In this section, we first discuss literature on the creative industry and why it faces an unwarranted theoretical and conceptual demise in cultural studies. We then discuss ways of saving the concept as a congenial industrial option for middlebrow art genres, including K-pop, by focusing on the issue of race, gender, and postcoloniality. We finally analyze the concept of radical empathy as an outcome of the creative industry, which also ensures industrial sustainability. The section will end with derived hypotheses from each theoretical discussion.
2.1. Creative Industry
It is well known that it was the Tory government that had coined the term “creative industries”, after its victory in the 1997 election [
14]. The U.K. government has since maintained that the shift in terminology was motivated by changing theoretical and political interests of the new millennia, which resulted in the legitimacy of the cultural industry [
15]. Unlike the precedent concept of the “cultural industries,” which has been mostly reduced to the status of profit-making commercialism, this new concept, based on the novel theoretical and political interests, ascertains that legitimacy comes from the new reality that profit-making can go hand in hand with congenial creativity. Indeed, despite heated debates over how to expand or limit the range of its creative activities and productions within the industry, what was quintessential to this new industry turned out to be twofold: (1) its potential for sustainability via profit-making and innovations; and (2) its impact on social and cultural life through the diversity of talents and creativity [
16,
17].
The critique of cultural industries stems originally from the Frankfurt School thinkers, who defined the cultural industries as a new devastating force of modernization that would destroy human culture from the demonic outcomes of European and American civilizations, and their cultural industries [
3]. The key of the cultural industries is the technological reproducibility of the original, and the mass production and distribution of commercialized art works to the masses. The industry’s goal is profit maximization by reducing the masses into single-dimensional crowds, who have simplistic taste that cannot distinguish good from bad art [
18], and become all but subservient to the fascist ideology of the Third Reich, or the capitalist propagandas of American-style late capitalism, including infamous advertisements [
3].
In recent years, similar critiques are applied to the creative industries for their tendency to repackage their business (or capitalism in general) aesthetically and/or emotionally affective, in order to neuter the cold and heartless image of capitalism that symbolized discriminations against people based on their race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, class, and other lifestyle patterns. [
5,
19,
20,
21,
22]. Some of these studies nonetheless highlight the difference between aesthetic (emotional) capitalism and traditional capitalism, by arguing that the consumers in late capitalism have become more creative in terms of preferring more aesthetic products over Fordist or post-Fordist commodities (e.g., love images of coffee vs. conventional dinner coffee). Therefore, consumers in late capitalism come to juggle around different types of volatile emotional experiences before and after consumption of such aestheticized products [
21,
22]. If consumers indeed value emotional satisfactions more than economic utilities, status symbols, and exchange or storage values, the desire of consumption will be not only endless, but it will demand more beautiful and emotionally complex varieties via innovations [
22].
However, as Eagleton (2009) explains correctly, these aestheticized and emotional consumers are seemingly treated equally regardless of their economic, racial, gender, and postcolonial specificities, only because capitalists see them having money and being willing to pay for the goods and services. It is not that the system has become fair over time for humanity, but capitalism has evolved into a universal free market mechanism that sees none other than money as a social discriminator [
5]. Whereas the chasm between economic classes has only widened due to this late capitalism, social discriminations based on race, gender, and postcoloniality, have seemingly waned from the market where the creative industries operate.
What these scholars are critical about within creative industries is, therefore, their devastating effect on culture itself, as they tend to destroy art and culture, along with individual creativity, a means of individual self-realization, by subjugating diversity and hybridity to the principles of late capitalism that do not discriminate against individuals, as long as they have the money to buy diverse, aesthetic, and emotional products. Without emancipating individuals from the yoke of passive consumerism, the ideal of self-realization, therefore, cannot be achieved.
