The Role of Collective Action and Identity in the Preservation of Irrigation Access in Dacope, Bangladesh

Abstract

Agriculture is one of the most culturally and economically important livelihood activities of the Ganges River Delta. In recent years, coastal communities have experienced longer dry seasons and salinity intrusion, which is exacerbated by registration errors in land tenure that have led to increasing encroachment by external interests in the Dacope sub-district of Bangladesh. These challenges threaten to undermine the sustainability of smallholder access to canals that are collectively managed as common-pool resources (CPR). This paper explores how identity and collective action may empower farmers to secure irrigation access in the face of external pressures. Drawing primarily on qualitative data collected through focus group discussions with farmers in Dacope, our findings reveal that identity serves as a powerful force driving collective action and the sustainability of the agricultural community. A shared occupational identity fosters a sense of belonging and collective responsibility among farmers to maintain water flow through construction, annual dredging, and temporary dry-season protections. However, despite a strong commitment to maintaining their irrigation system, challenges remain in farmers’ ability to combat the powerful interests of wealthier members of the community that threaten to undermine the viability of the irrigation commons. Thus, formal support through policy and legislative avenues is also necessary to safeguard common property rights against the threat of privatization and illegal occupation of canals. These findings further underscore the need for more research on how collective identity may strengthen collective action, livelihoods, and sustainability in the absence of strong institutional arrangements that uphold community rights and access to common-pool resources.

1. Introduction

Millions living in the Ganges Delta, where Bangladesh meets the Bay of Bengal, face a constant struggle. Here, fertile land becomes a battleground against encroaching salinity during dry seasons. The monsoon season (June–December) sees Bangladesh’s coastal fields brimming with traditional, albeit low-yielding, rice varieties, while the dry season (January–May) presents a contrasting scenario [1,2,3]. The absence of reliable irrigation and the unpredictable salinity of the soil force farmers to leave their land fallow, hindering year-round agricultural potential, particularly during dry seasons when salt stress renders large areas unproductive until the monsoon rains arrive to flush away and dilute the accumulated salts [4,5]. These challenges threaten the well-being of a significant portion of the nation’s populace residing in coastal communities and undermine agricultural productivity, which contributes significantly to Bangladesh’s GDP.

The contemporary land tenure system in these coastal areas reflects a mix of formal legal provisions and informal practices. The government plays a significant role in land administration, with land categorized into various types, including Khas (government-owned land), vested property, and private land holdings [6]. However, the implementation of land reforms and redistribution initiatives has been uneven, leading to disparities in land ownership and access. One notable feature of the land tenure system in coastal Bangladesh is the prevalence of irrigation canals and water bodies, which serve as lifelines for agricultural activities. The role of the government in managing these canals is primarily limited to maintaining the sluice gates and occasionally dredging the mouth of the canal. However, given this lack of due attention, these sluice gates are not maintained properly and, therefore, have become silted and nonfunctional [7]. These canals are often managed as common property resources (CPR) governed by customary norms and practices, with local communities exercising collective rights and responsibilities over their management and utilization.

In response to these social and environmental challenges, various initiatives have been undertaken to promote secure land tenure and sustainable resource management in coastal areas. The Seventh Five-Year Plan (2016–2020) and the Perspective Plan of Bangladesh (2010–2021) prioritize the modernization of land administration to enhance record-keeping and transparency [8], aiming to ensure secure land tenure and reduce corruption through the digitization of land records and the implementation of advanced technological solutions. Efforts to formalize land rights, strengthen community-based governance mechanisms, and enhance resilience to environmental shocks are underway. However, systemic barriers such as bureaucratic inefficiencies, corruption, and power asymmetries continue to impede progress toward equitable land tenure and resource governance. Safeguarding irrigation access in Bangladesh’s coastal communities goes beyond just maintaining agricultural productivity and ensuring food security for the nation. It becomes a lifeline, weaving a path toward economic stability for these vulnerable populations. In the intricate tapestry of rural Bangladesh, irrigation serves as a critical thread, directly impacting agricultural livelihoods and fostering community resilience.

The overall aim of this research is to identify the responses and barriers to adaptation that farmers face in this context for securing water access for irrigation. Specifically, we investigate the complex interplay between collective action (CA) and collective identity (CI) in the management of irrigation water in Dacope. We examine the farmers’ collective responses to exogenous challenges and explore how CI functions internally as a driving force of CA. A large body of theory has shown how collective action can help communities overcome resource dilemmas to achieve sustainable outcomes [9,10,11,12]. With the exception of a few studies [13,14,15], little attention has been given to the role of collective identity as a driving force underlying successful collective action. Our findings show how collective identity functions as both a protective force and a potential vulnerability. We further identify challenges and unforeseen consequences that might arise from relying on shared identity to safeguard common resources.

