Study on Green Gentrification Mechanisms and Residents’ Satisfaction in Chinese New Urban Areas: A Case Study of the Area Surrounding Julong Lake Park

Abstract

As China’s urbanization rate continues to rise, new cities are constantly being built, and the popularity of sustainable concepts has led to the development of numerous green infrastructure projects. The increase in green resources has improved the overall urban environment, but this environmental improvement can lead to local stratification and give rise to a phenomenon known as “green gentrification”. Green gentrification can enhance neighborhood vitality but may also lead to negative consequences, such as the displacement of indigenous populations. This study primarily focuses on whether there is residential segregation and social differentiation between indigenous residents and newcomers due to green gentrification and whether they hold different views on green infrastructure. To address these issues and advance the cause of urban fairness and justice, break down neighborhood segregation, and promote community integration, we conducted satisfaction surveys and in-depth personal interviews with indigenous residents and newcomers regarding the Julong Lake facility, their individual circumstances, and the neighborhood relationships. The survey results revealed the following: (1) Both the indigenous residents and the newcomers expressed a relatively high satisfaction with the sports facilities at Julong Lake, but both groups reported a lower satisfaction with the neighborhood relationships. (2) The indigenous residents exhibited a lower satisfaction compared to the newcomers regarding the commercial facilities, social attributes, and green infrastructure surrounding Julong Lake. Additionally, the overall satisfaction with Julong Lake was lower for the indigenous residents compared to the newcomers. We synthesized the survey results and personal interviews with the indigenous residents and the newcomers and arrived at the following conclusions: (1) In the context of urbanization and uneven distribution of green resources in urban areas, the integration of suburban green resources with real estate development has given rise to the new phenomenon of an emerging green middle class, primarily driven by green resources. (2) The new residents exhibited higher satisfaction levels with Julong Lake park attributes and their personal circumstances compared to the long-term residents. This suggests a “green preference” among the new residents, leading to social stratification among the long-term residents driven by cultural aesthetics and value pursuits. The result of this is a stratification and adjacent residential segregation between the long-term residents and the newcomers. (3) The emerging green middle class areas have, on the one hand, promoted the migration of capital, middle-class populations, and green resources to the suburbs, to some extent favoring suburban green development. In conclusion, we hope that this research can help facilitate more equitable allocation of green resources in cities, formulate more optimal green policies, and promote harmonious coexistence and the sharing of the benefits of green development among residents of different income levels in urban areas.

1. Introduction

The term “gentrification” was first coined by British sociologist Glass in 1964 to describe the rising home prices, influx of affluent residents, and displacement of long-time residents in urban historic neighborhoods [1]. Over time, various forms of gentrification have been identified, including new-build gentrification [2], commercial gentrification [3], and educational gentrification [4]. The term “green gentrification,” derived from the concept of gentrification, was introduced by American scholars Gould and Lewis in 2012 to describe the displacement of social classes, the improvement of physical landscapes, and the socio-economic restructuring following the enhancement of green infrastructure in specific urban areas [5]. In the post-industrial era, with a growing emphasis on environmental issues, many cities have been revitalizing and redeveloping “vacant and derelict land (VDL)” [6] and “locally unwanted land uses (LULUs)” [7], leading to increased attention to the phenomenon of green gentrification.

As was shown in

Table 1. The classification of research on green gentrification in Western countries and domestically.

Western Countries Research Classification	Domestic Research Classification
(1) The analysis of urban environmental quality and its impact on urban environmental policy formulation.	(1) Elaborate on the research progress and achievements of Western countries in the field of green gentrification.
(2) The relationship between sustainable development, green consumption, and green gentrification.	(2) Measure the degree of urban gentrification and establish evaluation criteria for green gentrification.
(3) Critique of social inequality caused by green gentrification and discussion of strategies for resistance.	(3) A study on the typical characteristics of green gentrification in specific regions and the corresponding response strategies.

, research on green gentrification is more advanced in western countries, with current studies primarily focusing on the areas below.

Isabelle Anguelovski, in 2022, analyzed the impact of green gentrification on urban environmental quality and its influence on urban environmental policy formulation. Their analytical endeavor encompassed a comprehensive assessment of the pivotal role played by green spaces in configuring the urban built environment, an elucidation of diverse urban gentrification dynamics, and the meticulous evaluation of the multifaceted repercussions of greening initiatives across distinct temporal epochs [8].

Michelle Stuhlmacher, in 2022, investigated the relationship between sustainable development, green consumption, and green gentrification. The overarching objective of their research endeavor centered on the meticulous examination of whether non-urban parks function as catalysts for the instigation of green gentrification processes [9]. This scholarly exposition posits that the attendant benefits associated with the introduction of verdant spaces within communities significantly outweigh the concomitant risks entailed by the phenomenon of green gentrification. Moreover, their research publication proffers a compelling rationale for the instigation of further scholarly inquiries aimed at elucidating the intricate interplay between non-park green spaces and the phenomenon of green gentrification [9,10,11].

Farahnaz Sharif, in 2021, critiqued the social injustices caused by green gentrification and discussed some strategies for resistance. Their polemical discourse cogently posits that the trajectory of urban greening initiatives often conduces to the pernicious consequences of green gentrification, whereby the upwardly mobile middle-class stratum displaces socio-economically disadvantaged low-income residents, thereby further exacerbating extant urban inequalities [12]. The author adroitly advocates for a paradigm shift in the urban planning and governance apparatus, advocating for a prioritization of urban greening endeavors, albeit underscored by a nuanced consideration of the attendant spatial inequities arising from the intricate interplay of public and private ownership structures within the urban milieu [13,14,15].

In conclusion, research on green gentrification in western countries has predominantly focused on establishing the occurrence of green gentrification and highlighting the detrimental impacts of middle-class encroachment on low-income communities. Additionally, studies have explored the formulation of future urban green development policies. However, there remains a dearth of research on the mechanisms, underlying causes, and evolutionary processes of green gentrification. Moreover, the majority of articles are based on Western cities, and many of the research methods and perspectives may not be directly applicable to the study of green gentrification within the domestic context of China. Consequently, there is a need for further research that examines the effects of green gentrification on urban demographics, socio-economic factors, and physical landscapes in order to gain a comprehensive understanding of this phenomenon [16,17,18,19,20,21,22,23,24,25].

As was shown in Table 1, in China, there are several types of articles that can be classified as follows:

Articles that elaborate on the research progress and achievements of Western countries in green gentrification, providing inspiration for domestic research on green gentrification. Liu Bin (2021), Chu Han (2021), and Yu Siqi (2023) introduced the study of green gentrification to China, focusing on defining the concept of green gentrification and exploring its underlying mechanisms [26,27,28].

