] who state that higher school safety and academic expectations are linked to students’ increased academic achievement. Moreover, teachers’ academic expectations are related to lower dropout rates [
26], affective engagement, and cognitive engagement [
27]. Along the same line, school engagement, which is made up of three subtypes of cognitive, behavioral and affective engagement, is linked to an adequate relationship between students and teachers [
28,
29,
30]; specifically, it is appreciated that the higher the cognitive engagement, the higher the academic performance and class attendance [
30].
On the other hand, school climate is related to attitudes towards authority through student values [
31]. Del Moral et al. [
32] found that Spanish adolescents who showed violent behavior towards their parents also showed a lower positive attitude towards institutional authority, a lower perception of a positive school climate (participation, friendships, and teacher help) and a higher positive attitude towards the transgression of social norms. It should be noted that adolescents with families with a lenient style showed a higher positive attitude towards the transgression of social norms [
33]. Thus, positive family relationships are linked to a positive perception of the community environment, positive attitudes toward authority and towards social rules, these being considered protective factors against aggressive behavior toward peers [
34]. On the contrary, a defiant attitude towards authority is related to lower academic performance [
35]. Coincidentally, Musitu et al. [
36] report that the quality of interactions with parents and the teacher’s expectations of the student are linked to attitudes toward authority and violent behavior at school.
Therefore, the family plays a relevant role in the development of their adolescent children in their adaptation to school [
10,
37,
38]. Specifically, a family climate where inter-parental conflict is present influences the violent behavior of schoolchildren [
39,
40,
41]. According to Ding et al. [
42], cyberbullying victims experience high inter-parental conflict and poor school climate. In this sense, school climate and family climate contribute to explaining violence among students [
43]. In addition, family conflict predicted children’s internalizing and externalizing behavior; conversely, parental warmth negatively predicted this type of problem in cross-sectional and longitudinal cohort studies [
44,
45,
46,
47]. Additionally, it is evident that inter-parental conflict increases risky behaviors by favoring affiliation with peers who present deviant behavior. Thus, negative school climate encourages participation in these peer groups with inappropriate behaviors and, therefore, risky behaviors [
48]. According to Ye et al. [
48], adolescents could learn relational patterns from their parents’ conflictive relationships. In addition, meeting support and belonging needs would be covered by participation in groups with deviant behaviors.
Another element to consider for students to adapt, to a lesser extent [
49], is school vulnerability and adequate school climate, since it has been observed that positive school climate and higher family income are associated with lower internalizing and externalizing symptoms, which provides evidence that higher SES could be considered as a protective factor [
46,
50]. It is important to mention that Latin America is the region with the highest segregation by socio-economic level [
51], which hinders students from reaching their potential and negatively influences teachers and families due to low expectations about their children’s performance [
51,
52,
53]. Consequently, a positive school climate is associated with higher achievement attained by students from vulnerable ethnic groups and students from disadvantaged backgrounds (lower SES), and school climate can increase academic opportunities and the mathematics performance of these students [
54,
55].
According to Lee et al. [
6], it is relevant to consider the evaluation of school climate together with school identification, given that the school climate allows access to the student’s perception of the characteristics of the groups that make up the school, while school identification is related to the cognitive and emotional assessment that the student makes of the groups that are part of their educational community and that would be part of the construction of their identity, by influencing their beliefs and behavior [
56,
57,
58]. In this sense, the norms and values of the group are internalized, forming self-concept. Therefore, the above-mentioned factors would allow a deeper understanding of the student and their relationship with the school [
6,
56,
57,
58]. It is important to mention that the evaluation of school climate and school identification is an emerging approach that has progressively achieved greater development [
59,
60,
61].
In the same line, it can be noted that school identification and school climate predict academic performance [
62,
63], as well as bullying victimization and aggression [
64]. Meanwhile, Maxwell et al. [
65] pose that the perception of school climate by the students explains to a great extent their academic achievements in writing and mathematics, this relationship being mediated by the identification of the students with the school. On the other hand, school identification is negatively related to a positive attitude towards transgression, while it is positively associated with a positive attitude towards authority [
61,
66], being relevant for establishing adequate relationships with others [
66].