Encroachments and disputes over CPRs pose significant challenges, threatening the livelihoods of smallholder farmers around the world who depend on these resources for irrigation and sustenance. Furthermore, the vulnerability of land tenure in coastal areas is exacerbated by environmental factors such as river erosion, salinity intrusion, and climate-change-induced sea-level rise. These environmental stressors not only undermine the productivity of agricultural land but also exacerbate land tenure insecurity, leading to displacement and migration among vulnerable communities. This research, which aims to help understand collective action, is timely and has practical implications for policies that move toward collective responsibility.

Theory of Collective Identity in Collective Action Situations

CPRs such as irrigation water, have been characterized by rivalry and lack of excludability; thus their management requires an understanding of the relationship between collective identity and collective action. According to Mosimane et al. [13], user group members develop a collective identity based on a shared understanding. Shared understanding is further rooted in common interest and solidarity resulting from ongoing interaction with others in the broader environment [16]. While collective identity is explicitly linked to a group of individuals external to oneself, personal identity generally pertains to qualities within oneself that one considers, either individually or in combination, to be distinctive [17]. In simple terms, collective identity pertains to a group [16,18], while social identity relates to an individual. For example, a farmer in Dacope might identify as a farmer (social identity), which contributes to their feeling of belonging to the larger farming community (collective identity).

Collective identity arises from the relationships and connections within a specific social group [19], which could be defined by factors like ethnicity, nationality, religion, occupation, interests, or other relevant criteria [17]. Often, researchers frequently ask survey respondents to self-disclose their primary occupation. However, relying solely on self-reporting captures only a segment of collective identity theory as delineated in psychological literature [20]. Thus, this work will explore beyond self-declaration and delve more into collective identity constructions suggested by Ashmore et al. [17].

Social psychologists have begun systematically exploring identity processes within collective action contexts. These include women’s movements participation [21], farmers’ protests in the Netherlands [15], environmental dispossession protests in Ecuador [22], and sustainability in the social-ecological system of Andalusia-Spain [23]. Many of these studies suggest a dual pathway to social movement participation, one driven by instrumental reasoning regarding costs and benefits, and the other by processes of identification. While economics typically concentrates on the individual, sociological perspectives tend to examine group behavior as the primary unit of analysis, exploring how motivations for actions can be influenced at the group level through social networks, organizations, and ideology [24]. For instance, contrary to expectations, the primary determinant of participation in watershed management activities within the watershed was membership in protestant religious groups rather than land ownership [14].

A review of numerous studies, including 40 within the CAPRi (Collective Action and Property Rights) program by Meinzen-Dick et al. [24], suggests a definition of collective action as the dynamic collaboration of a group driven by shared interests. Individuals come together to pursue common goals through coordinated efforts, contributing resources like finances, labor, or in-kind support. This fosters a collaborative environment where individuals unite for shared aims. Collective action theory provides a valuable foundation for social movement analysis. As Melucci [25] argues, such analysis requires a theory that explains the unique and collective nature of these actions, distinguishing them from mere aggregations of individual behaviors. Performance of any outcomes by collective action has effects from the structure of the entity, and vice versa, as a feedback loop according to Figure 1.

Ashmore’s framework on collective identity construction offers a comprehensive approach to understanding how individuals perceive and articulate their sense of belonging within a group. According to Ashmore et al. [17], collective identity is dynamically constructed through ongoing social interactions and shared experiences, and it encompasses cognitive, emotional, and behavioral dimensions. The framework identifies eight key components: self-categorization, where individuals identify themselves as group members; evaluation, which encapsulates individuals’ positive or negative attitudes toward the social category and involves assessing the value and status of their group; and importance, reflecting the significance of the group identity to the individual’s overall self-concept, which can be explicitly assessed or implicitly reflected in their self-system. Attachment and sense of interdependence involve personal attachment to the group and perceiving one’s destiny as intertwined with that of the group, while social embeddedness indicates how deeply an individual’s collective identity is integrated into social networks and relationships, highlighting an objective external aspect compared to the subjective internal nature of attachment. Behavioral involvement refers to participation in activities directly related to the collective identity, such as cultural practices, wearing specific apparel, and contributing to organizations advocating for the identity. Content and meaning focus on the norms, values, beliefs, and ideologies associated with the identity, emphasizing self-perceived attributes and developmental narratives, with ideologies proving particularly significant for groups like the farmers in Dacope. Narrative, the stories and histories shaping collective identity, and the influence of external factors like social, political, and economic contexts, are also crucial. This study will not focus on narratives as this exploratory research did not gather data on this. However, further research on narratives by the farmers’ community may elicit the dynamics of collective identity. This framework highlights how collective identities address issues like irrigation water management and protests against land grabbing (‘outcomes’ as mentioned in Meinzen-Dick et al.’s framework), offering valuable insights into group mobilization around common causes.