Articles that measure green gentrification at the urban level. Wang Shiwen (2020), Chu Han (2019), and Su Peng (2023) quantitatively analyzed the factors influencing green gentrification and confirmed whether green gentrification had occurred around large urban green spaces using methods such as Moran’s Index and buffer analysis [29,30,31].

Articles that study green gentrification in specific parks or green spaces. For example, Yao Na (2019) analyzed the socio-economic effects before and after the addition of green infrastructure in Nanchi Wetland Park in Changchun city [32].

In summary, the current state of theoretical research and empirical cases on green gentrification in China is limited. Currently, many studies on green gentrification focus on verifying whether a certain area has undergone green gentrification and identifying the indicators of green gentrification. Regarding the core concept of green gentrification, “class displacement”, which involves the participation of indigenous populations and the middle class, many studies qualitatively suggest that the middle class directly displaces indigenous people, i.e., the middle class moves in while indigenous people are forced to leave. Additionally, they suggest that the middle class indirectly displaces indigenous people due to upgrades in the site’s material landscape, increased consumption, and rising rent, leading to difficulties or to forced relocations for indigenous populations who continue to reside in the original area.

However, these conclusions lack in-depth data investigation, primarily relying on individual interviews. Furthermore, these studies often overlook whether the configuration of green infrastructure caters to the “green preferences” of the middle class while neglecting the needs of indigenous populations. Whether indigenous populations are dissatisfied with their professions and income and perceive themselves as incompatible with the middle class also remains understudied. The above-mentioned studies have not thoroughly examined the interpersonal relationships between indigenous populations and the middle class in the studied neighborhoods. It is unclear whether income and occupational disparities between indigenous populations and the middle class lead to poorer neighborly relations, ultimately resulting in social class differentiation and adjacent living segregation. These issues significantly affect the varying levels of satisfaction of indigenous populations and new residents with green infrastructure because an increase or improvement in green infrastructure triggers a series of chain reactions, altering the lives of indigenous populations and new residents.

By quantifying the above issues through data, we can evaluate the validity and severity of the previous conclusions regarding the inequalities and conflicts between indigenous populations and new residents. Once this hypothesis is confirmed, we can address the conflicts between the two groups and devise tailored solutions to harness the positive effects of green gentrification and mitigate its negative impact on urban areas.

Therefore, this paper takes the example of the area surrounding Julong Lake in Yancheng city to study green gentrification in urban new areas and conducts a satisfaction survey among indigenous and new residents with a focus on green gentrification.

2. The Theoretical Basis of Green Gentrification

Gentrification has undergone three stages in Western societies. In the first stage, prior to the 1970s, after the decline of inner cities in Western cities, the governments in question employed various methods to attract the middle class back to the urban core, gradually replacing the low-income communities which originally resided there [33].

In the second stage, following the gentrification of the first stage, the superior location conditions of the inner city regained favor from capital. The governments, while promoting individual investments, also began regulating excessive gentrification [34,35].

In the third stage, during the 1990s, inner city investment reached saturation once again, prompting capital to shift toward suburban areas. With increased investment risks, large developers became the primary drivers of gentrification. The governments, as powerful entities, engaged in land acquisition and compensation. Additionally, the governments recognized the improvements gentrification brought to certain urban areas and willingly played a role in promoting gentrification [34,36].

Scholars like Davidson and Less referred to the phenomenon of class displacement occurring after profit-driven and rapid urban development actions as “new-build gentrification” [37].

Many new development projects are being constructed on vacant or brownfield sites where there were originally no indigenous communities [38]. However, this does not affect the ultimate outcome of “class displacement”, which is the core essence of gentrification. Green gentrification occurring in new urban areas, although there may be no indigenous presence or a sparse indigenous population in the original site, can still be considered gentrification because class displacement occurs after the construction of new green infrastructure. It is, conceptually, an extension of new-build gentrification [5].

3. Research Methods

3.1. Research Scope Selection

As shown in the Figure 1, the research area is located in the vicinity of Julong Lake Park in Yannan New District, Yancheng city, with geographical coordinates of 33°23′ N, 120°08′ E. The specific research scope covers an area of 2.11 square kilometers within the area surrounding Julong Lake Park, including the following eight residential areas: Ziyu Garden, Shuilv Mingyuan, Ruier Garden, Huaxia Green City, Longpowan, Fenghuanghui, Jinying International Garden, and Hongdu Garden.

3.2. Characteristics of Land Use Type Conversion

The development of the area surrounding Julong Lake has undergone a significant transformation over the years. Prior to the planning and construction of the lake, this area was predominantly rural with an agricultural landscape. However, starting from 2008, it began its transition into a modern urban area.

In 2008, the main lake of Julong Lake was artificially excavated, and various amenities were constructed along its riverbank to enhance the waterfront experience. This included the development of waterfront promenades, water platforms, and the construction of a TV tower. Additionally, commercial facilities such as Jinying Mall and European-style Flower Street were established.

In terms of the landscape system, Chengnan Park was established on the southern bank of Julong Lake, which is connected to Julong Lake Park through an underground passage. Furthermore, the Yancheng Art Museum was opened, adding cultural and artistic value to the area.

As shown in Figure 2, the transportation facilities were also improved, with the addition of urban rapid transit to enhance connectivity within the region.

As shown in Figure 3 and

Table 2. Investigation of land use changes in the vicinity of Julong Lake Park within the survey area.

	Type of Land Use	Rural Settlements	Residential Land	Commercial Land	Road and Green Land	School Land	Agricultural Land	Parkland	Office Land	Total
Period
June, 2003		187,877.84	83,832.82	0.00	23,831.81	32,983.57	188,3176.68	0.00	0.00	2,211,702.72
June, 2012		0.00	626,384.53	228,159.16	930,860.23	32,983.57	0.00	318,793.25	74,521.98	2,211,702.72
June, 2022		0.00	699,246.86	233,096.86	790,197.72	32,983.57	0.00	373,797.58	82,380.13	2,211,702.72

Note: The unit of area is square meters (m²).

, throughout this development process, the scattered rural settlements gradually transformed into concentrated modern communities. The population density increased, and the land use types shifted from primarily agricultural land to a mix of commercial, residential, and park green spaces.

Overall, the development of the area surrounding Julong Lake has seen a significant shift from a rural landscape to a modern urban area with improved amenities, increased population density, and a diversified land use pattern.