2.2. Race, Gender, and Postcolonial Melancholia
The cultural industries view of the creative industry presents a static and overly deterministic view of the cultural world of late capitalism and globalization, in that most of them present that capitalism, whether conventional, aesthetic, or creative, is detrimental to individualism, self-realization, and class equity. However, they fail to explain why a postcolonial popular culture is now dominating the global music market, even though it is not about capitalist profit-maximizing on a global scale. Even as K-pop is dominating the Japanese pop market as the most popular music genre, it does not mean that Korean capitalism is destroying and controlling its Japanese counterpart. It simply means that Japanese popular culture is now more inclusive and diverse than before, by consuming its postcolonial pop music. In this sense, our view that emphasizes the importance of race, gender, and postcoloniality in the creative industries discloses the potential of enhancing one’s chances of participating to creative activities, even if it entails mass consumptions through the aestheticization of postcolonial pop. What is required in this new type of cultural consumption is the discovery of the new sources of creativity (i.e., a new innovative type of aestheticizing and emotionalizing postcolonial experiences, that can satisfy Japanese or any former colonialist consumers), which will lead to the creation and sustainability of the middlebrow cultural genres (i.e., consumers keep demanding postcolonial pop because of the discovery and addiction to this new type of aesthetic innovation). The core of these sources of creativity is the new perspective in the creative industries that considers race, gender, and postcolonial melancholia seriously. This also means that the success of postcolonial pop culture is not the same as the destruction of individual creativity among the postcolonial artists, nor does it entail the destruction of proactive consumption among conscious consumers in the center countries.
As mentioned earlier, the 21st century popular culture is different from that of the 20th century in that non-white, non-European, or non-male-centered genres are as powerful as their conventional white, European, and male-centered genres, as exemplified by jazz, hip-hop, Bollywood, and K-pop [
23,
24,
25,
26]. The key to the success of alternative and rebellious genres that constitutes the middlebrow art between European high culture and Hollywood-style pop culture, is the discovery of racial, gendered, and postcolonial melancholia among cultural creators and consumers [
11]. This implies that this new type of postcolonial middlebrow art is much more conscious of racial, gender, and postcolonial justice, which emotional capitalism tends to reduce to individual emotional experiences, that would not easily escalate into a collective action. However, postcolonial middlebrow art is fundamentally collective in nature, as the emotion it tries to convey to consumers are consciously anchored in the social conflict toward racial, gender, and postcolonial justice. Having explained the importance of postcolonial art based on race, gender, and postcoloniality in the creative industries of the 21st century, our next question is: what is the motivational factor of creativity among postcolonial artists? Even as most studies that highlight the importance of race and gender in the creative industries rightly acknowledge them as sources of creativity, they fail to pin down the motivational factors of creativity within the realm of race and gender. It is the psychoanalysts, cultural study scholars, feminist philosophers, and neuroscientists who discovered this new connectedness between melancholia and cultural creativity [
11]. Three types of melancholia exist, when the term is psychoanalytically defined as the sense of loss and unfulfilled mourning: (1) gendered, (2) racial, and (3) postcolonial [
27,
28,
29,
30,
31]. Gendered melancholia emanates from the loss of the desired gender amid outright sexism, which cannot be resolved by mourning, while racial melancholia is the outcome of the loss of the desired race amid persistent racism, which also cannot be resolved by mourning [
27,
28,
31]. Postcolonial melancholia, which is the newest ailment in human history, comes from the loss of the desired colony, which leads to informal and unobtrusive hatred of the people from the former colony, who happen to reside in the former colonizer country. Victims of hatred and racism within the land of former colonizers then experience racial melancholia [
32]. Among the three, gendered melancholia is the archetypal form, as it is the oldest in its existence, while racial and postcolonial types are outcomes of modernity [
27,
28].