2. Methods

2.1. Ethnographic Setting

The cultural identity of farmers in Dacope is deeply rooted in their agricultural practices, community cohesion, and adaptation to the unique environmental challenges of the coastal region. Historically shaped by the Zamindari system that ended post-independence, their identity is intricately tied to their resilience and ingenuity in overcoming adversity. This cultural identity is further strengthened through shared traditions such as Joggo Mela, the largest fair held annually in December, and rituals like Nobanno Utshab, which celebrate agricultural cycles and foster communal bonds. The weekly Dacope marketplace serves as a vital social institution where community members gather to exchange goods, stories, and cultural practices, thereby nurturing social interaction and perpetuating local traditions. Such marketplaces exemplify their role as centers of social cohesion and cultural continuity within Dacope’s farming communities.

In the Dacope area, soil salinity levels oscillate between 2 and 3 dSm⁻¹ during July–September, spiking to 8–12 dSm⁻¹ in April–May. Thus, in the dry season, without the provision of saline-free irrigation water, it is impossible to grow any crops [1,5]. Southwestern Bangladesh’s irrigation history, including Dacope, reflects a shift from localized, indigenous systems to large-scale government interventions and finally, toward decentralized community-based management of water resources through organizations like Water Management Organizations (WMOs) [7,26,27].

Recent developments have cast a shadow over the integrity of Dacope’s vital irrigation infrastructure. The transition of farmers in Dacope to high-input cash crops such as watermelon and boro rice marked a significant shift in their agricultural practices, necessitating reliance on rural money lenders initially, which was later replaced by institutional credit systems. However, despite these adaptations, the community continues to grapple with persistent financial instability exacerbated by volatile market prices and recurring water scarcity. Moreover, the region is prone to frequent natural disasters like cyclones and floods, which pose ongoing challenges and constantly test the resilience and adaptability of the farmers. Errors in land registration processes, compounded by deliberate encroachments, have resulted in portions of these essential canals falling into private ownership. The coastal region contains numerous natural canals, serving to drain excess water in the monsoon and retain it during the dry season [28]. These canals form part of a tidal channel network and transport sediments [29]. The formation of Khas land through sediment infill is common, with such lands locally termed Khas land in Bangladesh [6,30]. These lands, intended for distribution to the poor, are constructed within the river delta, including infilled channels [6,29]. However, influential wealthy individuals from the same area, but not part of the shared collective identity, subsequently incorporate portions of these khas lands into their private ownership through deliberate land registration errors, thereby formalizing the conversion process.

In Dacope, as physical infrastructure, canals themselves are not typically classified strictly as either public goods or common-pool resources (CPRs); instead, they serve as the means to deliver a common-pool resource (CPR), which in this case is the irrigation water [31]. CPRs are natural or man-made resources that are collectively owned or managed by a group of users, who have individual access rights to the resource but face difficulties in excluding others from using it [32]. Research on common-pool resources has demonstrated how communities can effectively govern and utilize common resources to ensure their long-term viability while avoiding issues such as overuse or depletion. CPR theory emphasizes the importance of local management systems, community participation, and adaptive governance structures in maintaining the sustainability of common-pool resources [32]. This is applicable to various contexts, such as Sri Lankan irrigation systems [32] or those on the eastern coast of Spain [33]. However, the absence of clear boundaries between existing canals and Khas land facilitates illegal land conversion, leading to reduced canal size and capacity, particularly during the dry season. The illegal occupation and conversion of government-owned Khas land in coastal Bangladesh are facilitated by local land grabbers, influential individuals, and sometimes organized groups or political entities [6]. Previously, much of this land was converted into shrimp ponds, but due to concerns about soil salinity, large-scale shrimp farming is now prohibited by local government policy [31]. Consequently, alternative land uses such as settlements have become more common. This encroachment obstructs the water flow of the existing canals, which are common property, posing a threat to the agricultural activities of smallholders who rely on these canals.

Against this backdrop of encroachment and diminishing access to irrigation resources, the resilience of local farming communities in Dacope comes to the front. Despite the absence of formal institutional mechanisms, these communities exhibit a remarkable capacity for collective action, mobilizing resources, and labor annually to dredge riverbeds and maintain the flow of water through the canals. They rely on the seasonal flow of salt-free river water to irrigate their lands for six months annually. In the remaining time, when river water becomes highly saline, they create temporary earthen protection in the canal mouth and create a temporary reservoir for dry season irrigation. These canals are connected to the Pasur River, which serves as conduits for transporting river water to agricultural plots. These canals have historically underpinned agricultural productivity, economic sustenance, and the cultural identity of local farming communities. Personal identity revolves around unique characteristics perceived by an individual, while collective identity connects individuals to broader social contexts through shared characteristics and affiliations. A collective identity is the mutual feeling of belonging, shared values, beliefs, and norms among individuals within a group or community [16,17,18]. At the heart of this collective endeavor lies the farmers’ sense of cultural identity, intricately woven into the fabric of their communal existence.