3.3. Research Methodology and Data Sources

3.3.1. Research Design

As shown in the Figure 4, in response to the existing gaps in the research on indigenous populations and new residents, the lack of data support for some qualitative conclusions, and unresolved issues, this paper outlines a survey to assess the satisfaction of indigenous populations and new residents with the attributes of Julong Lake Park, their individual circumstances, and neighborhood relationships. The three angles chosen for the investigation allow us to examine the satisfaction of residents with the attributes of Julong Lake Park and assess whether the configuration of green infrastructure caters to the middle class’s “green consumption” philosophy, potentially leading to the “indirect displacement” of indigenous populations while allowing the middle class to enjoy more green benefits.

The study on the residents’ individual circumstances aims to understand their satisfaction with their own occupations and income levels and their optimism regarding their future career prospects and income levels. The study will also explore their perception of their own social class. This investigation is conducted to determine whether indigenous populations and new residents have differing self-perceptions and whether indigenous populations perceive themselves to be marginalized in the area.

The study on neighborhood relationships aims to explore the frequency and depth of neighborly interactions, the satisfaction of residents from different income levels with said neighborly interactions, and the extent to which the residents believe community activities can enhance neighborly relationships. This research will determine whether there are disharmonious neighborly relationships between indigenous populations and new residents, potentially leading to class divisions within the community and adjacent living segregation.

Additionally, through a correlation analysis, this study will identify the most significant factors influencing the overall satisfaction of indigenous populations and new residents with Julong Lake Park. The differences in satisfaction and the results of the correlation analysis will help uncover the conflicts and issues specific to indigenous populations and new residents, enabling us to address the negative effects of green gentrification more effectively and allocate green infrastructure more equitably in the city.

3.3.2. Data Sources

(1)

Analysis and interpretation of material landscape changes in the vicinity of Julong Lake Park through historical aerial remote sensing images: Changes in land use and urban appearance are characteristic of green gentrification. Using a remote sensing image data platform, we obtained images of Julong Lake Park from June 2003 to June 2022. Through operations such as georeferencing, spatial correction, and vectorization using ArcGIS 10.2, we established a database of land use changes in Julong Lake Park, enabling us to study the spatial evolution and change process of Julong Lake.

(2)

Questionnaire and satisfaction survey: Originally scheduled to run from the 24 September 2022 to the 24 March 2023, on weekend mornings from 9:00 A.M. to the late afternoon, a survey was conducted among the residents within the study area, collecting data on age, occupation, and education levels to identify gentrification characteristics. However, the survey coincided with the COVID-19 pandemic, leading to the interruption in weekend surveys and restricting data collection to the demographic information within the study area. Consequently, the data obtained can only reflect whether the area exhibits gentrification characteristics, posing some limitations.

To confirm the existence of green facilities which cater to middle-class “green preferences,” social differentiation between the middle class and indigenous populations, and any indirect displacement of indigenous populations, a satisfaction survey regarding Julong Lake Park, individual circumstances, and neighborhood relationships was conducted daily from the 1 June to the 1 September 2023, from 9:00 A.M. to 5:00 P.M., within the study area. This survey collected data from indigenous populations and new residents. As illustrated in

Table 3. Survey of the satisfaction of surrounding residents of Julong Lake Park with park attributes, their individual circumstances, and neighborhood relationships.

Survey on the Satisfaction of Indigenous People and New Residents with Julong Lake Park Features, Their Own Situations, and Neighborhood Relations
A. Satisfaction Level with the Attributes of Julong Lake Park.	(1) Survey on the Satisfaction of Indigenous People and New Residents with Sports and Exercise Services at Julong Lake Park.	(1) Satisfaction of Indigenous People and New Residents with the Variety of Sports Facilities at Julong Lake Park.
		(2) Frequency and Intensity of Participation in Sports Activities at Julong Lake Park by Indigenous People and New Residents.
		(3) Satisfaction Level of Indigenous People and New Residents with the Sports Facilities at Julong Lake Park.
	(2) Survey on the Satisfaction of Indigenous People and New Residents with the Surrounding Businesses of Julong Lake Park.	(1) Satisfaction Level of Indigenous People and New Residents with the Business Formats Around Julong Lake Park.
		(2) Satisfaction Level of Indigenous People and New Residents with the Commercial Spaces and Facilities Around Julong Lake Park.
		(3) Satisfaction Level of Indigenous People and New Residents with the Commercial Services Quality Around Julong Lake Park.
		(4) The Impact of Surrounding Businesses of Julong Lake Park on the Quality of Life for Indigenous People and New Residents.
	(3) Satisfaction Level of Indigenous People and New Residents with the Social Aspects of Julong Lake Park.	(1) The Frequency of Social Activities Conducted by Indigenous People and New Residents in Julong Lake Park.
		(2) The Depth of Social Interaction between Indigenous People and New Residents in Julong Lake Park.
		(3) The Satisfaction Levels of Indigenous People and New Residents with the Newly Formed Interpersonal Relationships in Julong Lake Park.
	(4) The Satisfaction Levels of Indigenous People and New Residents with the Green Infrastructure in Julong Lake Park.	(1) The Satisfaction Levels of Indigenous People and New Residents with the Green Area in Julong Lake Park.
		(2) The Satisfaction Levels of Indigenous People and New Residents with the Richness of Vegetation in Julong Lake Park.
		(3) The Extent to Which Indigenous People and New Residents Believe Their Quality of Life Has Improved Due to the Green Infrastructure in Julong Lake Park.
		(4) The Degree of Approval Among Indigenous People and New Residents for a Healthy and Environmentally Friendly Lifestyle Due to the Green Infrastructure in Julong Lake Park.
B. Satisfaction with Individual Circumstances:		(1) Satisfaction of Indigenous People and New Residents with Their Occupations.
		(2) Satisfaction of Indigenous People and New Residents with Their Incomes.
		(3) Optimism of Indigenous People and New Residents about Future Career Prospects and Income Levels
		(4) Awareness of Indigenous People and New Residents Regarding Their Own Socio-economic Class.
C. Satisfaction with Neighborhood Relationships:		(1) The Frequency and Intensity of Neighborly Interactions among Indigenous People and New Residents.
		(2) The Perceived Depth of Neighborly Interactions among Indigenous People and New Residents
		(3) Satisfaction of Indigenous People and New Residents with Interactions with Neighbors of Different Income Levels
		(4) The Degree to Which Indigenous People and New Residents Believe Community Activities Can Improve Neighborly Relationships.
E. Overall Satisfaction of Indigenous People and New Residents with Julong Lake Park.