The correlation between these three types of melancholic depression and artistic creativity, a critical fulcrum in the creation of middlebrow art genres, has been well documented by psychoanalysts [
33,
34,
35,
36]. Jamieson (1993), for example, emphasized an interesting relationship between manic-depressive disorder and creativity, first pointed out by the German psychiatrist Emil Kraepelin in 1921. Kraepelin was the psychiatrist who first distinguished manic depression from schizophrenia and argued that manic-depressive illness brings about changes in the thought processes, that “set free powers which otherwise are constrained by all kinds of inhibition. Artistic activity …may … experience a certain furtherance” [
34] (p. 55).
Jamieson (1993) also found that artists have traditionally shown a lucidly higher rate of bipolar and unipolar illnesses than non-artists, including celebrated painters such as Vincent van Gogh and Edvard Munch [
35] (p. 404). Her contribution to the study of artistic creativity is the finding that living writers are four times more likely to have manic depression and three times more likely to have depression as people who are not creative. This finding is reaffirmed by Akiskal and Akiska (1988), who found that nearly two-thirds of European writers, painters, and sculptors have manic depression and more than half of them had suffered a major depressive incident [
35,
37]. The underlying shared premise among these psychiatrists, who had spent time studying the creativity of artists, is that people with manic-depressive illness “experience an exhilarating feeling of energy and a capability for formulating ideas that dramatically enhance artistic creativity” [
35] (p. 404). According to Jamison (1993), the interaction of tension and transition between changing mood states are critically important, as well as the sustenance and discipline that manic-depressive patients draw from periods of health. These tensions and transitions ultimately give creative power to the artist. These hypotheses surrounding the linkage between depression and creativity have further been corroborated by other researchers with empirical evidence [
35,
36]. This line of research supports the clinical conviction that a genetic vulnerability to manic-depressive illness might be accompanied by a predisposition to creativity. Richards’ interpretation of her findings is that genes associated with a greater risk of manic-depressive disorder may also confer a greater likelihood of creativity. This is not to imply that the illness creates the predisposition to creativity, but rather that people who have this illness also have capabilities such as extreme exuberance—enthusiasm and energy—that express themselves in creativity [
35].
Although the study of middlebrow art genres, such as jazz, has not yet incorporated these psychiatric and neuroscientific studies of creativity [
7], some previous studies have documented the connection between melancholia and K-pop for both artist (e.g., creation of art works) and fan creativity (e.g., formation of proactive fan activities, creation of cover dance videos, learning behaviors of Korean language, history, culture, etc.) toward artistic values that can be consumed en masse by fans who share at least one or all the three types of melancholia [
11]. K-pop’s artistic value is to create an aesthetic aspect of gendered, racial, and postcolonial melancholia, while it has also motivated massive and widespread fandom participation toward radical empathy [
26,
38,
39]. Unlike jazz, however, K-pop is deeply rooted in gendered melancholia, as its fans are mostly women, although its artistic messages also encompass racial and postcolonial spectrums [
11]. K-pop, therefore, is an exemplary case of the middlebrow art genre that shows a clear linkage between female fans and their creativity in terms of presumption (i.e., proactive consumption in tandem with their own creative activities of producing cover dances, parodying, learning Korean culture and language, and other fandom activities) and radical empathy toward female universalism and gender emancipation.
2.3. Radical Empathy
Radical empathy is a new concept that is derived from the conventional idea of empathy, widely discussed both in sociology and social work studies. According to Givens (2021, p. 34), who is a pioneer in empirically establishing radical empathy, the concept has the following elements that are shared partially with the conventional concept of empathy [
13]:
Becoming grounded in who you are
Opening yourself to the experiences of others
Practicing empathy
Taking action
A willingness to be vulnerable
Creating change and building trust
The first four elements of radical empathy are common to the conventional conception of empathy, which is an opposite concept to indifference. What stands out as new elements for being radical are the final two, i.e., a willingness to be vulnerable, and creating change and building trust. Givens (2021, p. 72) further elaborates on these two notions in the following fashion [
13]:
Paying attention to what is going on in your community and the way that you interact with others.