2.2. Description of the Study Area

This research investigates irrigation water management practices in Bajua Union, a rural union council within Dacope Upazila, Khulna District, Bangladesh, as shown in Figure 2. Situated in the country’s southwestern coastal belt, Bajua Union confronts distinct water management challenges. Seasonal flooding and saltwater intrusion necessitate intricate irrigation systems to sustain agricultural productivity. The selection of Bajua Union for this study is strategic because it exemplifies a typical community within this coastal region, grappling with similar water management issues. With a total population of approximately 15,753 individuals, comprising 7909 males and 7844 females, the union is home to 4800 families (Source: Banglapedia, and Field Data). Agriculture dominates the local economy, with 70% of the population engaged in farming activities. Other occupations in Bajua, Dacope include business, small-scale trading, day labor, fishing, and roles with NGOs and government agencies However, despite the significant agricultural focus, the literacy rate stands at 50%, indicating a pressing need for educational interventions. Particularly noteworthy is the fact that most farmers possess only primary-level education, typically reaching up to class 5. Spanning across 5687 hectares, Bajua Union encapsulates a diverse range of livelihoods and socio-economic dynamics, offering a pertinent context for examining issues related to education, agriculture, and community development. In addition, the study area includes Bajua Bazar/marketplace, where participants for this research were recruited with the assistance of a local guide.

2.3. Data Collection Methods and Analysis

This study area (Bajua, Dacope) involves community-made decisions where user groups set informal rules, and at a community-level collective action, where the farmer community engages in activities like collecting money, constructing earthen protection, and dredging the mouth of the canal. This study complies with ethical guidelines and was approved by the University of Maine Institutional Review Board (IRB) in June 2023. The first author conducted preliminary research for a larger dissertation project exploring barriers to adaptation in agricultural communities. This exploratory research involved one focus group discussion in Bajua, and two in-depth interviews (Department of Agricultural Extension, Dacope and World Vision, Dacope) during the summer of 2023. These interactions were intended to highlight important themes, variables, and factors to shape the direction and focus of the research.

The focus group consisted of twelve farmers aged between 25 and 56 years. Among the participants, the group leader of the farmers from Bajua, Dacope, was present. The remaining participants were farmers with varying sizes of cultivable land, and all the participants were male. The first author, accompanied by a local friend (insider, and also a farmer), recruited participants at the Bazar marketplace on the busiest day, locally known as ‘Hat Bar’, to maximize visibility and engagement. As an outsider, the first author naturally attracted attention in the market, prompting people to inquire about his presence. He then explained the objective of the focus group discussion, which was to identify barriers to adaptation in irrigation water management. Given the significance of this issue, many farmers expressed interest and committed to attending the focus group discussion the following day. Additionally, some participants offered to bring other farmers who were not present at the market. This recruitment method primarily relied on chain referral, a common technique in exploratory research.

The goal of the focus group was to gather qualitative data to understand the challenges of managing the irrigation canal. The two interviewees and farmers spoke in Bangla language, and then the first author translated it into English,. We employed an inductive approach, allowing themes to emerge from our analysis of focus group discussions and interviews. During the focus group discussions, we employed open-ended questions to delve into the lived experiences of participants in the coastal ecosystem. For example, we asked participants to describe common stresses they observe, such as increased salinity and the impacts of floods and storms, and how they adapt to these challenges. These questions were designed to elicit narrative responses, providing rich, qualitative data. Through inductive reasoning, we analyzed these narratives to identify emergent themes, such as collective identity and gained insights that were not initially apparent, thereby enriching our understanding of the complex dynamics around collective action in the community. The responses from the FGDs were then analyzed and fitted into Ashmore’s framework. We further refined the specific outcomes to assess how well they matched with the attributes described by Ashmore’s framework. To contextualize the focus group findings, we drew on secondary research to understand the broader landscape and land tenure situation in Dacope.

3. Results

3.1. Barriers to Adaptation: Land Tenure Issues and Salinity

The locals in Dacope reported that there are over 228 canals and reservoirs in Dacope, each with a different name. Unfortunately, many of these canals have been unlawfully taken over by lessees on nominal leases or by unscrupulous individuals, often with the support of influential local leaders, according to an interviewee from the Department of Agricultural Extension (DAE). These occupiers were engaged in illegal fishing practices using various nets (tonajal, netjal, patajal, chakjal, current net, and patatan) without regard for regulations. This information on illegal fishing was also given by the participants in the focus group discussion. Additionally, constructions such as residential houses and even paved walls have been erected along the canals, according to the farmers. “This weakens the drainage system during the monsoon season, leading to widespread flooding and increased losses for farmers in terms of seedbeds and seedlings”, said a farmer, aged 48.

The Bajua farmers who participated in the focus group said that the canals and rivers here have dried up thousands of hectares of land. But without considering keeping the canals and rivers alive, the officials in charge of the last settlement managed things in different ways, and many of them have taken the government canals and rivers for their own lands.

“This is how the canals, rivers, and reservoirs of the government are constantly being occupied. Marginal farmers like us, who depend on agriculture in this area, have been seriously affected”, said another farmer, aged 57.