, we formulated specific questions and prepared a questionnaire, as shown in the Appendix A, which was distributed to residents. Additionally, in-depth interviews lasting 10 min were conducted with select indigenous populations and new residents. The collected data were analyzed using SPSS 26.0. First, a common method bias test and a reliability (consistency) test were conducted to ensure the authenticity and accuracy of the data. Then, a comparative analysis of questionnaire results between indigenous residents and new inhabitants was performed to identify differences. Finally, a linear regression model was employed to study the specific factors influencing the overall satisfaction of indigenous residents and new inhabitants with Julong Lake Park.

3.4. Description of Demographic Variables

As was shown in

Table 4. Descriptive statistical analysis.

Variable	Group	Frequency	Percent
Gender	Male	165	42.4
	Female	224	57.6
Age	Less than 25	13	3.3
	25–40	92	23.7
	41–55	159	40.9
	More than 55	125	32.1
Educational background	High school and lower	103	26.5
	Junior college	100	25.7
	Undergraduate	116	29.8
	Graduate student	70	18
Occupation	Freelance profession	136	35
	Civil servant	48	12.3
	White-collar worker	100	25.7
	Migrant worker or farmer	79	20.3
	Student	26	6.7
Income level	Less than 1999	59	15.2
	2000–4999	160	41.1
	5000–7999	62	15.9
	8000–9999	65	16.7
	More than 9999	43	11.1
Reasons for choosing to live here	Close to a beautiful park environment	220	56.6
	Working nearby	79	20.3
	Close to the city government	20	5.1
	As a real estate investment	70	18
Original place of residence for the residents	Old town district	168	43.2
	Other cities	49	12.6
	County-level city	68	17.5
	Indigenous people	104	26.7
Grouping	Indigenous people	104	26.7
	New residents	285	73.3

, the study collected a total of 401 data points, and, after excluding 12 invalid surveys with incorrect or irrelevant answers, there were 389 valid responses, resulting in an effective response rate of 97.01%. Initially, when categorizing the respondents into indigenous and new residents, it was observed that the new residents were more than twice as many as the indigenous residents. Furthermore, the new residents tended to have higher educational qualifications, higher income levels, and more stable employment compared to the indigenous residents. In contrast, the indigenous residents typically had lower educational levels, lower incomes, and a higher proportion of self-employed individuals.

As was shown in

Table 5. Descriptive speculation analysis of the indigenous people in the study area.

Variable	Group	Frequency	Percent (%)
Gender	Male	43	41.3
	Female	64	58.6
Age	Less than 25	3	2.8
	25–40	12	11.5
	41–55	48	46.1
	More than 55	41	39.4
Educational background	High school and lower	44	42.3
	Junior college	39	37.5
	Undergraduate	16	15.3
	Graduate student	5	4.8
Occupation	Freelance profession	53	50.9
	Civil servant	7	6.7
	White-collar worker	9	8.6
	Migrant worker or farmer	27	25.9
	Student	8	7.6
Income level	Less than 1999	20	19.2
	2000–4999	51	49.0
	5000–7999	18	17.3
	8000–9999	11	10.5
	More than 9999	4	3.8
Reasons for choosing to live here	Close to a beautiful park environment	57	54.8
	Working nearby	21	20.1
	Close to the city government	9	8.6
	As a real estate investment	17	16.3

and

Table 6. Former residence of the sampled residents.

Variable	Group	Frequency	Percent (%)
Gender	Male	157	55.1
	Female	128	44.9
Age	Less than 25	29	10.1
	25–40	94	32.9
	41–55	119	41.7
	More than 55	43	15.0
Educational background	High school and lower	18	6.3
	Junior college	16	5.6
	Undergraduate	176	62.4
	Graduate student	43	25.6
Occupation	Freelance profession	41	14.3
	Civil servant	72	25.2
	White-collar worker	132	46.3
	Migrant worker or farmer	10	3.5
	Student	30	10.5
Income level	Less than 1999	16	5.6
	2000–4999	22	7.7
	5000–7999	48	16.8
	8000–9999	113	39.6
	More than 9999	86	30.1
Reasons for choosing to live here	Close to a beautiful park environment	178	62.4
	Working nearby	54	18.9
	Close to the city government	12	4.2
	As a real estate investment	41	14.3

, from a demographic perspective, it appears that there has been a form of gentrification in the area, aligning with the core principles of green gentrification. This suggests that the area in the vicinity of Julong Lake Park has experienced a form of green gentrification.

3.5. Differential Analysis

An independent samples t-test was used to compare the scores of satisfaction levels between the indigenous residents and the new residents, as shown in the

Table 7. Comparing the scores of the satisfaction levels between the indigenous residents and the new residents.

Variable	Group	N	Mean	SD	t	p
Overall Satisfaction	Indigenous Residents	104	3.470	0.750	−5.68	0.000
	New Residents	285	4.020	0.870
Physical Exercise Service Satisfaction	Indigenous Residents	104	3.394	0.824	0.025	0.980
	New Residents	285	3.392	0.843
Surrounding Business Satisfaction	Indigenous Residents	104	3.654	0.804	−3.07	0.002
	New Residents	285	3.954	0.869
Social Attribute Satisfaction	Indigenous Residents	104	3.311	0.819	−2.317	0.021
	New Residents	285	3.553	0.944
Green Infrastructure Satisfaction	Indigenous Residents	104	3.149	0.987	−3.972	0.000
	New Residents	285	3.646	1.127
Self-Situation Satisfaction	Indigenous Residents	104	3.245	0.911	−5.42	0.000
	New Residents	285	3.775	0.830
Neighborhood Relationship Satisfaction	Indigenous Residents	104	3.014	0.884	0.52	0.604
	New Residents	285	2.955	1.031

.

The overall satisfaction showed a significant difference between the indigenous residents and the new residents (t(387) = −5.68, p = 0.000 < 0.05), indicating that the overall satisfaction of the new residents is higher than that of the indigenous residents.

There was no significant difference in the satisfaction with physical exercise services between the indigenous residents and the new residents (t(387) = 0.025, p = 0.980 > 0.05), suggesting that the satisfaction with physical exercise services for the new residents is similar to that of the indigenous residents.

The surrounding business satisfaction exhibited a significant difference between the indigenous residents and the new residents (t(387) = −3.07, p = 0.002 < 0.05), indicating that the new residents have a higher satisfaction with the surrounding businesses compared to the indigenous residents.