In consequence, school climate continues to be of interest because it is related to different constructs at individual, family, community and cultural levels that influence the experience and development of students, as well as other human groups that make up the educational community, which becomes even more relevant considering that children and adolescents are in the process of the full cognitive, socio-affective and moral development that will allow them to adapt and contribute to society [
5,
6,
7,
19,
48]. In this way, the relationships they establish with the members of their school can provide them with the necessary support in different areas, feeding back into other areas such as family [
10]. In this sense, the ecological systems theory of Bronfenbrenner [
67] is often used in research [
1,
3,
61,
66], allowing analysis of the interrelationships between elements from different contexts in which a student matures and their influence on individual development.
This study sought to integrate the theoretical approach of social identity and school climate. Both constructs are defined differently; however, they have been represented under the same integrating model [
6,
60,
68].
1.1. Study of the Heterogeneity of School Climate Clusters
The study of the heterogeneity of school climate groups is a relevant line of research. This research approach assumes that there may be different clusters of students who could eventually be interacting in the same school. With the inclusion of multilevel models, this assumption can be expanded, by statistically modelling the influence of contextual variables on the individual perception of the school climate.
In this respect, a multilevel study that related school climate (both at individual and school level) with chronic absence was carried out. The results allowed us to conclude an important relationship at both levels, individual and school, between the school climate and chronic absence [
69]. Shukla et al. [
70] states that perception of school climate may vary among students considering external factors such as race, grade level, parental education level, educational aspirations, and frequency of risky behaviors.
DiStefano et al. [
71] when analyzing latent profiles of school climate pose that the profiles of students who belong to schools with a poor school climate have higher poverty rates and smaller school sizes, considering that the poverty rate decreases progressively when the latent profiles of school climate are characterized as being more positive. On the other hand, the psycho-social adjustment of adolescents is important to achieve higher academic performance. In this sense, it is observed that the school climate profiles of students with multiple resources and intra-oriented (intrapersonal) resources are associated with higher average school performance [
72].
Capp et al. [
73] refer in their research to six types of profiles of seventh, ninth, and eleventh-grade U.S. students. Profile 1, called “Negative Climate” (5.34%), has lower levels of school connectedness, teacher support, meaningful participation, and security. Profile 2, called “Higher Support” (1.46%), manifests low levels of school connectedness and a perception of insecurity at school, combined with a perception of high meaningful participation and teacher support. Profile 3, called “Academically Disconnected” (21.35%), integrates those students moderately high in connectedness and safety, with low scores in teacher support and participation. Profile 4, called “Typical” climate (44.04%), involves students who report higher perceptions of safety in their school, better connectedness, and teacher support. On the other hand, moderate levels of meaningful participation are evident. In Profile 5, called “Moderate” climate (8.66%), students present lower connectedness, teacher support and meaningful participation compared to profile 4. Profile 6, called “Positive Climate” (19.16%), reported high levels in all dimensions of school climate.
Additionally, Gage et al. [
74] conducted research to identify students at high risk of bullying victimization and its relationship with school climate, and three profiles were formed (high-risk group, control group and low-risk group), reporting that the school climate factors that are significant predictors are respect for differences, support at home, peer support and perception of safety. It is interesting to note that the latent profiles of teachers about the school environment and the assessment of their students’ behavior show that, if the perception of the school environment was positive, the scores for disruptive behavior and internalizing symptoms were lower, adding higher scores for pro-social behaviors and family involvement [
75]. In this sense, Zhao & Jin [
76] emphasize that most teachers perceive the school climate as moderate or barely satisfactory.