“In the past, the price of land was not too high, but nowadays, the price of land has increased extremely. As a result, the owners of land adjacent to the canals always want to expand their boundaries. They believe that once they get ownership of these Khas lands, they can sell them later or rent them out for markets or other infrastructure. Although the whole process is illegal, it continues to happen”, stated a farmer who witnessed the extended ownership of Khas land by his neighboring influential family.

A majority of the respondents (10 out of 12) were somehow convinced that land registration errors occurred when the field surveyor demarcated the land, especially when some portions of canals encroached into private land. Complaining to local authorities about these issues did not reflect any solution.

Furthermore, the inadequate water storage capacity in the canals during the dry season exacerbates the irrigation crisis, severely disrupting the cultivation of major cash crops such as watermelon, rabi crops, and boro crops.

“Following the devastating impact of cyclone Aila in 2009, which left most of our paddy fields infertile due to high salinity levels, we adapted by switching to salinity-tolerant watermelon cultivation as a cash crop. This has been relatively successful in providing us with an alternative income source”—a watermelon cultivator, aged 60. Another farmer added, “Switching to salt-resistant crops has been beneficial, but it remains a challenge to manage the fluctuating salinity levels. Additionally, we have experimented with adjusting our planting schedules to circumvent the periods of highest salinity”. Most watermelon cultivators in the discussion have reported issues with the lack of irrigation water during the dry season, relying solely on rainwater as their only hope during this period.

According to the DAE official, training sessions on new salt-tolerant varieties have been conducted, but respondents expressed dissatisfaction. Their primary concern was that not all farmers received equal opportunities to be informed about these training sessions or to have access to these facilities. Farmers perceive that pest infestations in their fields are driven by high salinity levels in the water and high temperatures, which in turn attract more pests. However, one farmer remarked on the limitations of the DAE’s knowledge, stating, “They do not even know the names of these new pests as they are very new; we have not seen them before”. Every respondent stated, ”We do not need anything, just remove the salinity from the water”.

3.2. Dacope Farmers’ Approach to Adaptation

Despite the barriers to adaptation described in the previous section, local irrigation management in Dacope is characterized by a community-based approach where water distribution, maintenance, labor mobilization, and conflict resolution are collaboratively managed. For instance, in the year 2022, an issue arose when adjacent villagers failed to create earthen protection at a crucial point, allowing saline water to enter Bajua village. The leader, along with other farmers, promptly contacted the chairman, who ordered the neighboring villagers to create temporary protection immediately. Key roles are played by the group leader and respected elders, such as the farmers’ leader present in the focus group discussion. This elder leader meets with the local chairman before each season to obtain permission to collect funds and coordinate activities. After meeting with the chairman, a date is selected for working on the canal to build the earthen protection. Contributions are not fixed; larger farmers contribute more money, while smaller farmers give less, but all farmers are expected to participate and provide labor. “As we cannot hire people from outside, every farmer tries to come and give their labor”, said the leader, aged 56. Labor mobilization is achieved through these collective efforts, and conflicts are typically resolved through mediation by the leaders, ensuring fair and prompt settlements. However, participants in the focus group expressed concerns that this local management system is increasingly under threat due to insecure land tenure, which undermines the stability and effectiveness of their traditional practices.

Currently, the farming community depends on collective efforts to dredge riverbeds and upkeep canals, employing tactics such as creating temporary earthen protections and subsequently dismantling them. They rely on the seasonal flow of salt-free river water to irrigate their lands for six months annually. In the remaining time, when river water becomes highly saline, they create temporary earthen protection in the canal mouth and create a temporary reservoir for dry season irrigation (Figure 3). These canals are connected to the Pasur River, which serves as conduits for transporting river water to agricultural plots. These canals have historically underpinned the agricultural productivity and economic sustenance of local farming communities.

3.3. Collective Identity among Dacope Farmers

Despite the absence of formal institutional mechanisms, Dacope agricultural communities exhibit a remarkable capacity for collective action, mobilizing resources and labor annually to dredge riverbeds and maintain the flow of water through the canals. We seek to analyze the role of ‘identity’ as a driver of collection action and explore the different dimensions of ‘collective identity’: as a shared occupation (farming), as a collective (building on Ashmore’s collective identity components), as a safeguard against others, and as fragility. In the present study, given the respondents’ initial confidence in their occupational identity, the need for additional close-ended questions to assess the level of certainty was deemed superfluous. This observed self-categorization not only reinforces individuals’ sense of belonging but also facilitates collective action, particularly evident in collaborative efforts related to water irrigation initiatives. Such cohesive identification underscores the importance of occupational identity in fostering cooperation and coordination within community-based endeavors (see

Table 1. Components of the collective identity construct, adapted from Ashmore et al. [17] and their outcomes.