The social attribute satisfaction also showed a significant difference between the indigenous residents and the new residents (t(387) = −2.317, p = 0.021 < 0.05), suggesting that the new residents have a higher satisfaction with the social attributes compared to the indigenous residents.

The green infrastructure satisfaction exhibited a significant difference between the indigenous residents and the new residents (t(387) = −3.972, p = 0.000 < 0.05), indicating that the new residents have a higher satisfaction with the green infrastructure compared to the indigenous residents.

There was a significant difference in the self-situation satisfaction between the indigenous residents and the new residents (t(387) = −5.42, p = 0.000 < 0.05), suggesting that the new residents have a higher satisfaction with their own situations compared to the indigenous residents.

The neighborhood relationship satisfaction did not show a significant difference between the indigenous residents and the new residents (t(387) = 0.520, p = 0.604 > 0.05), indicating that the neighborhood relationship satisfaction of the new residents is similar to that of the indigenous residents.

3.6. Correlation Analysis

The linear regression model is commonly used to validate the relationship between independent variables and dependent variables and to test hypotheses, as was shown in

Table 8. Multiple linear regression (indigenous residents).

Variable	DV: Overall Satisfaction
	β	t	p	VIF
(Constant)		2.075	0.041
Physical Exercise Service Satisfaction	−0.036	−0.399	0.691	1.199
Surrounding Business Satisfaction	0.237	2.493	0.014	1.355
Social Attribute Satisfaction	0.015	0.179	0.858	1.092
Green Infrastructure Satisfaction	0.076	0.909	0.365	1.033
Self-Situation Satisfaction	0.407	4.694	0.000	1.124
Neighborhood Relationship Satisfaction	0.196	2.357	0.020	1.038
N	104
VIFmax	1.355
R2	0.352
Adjusted R2	0.312
F	8.78

. According to the hypothesis in this study, a multiple linear regression model was constructed. If the significance level (p-value) associated with a regression coefficient is less than 0.05, the path is considered valid. If the p-value is greater than 0.05, the regression coefficient is not considered valid. It is essential to check for multicollinearity in the linear regression model to determine whether there is a serious issue of multicollinearity in the multiple linear regression equation. This is achieved by examining the maximum VIF (variance inflation factor) value for each variable. If the maximum VIF value for all the variables is less than 10, the regression equation is considered reasonable, without a multicollinearity problem, and with statistical significance [39]. In this study, linear regression was used to explore the impact of variables such as satisfaction with physical exercise services, surrounding business, social attributes, green infrastructure, self-situation, and neighborhood relationships on the overall satisfaction for both the indigenous residents and the new residents.

As shown in

Table 9. Multiple linear regression (new residents).

Variable	DV: Overall Satisfaction
	β	t	p	VIF
(Constant)		2.334	0.02
Physical Exercise Service Satisfaction	0.133	2.583	0.010	1.355
Surrounding Business Satisfaction	0.152	2.561	0.011	1.801
Social Attribute Satisfaction	0.042	0.915	0.361	1.062
Green Infrastructure Satisfaction	0.316	5.946	0.000	1.448
Self-Situation Satisfaction	0.291	5.74	0.000	1.313
Neighborhood Relationship Satisfaction	0.059	1.299	0.195	1.049
N	285
VIFmax	1.801
R2	0.456
Adjusted R2	0.445
F	38.875

, this regression analysis does not have a multicollinearity problem. This indicates the following: satisfaction with the physical exercise services does not have a significant positive impact on the overall satisfaction (β = −0.036, p > 0.05); satisfaction with the surrounding businesses has a significant positive impact on the overall satisfaction (β = 0.237, p < 0.05); satisfaction with the social attributes does not have a significant positive impact on the overall satisfaction (β = 0.015, p > 0.05); green infrastructure satisfaction does not have a significant positive impact on the overall satisfaction (β = 0.076, p > 0.05); satisfaction with one’s self-situation has a significant positive impact on the overall satisfaction (β = 0.407, p < 0.05); and neighborhood relationships have a significant positive impact on the overall satisfaction (β = 0.196, p < 0.05). From the above results, it can be observed that one’s self-situation has the most significant impact on the overall satisfaction, followed by surrounding businesses and neighborhood relationships. Satisfaction with physical exercise services, social attributes, and green infrastructure does not have a significant impact.

As shown in the table above, this regression analysis does not have a multicollinearity problem. The results of the regression analysis indicate the following: satisfaction with the physical exercise services has a significant positive impact on the overall satisfaction (β = 0.133, p < 0.05); satisfaction with the surrounding businesses has a significant positive impact on the overall satisfaction (β = 0.152, p < 0.05); satisfaction with the social attributes does not have a significant positive impact on the overall satisfaction (β = 0.042, p > 0.05); green infrastructure satisfaction has a significant positive impact on the overall satisfaction (β = 0.316, p < 0.05); satisfaction with one’s self-situation has a significant positive impact on the overall satisfaction (β = 0.291, p < 0.05); neighborhood relationships do not have a significant impact on the overall satisfaction (β = 0.059, p > 0.05).

From the above results, it can be observed that, among the new residents, satisfaction with green infrastructure has the most significant impact on the overall satisfaction, followed by self-situation, neighborhood relationships, satisfaction with surrounding businesses, and satisfaction with physical exercise services. Social attributes do not have a significant impact.

3.7. The Validation of Experimental Data

3.7.1. Common Method Bias Test

Harman’s single-factor method is commonly used in exploratory factor analysis (EFA) to examine the issue of common method bias. EFA assumes that a method factor explains the common variance among different traits in a study [40]. The more variance explained by the method factor, the more severe the bias is considered. Podsakoff suggested that, if a single-factor solution obtained through EFA (without rotation) explains less than 40% of the variance, then the common method bias (CMB) is not severe [40]. In the current study, EFA was employed, and the variance explained by the first factor was 26.724%, which is less than 40%. Therefore, it was concluded that there is no common method bias issue in this study, and the model data are considered to be valid and reliable.

3.7.2. Reliability (Consistency) Test

Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient is used to measure the reliability of an analysis, with different values representing different degrees of reliability. A smaller Cronbach’s Alpha indicates a lower reliability, while a larger Cronbach’s Alpha indicates a higher reliability. If the coefficient is greater than 0.8, it is considered to have high reliability; if it falls between 0.7 and 0.8, it is considered to have good reliability; if it falls between 0.6 and 0.7, it is considered acceptable, and, if it is less than 0.6, it is considered to have poor reliability. As was shown in

Table 10. Reliability analysis.