On the other hand, Sulak [
77] carried out a study with secondary data from 2560 schools. From a latent class analysis, six classes of schools were identified; High frequency (6.48%), Low respect (14.61%), Low frequency (21.60%), Extreme bullying (16.25%) and Average schools (41.05%). Similarly, De Pedro et al. [
78] conducted research with secondary data on 577,026 students. The latent class analysis identified four classes of students; Some caring, connectedness, and safe (51.1%), Negative climate (11.3%), High caring, participation, and safe (2.4%), Positive climate (3.4%). The findings indicated that Black students were three times more likely to be in the negative school climate class, compared to white students. In addition, students in higher grades were more likely to be in the negative school climate class, while gender did not significantly predict school climate class membership.
School climate evaluated in a sample of 2683 Chilean secondary school students between the ages of 12 and 20 reports a model of six student clusters that integrates the following indicators: school climate, relationships with teachers, positive attitude towards authority and positive attitude towards transgression, these being significant for the segmentation of the clusters. In the same study, it can be noted that age and sex are significantly associated at the individual level; at family level, family structure is identified; at the community level, the type of establishment, the perception of insecurity in the neighborhood, social control and support are identified [
68].
It is important to mention that this research uses a person-centred approach called latent profile analysis (LPA), which allows the grouping of students according to their perception of school climate and other variables, i.e., it allows identifying groups of students with similar characteristics in a data set [
79,
80]. This makes it possible to carry out differentiated interventions that are more relevant and pertinent considering the different student profiles and their assessment with respect to the constructs evaluated, in this case, school engagement, family climate, attitudes towards authority, academic expectations, school climate, and school identification. Therefore, it allows us to focus on those groups and the relevant variables, for example, the profile that perceives a more deteriorated climate, and to intervene in those variables that are linked to these perceptions.
1.2. Current Study
Considering this background and the possibility of simultaneously analyzing the individual and school context of the student, this study had two objectives: (1) Identify school climate and school identification profiles at the individual and school level; (2) Relate school climate and school identification profiles to factors located at the individual and school levels. The relevance of conducting an explanatory study that integrates theoretical frameworks underpinning the school climate and school identification constructs [
6,
62,
64,
65], despite still being an emerging field, allows the field of study to obtain a more complete picture of students’ experience of school life and how these patterns of experiences relate to individual and school-level factors. On the other hand, the possibility of implementing a person-centered study allows capturing the heterogeneity of perceptions of school climate through a multidimensional perspective that integrates the features of this construct, and allows also the identification of the various subgroups present in the sample [
79,
80].
Bearing in mind the theoretical and conceptual background, which supports the diversity of experiences and perceptions of school climate and school identification, this study was guided by the following hypotheses: (h1) it is expected that there will be heterogeneity of school climate and school identification profiles within this sample both at the student and school levels. (h2) It is expected that school climate and school identification profiles will be influenced by personal factors, such as respect for authority, academic expectations, family climate and school engagement, and at the school level by school achievement, school vulnerability and school size.
4. Discussion
This study had two objectives: (1) Identify school climate and school identification profiles at the individual and school levels. (2) Relate school climate and school identification profiles to factors located at the individual and school levels. The results made it possible to achieve these objectives, as well as to test the research hypotheses. This study presented findings on individual perceptions of school climate from a person-centered approach [
79,
80] and aggregated to the school level, considering the nesting of students in schools.
The results allowed identification of four profiles at student level and two classes at school level (h1). In this regard, the results of this study coincide with research that has identified between three and six clusters at the student level [
68,
69,
70,
77,
97]. Other studies, using the multilevel analysis technique [
68,
69], have identified the same number of latent classes at school level.
After the identification and definition of the clusters, a series of explanatory covariates were identified, at individual level (level 1) and at school level (level 2). The first explanatory covariate at individual level was cognitive engagement. The findings of this study indicate that a positive school climate promotes secure relationships among students, which favors their identification with the school and, consequently, increases their active commitment to learning, as well as to academic and extracurricular activities. These results coincide with the conclusions of Barbosa et al. [
10], who also establish a positive association between school climate and school engagement.