Components	Definition	Quotes from FGD	Appearances	Outcomes (Positive or Negative)
				Preserving Irrigation	Preserving Land Access
Self-categorization	Self-identifying as a member of a farmer group.	Participants consistently referred to themselves as “we” instead of “they”, indicating a strong sense of shared identity and inclusivity within the group.	Clearly defined	Positive	Negative
Evaluation	An individual’s attitude, favorable or unfavorable, toward the farmer group.	“I am happy to be a farmer, and I know how important our work is to feed our family”.	High	Positive	Negative
Importance	The level of significance that a farmer holds within his overall self-perception.	“We are farmers by birthright! I’ve been farming this land since I was a child. I watched my grandfather farm it, and then my father. I don’t know any other way to survive. I haven’t got the skills for a job in town, and even if I did, that’s not the life I want”.	High	Positive	Negative
Attachment and sense of interdependence	The extent to which farmers perceive their own destiny as intertwined with that of the group.	“Saline water is harmful for watermelon cultivation, which is the major economic crop of ours. If we cannot grow it many families will go penniless, including me”.	High	Positive	Negative
Social embeddedness	The level of integration of farmer identity into an individual’s regular social interactions.	“They (local authorities) do not have enough time to listen to us. Though we have elected them, and they get funds. But they do not use that fund in opening or closing the sluicegates”. “We used to collect money voluntarily and engage ourselves in these activities”.	Low	Negative	Negative
Behavioral Involvement	The extent to which a farmer actively engages in action.	Farmers displayed strong behavioral involvement with their occupational identity, consistently wearing traditional farmer attire (Lungi and Gamcha).	High	Positive	Negative
Content and meaning	Self-descriptive endorsement of farmer group.	Based on assumption that this group is characterized b y a certain degree of dependency and precarious situation. “After taking loans from local wealthy people, when we fail to repay them due to loss in agricultural failure, we move to other places. Most of us moved to the garments sector in Dhaka”.	Low	Negative	Negative

).

Throughout the course of the discussion, an intriguing pattern emerged, whereby participants consistently employed the term ‘we’ to refer to themselves, rather than utilizing the distancing pronoun “they”. This linguistic tendency suggests a strong sense of identification and inclusivity within the group.

As farmers, all respondents in the FGD were content, one reason might be that the majority (70%) was part of the farming community.

Being a farmer was the most important thing in the discussants’ lives; since their childhood, they have recognized themselves solely as farmers and do not think about other occupations. A farmer, who often acted as a leader in informal group meetings with other farmers, expressed the same sentiment. This is what was meant by importance.

“We are farmers by birth” he said. “I’ve been farming this land since I was a child. I watched my grandfather farm it, and then my father. I don’t know any other way to survive. I haven’t got the skills for a job in town, and even if I did, that’s not the life I want”.

The operationalization of interdependence, or the sense of a shared fate, involves assessing whether what happens to farmers in the country will affect the personal lives of individual members within the group. One farmer responded in this regard:

“Saline water is harmful for watermelon cultivation, which is the major economic crop of ours. If we cannot grow it many families will go penniless, including me”.

Farmers reported feeling a lack of social embeddedness, highlighting a perceived disregard from local authorities regarding their needs. Two respondents from FGD reported as follows with regard to how other members of the society in different groups responded to their needs:

Farmer A: “They (local authorities) do not have enough time to listen to us. Though we have elected them, and they get funds. But they do not use that fund in opening or closing the sluicegates. We used to collect money voluntarily and engage ourselves in these activities”.

Farmer B: “The person who was given charge by the BWDB to operate these sluice gates, never seen him. When I (Farmer B) personally tried to contact him via mobile, the other end said that it was wrong number”.

As suggested by Ashmore’s framework, apparel is an indicator of behavioral involvement. In Bajua, the first author rarely observed any farmer who does not wear a lungi (local dress) and carries a gamcha (towel) with them. Non-farmer people usually wear pants and shirts, farmers hardly wear them on any occasion or if they need to go to towns like Khulna. Social embeddedness refers to the tangible condition of an individual’s social networks, while behavioral involvement indicates the degree to which one’s actions are entwined with the social category.

Finally, self-descriptive endorsement of the category was evident when one farmer clearly described the strata of the Bajua society where the farmer group belongs to a lower stratum. The assumption is that farmers are often dependent and their lives are precarious. This is captured in this illustrative quote:

“After taking loans from local wealthy people, when we fail to repay them due to loss in agricultural failure, we move to other places. Most of us moved to the garments sector in Dhaka”.

When questioned about assistance from local authorities in enhancing their irrigation water management, a farmer expressed frustration, stating, “The chairman is expected to manage the sluice gates to prevent saline water from infiltrating our farmland through the canal. However, when we require assistance, there is nobody available. Consequently, we are compelled to take matters into our own hands and close the gates ourselves to survive”. This sentiment highlights the perception among farmers that their needs are neglected compared to those of wealthier groups, reflecting a disparity in attention and resources allocated by local authorities.

4. Discussion

We argue that collective identity mobilizes collective action for irrigation management, but CI alone is insufficient to address land (portion of canals) grabbing and other exogenous drivers that disrupt CA. While preserving irrigation appears internally driven, as earlier stated, collective identity acts as an internal driver of self-organization to maintain access to irrigation; however, CI may not sufficiently preserve access to land against exogenous forces, potentially leading to new vulnerabilities, as suggested in the introduction, which will be clarified in the following sub-sections.