Variable	Item	CITC	Cronbach’s Alpha
Physical Exercise Service Satisfaction	TY1	0.733	0.866
	TY2	0.749
	TY3	0.753
Surrounding Business Satisfaction	SY1	0.765	0.883
	SY2	0.729
	SY3	0.718
	SY4	0.771
Social Attribute Satisfaction	SJ1	0.556	0.797
	SJ2	0.766
	SJ3	0.612
Green Infrastructure Satisfaction	LJ1	0.845	0.932
	LJ2	0.857
	LJ3	0.782
	LJ4	0.881
Self-Situation Satisfaction	ZS1	0.74	0.877
	ZS2	0.732
	ZS3	0.717
	ZS4	0.754
Neighborhood Relationship Satisfaction	LL1	0.769	0.891
	LL2	0.743
	LL3	0.77

, the reliability of the scale was assessed using the Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient, where a higher value indicates a better reliability. In line with other studies, a Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient above 0.7 for a variable is considered to indicate acceptable scale reliability. If the Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient is below 0.7, it is considered unreliable. In this study, the Cronbach’s Alpha coefficients for six variables measuring exercise service satisfaction, surrounding business satisfaction, social attribute satisfaction, green infrastructure satisfaction, self-situation satisfaction, and neighborhood relationship satisfaction range from 0.797 to 0.932, indicating that the measurement items for these six variables are acceptable. This suggests that the data in this study are highly reliable.

3.8. Resident In-Depth Interview Summary

In order to further explore the psychological differences between the indigenous residents and the new inhabitants, we conducted 10 min individual interviews with a selection of typical cases from both groups. These interviews were summarized and distilled to enrich and enhance the accuracy of this survey.

Interview 1: Ms. Lou (48 years old) is a newcomer who moved to Julong Lake Park in 2018. She is a civil servant and moved from the old city’s Hongji Garden to Zhiwei Garden in 2018. Ms. Lou mentioned that her previous neighborhood had a poor environment, with a noisy market nearby. In contrast, the overall environment of Julong Lake Park is beautiful and pleasant. After work, Ms. Lou participates in aerobics activities in the small square of Julong Lake Park. She mentioned that she has been influenced by the national fitness trend, and many of her fellow aerobics’ participants are also state employees. However, her interactions with her neighbors are not very deep. When asked if she knows any indigenous neighbors, she mentioned that her upstairs neighbor is indigenous and collects recyclables. While Ms. Lou understands their difficult circumstances, it has led to a deterioration of the hallway’s cleanliness. Overall, Ms. Lou expressed a higher level of satisfaction with Julong Lake Park.

Interview 2: Mr. Tang (39 years old) is a newcomer who moved near Julong Lake Park in 2021. He works at Hua Bang International, a medical equipment trading company, which is located in an office building near the park. Originally, he lived in the western part of the city, but he was attracted to the excellent environment of Julong Lake Park after starting his job there. He chose to live in the Golden Eagle Villa. He enjoys running in Julong Lake Park. Although the pandemic and lockdowns had a temporary impact on his exercise routine, he resumed running after the pandemic restrictions were lifted. Julong Lake Park offers a 2.3 km long running track that provides a safe and comfortable environment for running. Through his regular runs, he has also made many running friends, who are also part of the middle to high-income population.

Due to the high property prices in his residential area, the community is predominantly composed of individuals with high incomes, and he has had limited interaction with the original residents.

Interview 3: Ms. Zhu (57 years old) has resettled near Julong Lake Park and mainly earns money through part-time work and housekeeping. She emphasized the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on her life, which led to a decline in her health and a sharp reduction in her income. When asked if she frequently visits Julong Lake Park, she mentioned that, while she occasionally participates in square dance activities in the park in the summer, she is exhausted from her daily struggles to make ends meet and rarely has leisure time to visit Julong Lake. She sees Julong Lake Park as merely a place she passes by daily, with little connection to her own life. She mentioned that, when she lived in a single-story house, there was a close-knit and harmonious neighborhood, but now she does not know her new neighbors. Overall, Ms. Zhu expressed a lower overall satisfaction with Julong Lake Park.

4. Residents’ Satisfaction Survey and In-Depth Survey Results Summary

From the perspective of a difference analysis, both the indigenous residents and the newcomers are relatively satisfied with the sports facilities in Julong Lake. However, both the indigenous residents and the newcomers have lower levels of satisfaction with the neighborhood relationships. There are differences in the satisfaction levels of the indigenous residents and newcomers regarding the commercial facilities, social attributes, and green infrastructure in the vicinity of Julong Lake Park. The indigenous residents have lower satisfaction levels compared to the newcomers in these areas. In the overall satisfaction survey of Julong Lake, both the indigenous residents and the newcomers express lower satisfaction levels.

Looking at the overall results of the satisfaction survey, Julong Lake Park tends to cater to the “green preferences” of newcomers, and the survey of the park’s own attributes confirms that the newcomers have higher satisfaction levels, which further substantiates their “green consumer” tendencies. In terms of their personal circumstances, the newcomers express higher satisfaction levels with their income, occupation, optimism about future careers, income, and self-perceived social status compared to the indigenous residents. This indicates that the newcomers’ current living conditions are better than those of the indigenous residents and that the indigenous residents tend to be dissatisfied with their living conditions and have a pessimistic outlook on their future development. The low satisfaction levels of both the indigenous residents and the newcomers with the neighborhood relationships suggest that both groups have negative feelings about their relationships with neighbors, indicating the presence of income-based social stratification and the risk of adjacent living segregation within the community.

The analysis of a linear regression model reveals that, among the factors, green infrastructure has the most significant impact on the overall satisfaction of newcomers at Julong Lake Park. This suggests that a substantial part of the higher overall satisfaction of the newcomers compared to the indigenous residents is due to the green infrastructure provided by Julong Lake Park, which caters to the “green preferences” of the newcomers, thus confirming their tendency towards “green consumption”.

On the other hand, personal circumstances, nearby commercial facilities, and neighborhood relationships have a significant impact on the overall satisfaction of the indigenous residents. This leads to a lower overall satisfaction for the indigenous residents, indicating that they perceive a risk of marginalization in the community, are less satisfied with their current commercial consumption, and have a less favorable view of the neighborhood relationships.

From the interviews, we can discern that the indigenous communities exhibit lower usage frequency and overall satisfaction with the green infrastructure due to their busy livelihoods. In contrast, the new residents, with shared green preferences, interests, proximate income, and social status, are more likely to form green growth alliances. This stratifies the indigenous population, resulting in residential segregation and class stratification within the community.