Being vulnerable means being honest and truthful: are there ways that you have allowed yourself to be vulnerable with yourself and with others around the issue of race (as well as gender and postcoloniality)?
Do you find that your friends and family feel comfortable expressing their feelings and opinions around you?
What kind of neighborhood do you live in? Does your neighborhood reflect the diversity of the region where you live? If not, why?
Do you know people from different backgrounds and cultures? Take the time to listen to people from other cultures and learn more about their life experiences.
What type of cultural events do you attend? Are you willing to explore events from cultures different from your own?
Being vulnerable, therefore, presupposes an existential confidence about oneself vis-à-vis the danger surrounding his/her true identity, that is often prescribed by gender, race, and postcoloniality. For example, while being a black woman in the U.S. and elsewhere, where racism, sexism, and discriminations against migrants from former colonies are severe, when she tries to preserve and reveal her true identity without succumbing to the force of cultural assimilation, she will face various dangers. Givens (2021, p. 84) cites the following statistics as examples [
13]:
Structural racism, the systems-level factors related to, yet distinct from, interpersonal racism, leads to increased rates of premature death and reduced levels of overall health and well-being.
Black women are three to four times more likely to experience a pregnancy-related death than White women.
Black women are more likely to experience preventable maternal death compared with White women.
Black women’s heightened risk of pregnancy-related death spans income and education levels.
The final stage of radical empathy is, therefore, creating change and building trust by being vulnerable, even as the act of being vulnerable includes attending cultural events and exploring events from cultures different to your own. Being radically empathetic is, therefore, almost quintessential to listening to jazz and consuming K-pop as far as they contribute to creating changes and building trust based on a community-wide struggle against racism (jazz, K-pop), sexism (K-pop), and discriminations against migrants (K-pop).
Female fans in the K-pop community are known for their radical empathy of intercultural understanding toward female universalism (i.e., sharing the female pain of gendered melancholia), philanthropic mobilization for the cause of global poverty, disaster reliefs, environmental awareness, and female empowerment. Therefore, the K-pop fandom has naturally developed over the years into a socially and politically conscious collective movement, first by making these female fans vulnerable to the danger of sexism rampant in the world and then by organizing communities of female universalism that guides these fans to gender emancipation and female empowerment [
11]. In a nutshell, creativity via gender, race, and postcoloniality and the consequent radical empathy are the two pillars of the sustainability of the K-pop creative industry, which make it not only economically viable, but escalate it to a level of political movements. The recent decision by some of the Arab countries to loosen regulations against K-pop and allow K-pop concerts to be held in their countries for the first time is a triumphant outcome for Arab female fans who participated in such movements [
40].
Based on our discussion so far about the gendered melancholia and fan activism fecund among Hallyu and K-pop fans throughout the world, we propose the following testable hypotheses:
Hypothesis 1 (H1): Gender, race, and postcoloniality among K-pop fans are positively correlated with melancholia (i.e., three types of melancholia).
Hypothesis 2 (H2): Melancholia among K-pop fans is positively correlated with the degree of their radical empathy.
Hypothesis 3 (H3): Melancholia among K-pop fans is positively correlated with the degree of Hallyu prosumption (i.e., a Tofflerian term for proactive cultural consumption).
Hypothesis 4 (H4): Hallyu prosumption is positively correlated with the degree of satisfaction with K-pop.
Hypothesis 5 (H5): Satisfaction with K-pop is positively correlated with the degree of radical empathy among K-pop fans.
Hypothesis 6 (H6): The correlation between melancholia and radical empathy among K-pop fans is mediated by Hallyu prosumption and satisfaction with Hallyu.
Hypothesis 7 (H7): The correlation between gender, race, and postcoloniality among K-pop fans and the degree of their radical empathy is mediated by melancholia, Hallyu prosumption, and satisfaction.
The conceptual model of our current study is summarized by
Figure 1 below.