4.1. Land Tenure Insecurity

Participants in the focus group describe experiencing insecure land tenure deeply rooted in historical contexts, which undermines the ability of these communities to overcome threats to collective action driven by larger structural forces beyond local control. The land tenure system in the southwestern coastal areas of Bangladesh, including regions like Dacope, is characterized by a complex interplay of historical legacies, legal frameworks, and socio-economic dynamics. The British-imposed Permanent Settlement Act (1793) disregarded local ecology (erosion, siltation) and social realities, causing deforestation and bankrupting landholders with inflexible revenue demands, highlighting the dangers of transplanting land tenure systems without considering indigenous knowledge and environmental contexts [7,26]. Between 1830 and 1873, British colonial rule caused significant deforestation of the Sundarbans, with approximately 70% of the area being cleared for conversion into agricultural and aquaculture uses. This deforestation spanned from 1765 to 1947 and involved establishing new settlements and converting land further south toward the Bay of Bengal, subjecting these areas to increased salinization. The 1950 East Bengal State Acquisition and Tenancy Act abolished the zamindari system, placing farmers directly under government control [34]. With the abolition of the zamindari system post-independence, the land ownership landscape underwent significant transformations. However, remnants of feudal structures persisted, with power differentials and inequities in land distribution persisting over time.

The contemporary land tenure system in these coastal areas reflects a mix of formal legal provisions and informal practices. However, the implementation of land reforms and redistribution initiatives has been uneven, leading to disparities in land ownership and access. The land tenure system in Bangladesh is fraught with inefficiencies and corruption, allowing Khas land to be easily converted into private property through political influence. Influential individuals can manipulate land records and use political connections to illegally acquire Khas land. Land registration errors often arise during the field survey process, where inaccuracies in demarcation and documentation can be exacerbated by corruption and inefficiencies within the land administration system. This pervasive corruption contributes to land tenure insecurity, posing a significant threat to the rightful allocation and use of Khas land.

The land tenure system in coastal Bangladesh is plagued by encroachments and disputes over CPRs, such as canals and water bodies, which are vital for irrigation and agricultural activities. The faulty land tenure system, characterized by a lack of coordination among the Ministry of Land, Ministry of Law, Justice, and Parliamentary Affairs, and the Land Record and Survey Department, exacerbates these issues. Bangladesh ranks 185th out of 189 countries in registering property according to the World Bank’s Doing Business Report 2016 [35], highlighting the severe administrative challenges. Consequently, marginalized communities suffer, while the overall stability and development of the region are undermined. Additionally, environmental factors like river erosion, salinity intrusion, and climate-change-induced sea-level rise exacerbate land tenure insecurity, leading to displacement and migration among vulnerable communities.

4.2. Constructing Collective Identity and Driving Collective Action

Farming is more of a cultural and social activity than a purely technical endeavor [36]. Cultural identity, reinforced through shared festivals, rituals, and communal practices, strengthens the bonds within the community and enhances their ability to mobilize for collective action. This cultural cohesion is crucial for effective irrigation management, as it fosters a sense of belonging and mutual responsibility among community members. Thus, in the process of becoming more than just a job, farming takes on significance, surpassing nearly all other occupations. Occupational identities are just one of individuals’ collective identities [19]. In our study, we found that collective identity (CI) indeed plays a crucial role in securing irrigation access, as it instills a sense of responsibility among community members to manage their irrigation system collaboratively. However, despite this internal cohesion, CI alone does not provide sufficient protection against external drivers that threaten access, highlighting vulnerabilities that need to be addressed. We further acknowledge the limitations of collective identity in safeguarding the common land traversed by the irrigation water and aim to identify potential challenges or unforeseen consequences associated with this reliance on a shared identity approach.

Ashmore et al. [17] suggested a construction of collective identity (Table 1) and mentioned outcomes based on this construction. Predicting and evaluating identification outcomes can occur across multiple levels, including personal, interpersonal, group, or intergroup. These outcomes can also differ in their evaluative consequences, ranging from positive instances such as success to negative ones like violence and societal unrest. At the core of collective identity lies self-categorization, as highlighted by Ashmore, where individuals declare themselves as part of a group, such as identifying with an occupational community like farming, in our case. Within the context of individual self-categorization, it is evident that the same individual may align themselves with various subcategories within a singular overarching category, contingent upon their goals and motives within a specific temporal framework. This phenomenon is exemplified within the agricultural landscape of Dacope, where individuals may identify as rice cultivators, watermelon cultivators, affluent cultivators (known locally as ‘borolok krishok’), impoverished cultivators (‘gorib krishok’), landless farmers, among other classifications. This nuanced spectrum of categorization reflects the multifaceted nature of identity within the agricultural community. Notably, in qualitative discussions conducted through open-ended questions, all participants in the Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) unequivocally self-identify as farmers, highlighting a shared sense of occupational identity despite the diversity of specific roles and socioeconomic statuses within the group.