5. Mechanisms of Green Gentrification in Jurong Lake Park

5.1. Green Gentrification Population Displacement Mechanism

According to the rent gap theory, there is a difference between an “actual rent gap” and a “potential rent gap” in urban land use. When this difference becomes significant enough for government and corporate entities, such as green growth alliances, to profit from it, green gentrification occurs [41,42].

After the reform and opening up of the central government, the central government devolved powers to local governments, making the local governments more inclined toward “entrepreneurial” activities. In the case of urban suburban land, there initially was no difference between an “actual environmental rent gap” and a “potential environmental rent gap”. However, in order to promote the real estate industry for GDP growth and tax revenue, the local governments in question increased green resources in suburban areas, thereby creating a difference between the “actual environmental rent gap” and the “potential environmental rent gap” [43,44,45,46,47,48,49].

The areas surrounding Julong Lake Park were originally on the outskirts of the city and did not possess significant resource advantages. Before development, they were primarily rural areas with an agricultural landscape. Consequently, both the actual land rent and the potential land rent were low. However, the construction of green infrastructure significantly increased the potential land rent around Julong Lake Park, leading to extensive investment and development activities by government and corporate capital when the rent gap exceeded the infrastructure and property investment costs. In comparison to the high land prices, expensive relocation costs, and lengthy relocation processes in old city areas, suburban areas have lower land prices and lower relocation costs and difficulties, making them more likely to trigger green gentrification. Nevertheless, original residents in suburban areas may already belong to marginalized, low-income, and vulnerable groups, making them subject to direct displacement due to green gentrification. They may be forced to move to more remote areas, enduring both direct economic losses and the emotional distress of being displaced.

In order to understand the process of displacement and loss experienced by original residents, interviews with the residents in the study area were conducted. The following are summaries of two interviews:

Interview 1: Mr. Ji (62 years old), originally a resident of Daizhuang village, primarily engaged in agricultural activities. He is currently unemployed. When asked about the displacement and the whereabouts of the residents, he mentioned that, after the government initiated land acquisition in 2007, many people received compensation and resettlement fees and chose to leave the area. Some opted to return after receiving compensation and resettlement fees. The village was subsequently developed into a real estate project by developers.

Interview 2: Mr. Chen (49 years old), a resident of Daizhuang village, works as a carpenter and in renovation. According to him, after the government acquired the land, the surrounding neighbors chose to leave the area, while he and some original residents chose to return. He expressed his preference for the original village’s living conditions and the close-knit relationships among neighbors. However, the housing complex he originally lived in was demolished and replaced with Julong Lake Park.

From these interviews, it can be observed that local governments play a crucial role in the process of green gentrification by acquiring suburban land and making it available on the market through auctions. During this process, the direct displacement of farmers in the study area occurred as they lost their land.

In addition to direct displacement, there is a possibility of cultural and identity-driven displacement in the process of gentrification. Specific groups may form clusters in a gentrified area due to a shared cultural identity. For example, in the case of Xiaozhou village gentrification, the presence of well-preserved ancient village clusters attracted numerous artists, leading to a cultural selection process. The concentration of artists in Xiaozhou village created a rich artistic atmosphere, and local restaurants and recreational venues adapted their aesthetics to fit this atmosphere.

Cultural selection in green gentrification is reflected in the satisfaction survey results. The new residents in our sample more readily embrace the green values associated with the development of green infrastructure, resulting in a shared “green consumption” consensus and a preference for green values. They also appreciate the commercial and social functions accompanying green infrastructure. The original residents in our sample, on the other hand, do not strongly identify with these green values, primarily due to their economic hardships, making it challenging for them to afford the green lifestyle facilitated by the new infrastructure. Faced with livelihood challenges, they struggle to enjoy a green leisure lifestyle and support the high purchasing power generated by green infrastructure. As a result, there is a divergence in values and cultural identity between the original and new residents, leading to a lower satisfaction with the neighborhood relationships for both groups. This is the outcome of indirect displacement of low-income groups and the occurrence of class-based filtering after gentrification [50].

5.2. Social Spatial Effects of Green Gentrification

In the context of the Western gentrification of green spaces, green gentrification has been seen as a vital means for attracting capital inflow or reinvestment, leading to the revitalization and prosperity of deteriorating or underprivileged areas. Western countries have long considered green gentrification as a significant tool for rejuvenating inner-city spaces and restructuring urban spatial configurations. However, prior research on green gentrification has also highlighted the potential risk of marginalizing low-income urban populations, particularly low-income indigenous communities who are forced to adapt to the arrival of green gentrification, disrupting their established ways of life, reshaping social relationships, and putting them at risk of displacement and unemployment [2].

As was shown in Figure 5, in the case study of green gentrification presented here, green gentrification has expanded urban development areas, leading suburban regions to rapidly transform into economically prosperous, densely populated, and environmentally sound urban areas. This has upgraded and restructured the demographic and socio-economic landscape of suburban areas. Green gentrification has steered capital investment and migration towards newly developed urban regions, attracting a significant middle-class population, thereby enhancing employment opportunities and boosting consumption levels, rapidly invigorating suburban areas into mature urban regions with well-developed amenities. Despite the adverse effects of green gentrification on indigenous and low-income urban populations, the fact that it has led to the construction of green infrastructure in suburban areas, providing free recreational and social spaces for the gentrified population, thus contributing to the overall improvement of urban environmental quality, should not be overlooked.

Nevertheless, green gentrification inevitably leads to class displacement [51]. In the first phase of gentrification, the direct screening of indigenous communities forces them to relocate from their original locations. Although the government provides subsidies and compensation for land acquisition, they face the dilemma of land loss and unemployment, often resettling in more remote areas, where they must adapt to new living environments and social relationships, ultimately leading to further marginalization. In the second phase of gentrification, the influx of the middle class results in a sharp increase in consumption levels, property prices, and rents in the original locations, leading to a significant rise in the cost of living for the indigenous population. This situation gives rise to “indirect displacement”.

Moreover, from the above-mentioned satisfaction survey, green infrastructure tends to cater to the “green preferences” of the middle class. The pursuit of a higher quality of life by the middle class, in turn, affects the configuration of green infrastructure and commercial facilities. The middle class’s green aesthetics form cultural and value-based barriers that stand in contrast to those of the indigenous communities. Many indigenous people express nostalgia for the natural appearance of their original villages and find it challenging to appreciate the artificial landscapes of places like Julong Lake Park. Consequently, indigenous communities are passively exposed to the class screening of green gentrification. Furthermore, indigenous individuals struggle to find suitable employment and attain satisfactory income levels in the new economic and social environment. Their originally dispersed housing style has transitioned into vertical apartment living, replacing the close-knit neighborly relationships with more distant and awkward ones, thereby diminishing connections in aspects of daily life and work. This ultimately resulted in the lower overall satisfaction with Julong Lake Park among the indigenous communities surveyed. Consequently, local indigenous communities also face the risk of neglect and further marginalization, which has a negative impact on a city’s fairness and equity, as was shown in Figure 6 [52].