The academic expectations of teachers towards students showed positive relationships with the clusters “nurturing school climate” and “positive school climate”. These findings suggest that those clusters of students with high levels of school climate encourage teachers to have positive expectations towards them. This mutual interaction creates a favorable environment for academic and personal development of students. In this context, positive school climate and positive expectations of teachers are mutually reinforcing, thus promoting an environment conducive to students’ growth and educational success [
62,
65].
Another of the variables associated with the school climate cluster was the positive attitude towards authority. In this sense, the findings of this study indicate that this was significantly and negatively associated with the cluster “Toxic climate”. In relation to these results, Del Moral et al. [
32] detected that students who show low levels of acceptance of the norms presented high levels of violence towards their parents and low levels of school climate, an aspect that would directly impact their social relationships in educational establishments. It is pertinent to point out that a positive attitude towards the rules, school, or the police not only favors school climate, but also academic success [
63] and psychosocial adjustment in other social contexts [
98].
The findings of this study reveal a relationship between individual school climate variables and perceived family conflict. The results suggest that those students who perceive high levels of family conflict are more likely to be placed in the clusters of “Toxic climate” and “Deteriorated climate” in the school environment. When a student experiences a deteriorated family climate, marked by communication problems, arguments or fights between family members, it can generate an accumulation of stress that affects their general well-being and their ability to relate in the educational environment. This tension is manifested through behavioral problems at the student level, such as aggressiveness, social withdrawal or lack of interest in participating in school activities, which makes it even more difficult for them to integrate into the school environment. These results are in line with what was stated by Ye et al. [
48], who showed that inter-parental conflict increases risky behaviors by favoring affiliation with peers who present deviant behaviors, so that negative school climate encourages participation in these groups.
In relation to latent classes at school level (h2), the only variable that was statistically significant was the school vulnerability index. This index corresponds to a composite score for each educational establishment, obtained by measuring social and economic variables of each family, such as the composition of the household, the employment and educational situation of parents or guardians, housing, access to basic services and other socioeconomic factors.
The findings of this study indicate that as vulnerability index increases, there is an impact on students’ behaviour, which in turn influences school climate. Additionally, when schools have a higher proportion of students with higher levels of vulnerability, greater academic or emotional difficulties are likely to be experienced. These results coincide with the findings of Sulak [
77], who also carried out a study in schools and detected a series of social context factors associated with educational establishments, which have a negative impact on school climate.
Regarding the implications of this research, it is noteworthy that the findings obtained allow us to evidence the profiles of Chilean adolescent students and their perception of school climate considering different covariates that impact both at the individual and school level [
79,
80]. These results will contribute to decision-making at the level of educational institutions, public policies, and Chilean society [
81]. It is important to mention that the negative school climate of a school can be intervened and transformed to a greater or lesser extent bearing in mind that it is relatively more susceptible to change than other variables [
1,
77]. Another notable novelty of this study is the identification of multiple profiles at both the student and school level. By identifying four student-level clusters and two school-level school climate classes, the study provides a more detailed and nuanced understanding of the variability in student experiences and school climate across different schools. This goes beyond a simple average description and allows for the identification of specific patterns that can guide more precise and effective educational interventions.
Regarding the limitations of this study, it is important to highlight that the findings must be interpreted with caution due to the design used, which corresponds to a cross-sectional study. In this type of design, the data is collected at a single point in time and longitudinal monitoring is not carried out, which prevents establishing causal relationships between the variables studied. In this sense, it is necessary to take this limitation into account when analyzing the results and consider the possibility of carrying out future research with more robust designs, such as longitudinal or experimental studies, to deepen the understanding of the relationships between the variables.
Future lines of research should consider more robust research designs, such as longitudinal designs, to evaluate more rigorously the relationships between school climate and school commitment, attitude towards authority and family climate. Likewise, future studies should consider larger samples at the school level to account for greater variability among schools.