6. Limitations and Discussions of the Study

(1)

Within Western studies on the greening of gentrification, some scholars have already begun to examine the qualitative data on the impact of gentrification on the health of historically marginalized residents in entire cities or multiple cities. Isabelle Anguelovski, in 2021, analyzed the pathways of gentrification affecting the health of marginalized residents in 14 cities in Europe and North America throughout history. The analysis was based on 77 interviews with key community stakeholders. The data analysis revealed four major concurrent processes: threats to housing and financial security, social and cultural displacement, loss of services and amenities due to institutional gentrification, and increased risk of criminal behavior leading to compromised public safety [53]. However, due to constraints in article length and a focus on the relationship between indigenous people and gentrifying communities, this study only explored the issue of greening gentrification around a specific park in an urban new district. Future research could extend to the greening gentrification of different parks in various cities or within the same city in China.

(2)

Wang Shiwen, in 2020, Chu Han, in 2019, and Hu Shuju, also in 2019, all employed survey questionnaires and in-depth interviews when researching gentrification issues [28,30,50]. They used these methods to reflect the conflicts between indigenous residents and new inhabitants that arise after gentrification. What sets this article apart from previous ones is our quantification of the conflicts between indigenous residents and new inhabitants through satisfaction surveys. We aim to study the specific areas of disagreement between indigenous residents and new inhabitants leading to social differentiation and residential segregation. However, both previous articles and this study are constrained by sample sizes, and the subjectivity inherent to satisfaction surveys and in-depth interviews may potentially affect the final accuracy of the research results.

(3)

This study, through satisfaction surveys and in-depth interviews, investigates in-depth whether there are differences in the attitudes towards green infrastructure between the indigenous people and new residents participating in the process of green gentrification and whether there is social differentiation and residential segregation adjacent to these neighborhoods. Wang Shiwen also points out that gentrification can lead to residential stratification and class stratification in the spatial structure of cities [30]. Indigenous people experience psychological disparities primarily due to changes in neighborhood relationships and the gaps in social and economic resources, which result in a changed perception of the city after spatial displacement. Indigenous people not only lose the land and economic sources they rely on for survival but also have income levels far below those of new residents. Ding Xiaoying conducted a happiness level questionnaire survey on 100 relocated residents from two resettlement communities, Xixi Garden and Jiangcun Garden, and found that only 25.8% of the residents believed that their current lives were “happier” or “comparatively happier”. Nearly half of the surveyed individuals felt that their happiness was not as good as before, with happiness indexes much lower than those of the urban residents in the same region. This low psychological state is related to the loss of identity. The group that still considered themselves as farmers experienced an increase in happiness after relocation, as they could better integrate into urban life. On the other hand, the group that saw themselves as urban residents experienced a decrease in happiness. This is because, compared to other city residents, they not only had different income levels but also possessed fewer social resources. The findings of these scholars align with the results of this study [12]. McKendry and Janos indicated that a community with high levels of social capital, social cohesion, and a sense of identity can resist spatial exclusion brought about by green gentrification [54]. Therefore, it is crucial to focus on the dynamic development of relationships between indigenous people and new residents as well as help indigenous people and displaced communities better adapt to urban life through government, community, and other non-profit organizations.

(4)

In Western countries, research on green gentrification, as demonstrated in the book “Green Gentrification: Urban Sustainable Development and Environmental Justice” by Gould [5], often reflects the severity of social green gentrification by examining the proportion of racial and ethnic minorities to white populations in communities. This approach reveals issues of racial segregation and social differentiation in American society. While China does not have racial problems, the current study highlights social differentiation and adjacent residential segregation between indigenous residents and new inhabitants due to differences in income, occupation, and attitudes towards green facilities. Chinese cultural values place a strong emphasis on family, and the proverb “a near neighbor is better than a distant relative” underscores the importance of close community relationships. From this perspective, it prompts us to consider how to foster more harmonious neighborly relations in the future, aiming for a state of community integration.

7. Conclusions

(1)

The essence of green gentrification lies in the uneven distribution of green resources, resulting in a phenomenon primarily judged by “class displacement” in urban spaces [5,27,51]. According to a random survey of residents near Julong Lake Park, new residents, characterized by higher education and incomes, outnumber the original inhabitants. These newcomers exhibit characteristics of the middle class and show a trend of replacing the original residents, posing a risk of further marginalization for the latter. Simultaneously, the core feature of “class displacement” confirms the occurrence of green gentrification in the vicinity of Julong Lake Park.

(2)

The two major participants in green gentrification—original residents and new inhabitants—are witnessing tendencies of residential segregation and social differentiation [50]. Satisfaction surveys and in-depth interviews reveal value disparities between original residents and newcomers. Their attitudes toward green infrastructure differ, and they lack familiarity and harmony with each other. Both parties express a low satisfaction with neighborly relations, hindering deep community integration and failing to achieve the ideal state of mixed and harmonious living among income groups.

(3)

The original residents face economic risks and potential hardships in their lives. Findings from satisfaction surveys indicate a low contentment among both original and new residents regarding income and occupation [9]. Interviews suggest their struggle to integrate into the community, facing the possibility of further marginalization within it. This requires a series of measures—such as vocational training, targeted assistance, and support to various income strata by the government and community committees—to help them better integrate into the post-gentrification community [30].

(4)

The societal spatial effects of emerging green real estate exhibit both positive and negative aspects [5]. Firstly, attracting capital investment and migration to urban new areas through green resources rapidly escalates real estate prices in the suburbs, creating mature urban blocks and upscale commercial areas. Major green infrastructure cores around commercial and cultural functions further promote employment and consumption in the region, bringing economic vitality to and upgrading the material landscape in the new area. Consequently, there is a significant increase in social, economic, and population density in this region. Secondly, in terms of balancing green resource allocation, the emergence of emerging green real estate prompts a fairer distribution of green infrastructure spaces, addressing the inadequacies in suburban green development and benefiting surrounding residents. However, the inevitable outcome of emerging green real estate leads to the direct or indirect displacement of low-income groups, challenging urban fairness and justice [55,56,57,58,59,60,61,62].