In the realm of identity research, scholars have traditionally emphasized conscious expressions of identity, even as group membership remains somewhat ambiguous. Furthermore, within the framework of Mael’s scale [17], it becomes evident that only one item directly pertains to the measurement of self-categorization: specifically, the statement “When I talk about (organization), I usually say ‘we’ rather than ‘they’”. This item, as highlighted by Bergami and Bagozzi [37], holds significant potential as an indicator of individuals’ inclination to view themselves as integral members of the organization, thereby reflecting a deep-seated sense of belonging and collective identification.

The agricultural community of Dacope, Bangladesh, grapples with the ongoing challenge of securing reliable irrigation access. In this context, their shared collective identity as farmers emerges as a powerful force, enabling them to navigate these complexities and safeguard their vital water resources through local level management. This Section delves into the various ways through which this collective identity empowers the Dacope farmers.

Mosimane et al. [13] argued that collective identity fosters an inclusive sense of identity within the management of a social-ecological system, cultivating a shared “we” identity that fulfills significant psychological needs for members involved in managing the system. For instance, a smoker may self-identify as such without wholly supporting this identity, whereas an engineer might hold a positive outlook toward their identification. This evaluation process encompasses both private and public aspects. Private regard pertains to individuals’ personal assessments, such as “I am content with being a farmer”, while public regard involves perceptions from others, such as “Generally, others respect farmers”. These dual dimensions shed light on the complexity of how individuals assess their own identities and how they believe others perceive them within social categories. The extent to which individuals consciously acknowledge the evaluation of a collective identity raises an important consideration, particularly when the collective identity is perceived as undesirable or lacks uniform societal value [17].

4.2.1. Function of CI: Fostering Belonging and Shared Responsibility (Local Level)

At the core of the collective identity lies a strong sense of belonging and shared responsibility among the farmers. This shared identity transcends individual differences, fostering a sense of unity and purpose. As the FGD discussions revealed, all participants readily identified as “farmers”, highlighting a common ground that transcends their diverse economic backgrounds and specific agricultural practices. This shared identity fosters a sense of collective responsibility for maintaining their irrigation network, promoting collaboration, and encouraging collective action.

4.2.2. Facilitating Irrigation Management (Local Level)

The shared identity as farmers translates into tangible collaborative efforts in managing their irrigation system. This collaboration manifests in various ways, as observed during the research. Farmers hold informal meetings to discuss strategies, address challenges, and share knowledge related to irrigation management. This horizontal and inclusive approach fosters open communication and collective decision making. The community demonstrates collective action by pooling resources for various irrigation-related activities. This includes financial contributions for maintenance and dredging activities, as well as voluntary labor for tasks like cleaning canals and repairing embankments. Such collective efforts highlight the strength and interdependence within the community.

4.2.3. Negotiating with Local Authorities and Empowerment

The collective identity empowers the farmers to advocate for their rights and negotiate with local authorities regarding issues related to irrigation access. This collective voice carries more weight in comparison to individual pleas, potentially influencing decision-making processes and securing necessary support from local governing bodies.

A strong sense of community among farmers fosters a powerful tool for advocacy- their collective identity. By uniting under a common goal, such as securing reliable irrigation access, farmers gain significant leverage when negotiating with local authorities [38]. A single voice pleading for change might be easily disregarded, but a unified front with a clear message carries much more weight [39,40]. This collective action empowers farmers to influence decision-making processes and potentially secure crucial support from local governing bodies. This support could take the form of improved irrigation infrastructure, fairer water rights allocation, or financial assistance for drought mitigation.

4.2.4. Building Resilience

The shared identity to defend their commons within the community enables them to face challenges related to irrigation access. When confronted with issues like land grabbing or inadequate infrastructure, the collective identity empowers the community to find innovative solutions and collectively resist external pressures. For instance, the farmers discussed their practice of constructing temporary earthen embankments during the dry season and removing them during the wet season, demonstrating their adaptive capacity and resourcefulness.

4.3. Limitations and the Power of Land Tenure Insecurity

While the collective identity offers significant advantages, it is crucial to acknowledge its limitations. Overall, collective identity offers individuals a sense of belonging, support, empowerment, and collective action, fostering social cohesion and facilitating personal and collective growth. The study acknowledges the reported lack of social embeddedness perceived by the farmers, highlighting the gap between the community and local authorities. Additionally, relying solely on a strong collective identity may not be sufficient to address complex issues like systemic inequalities or powerful external actors with vested interests.

In Bangladesh, land represents an enduring cycle of conflict—where the powerful often seize it, ownership documents are frequently falsified by corrupt officials, and inheritance results in the subdivision of land into economically unviable portions [41]. In numerous instances, as emerging market actors acquire entry to a specific common-pool resource, they might endeavor to forge partnerships with governmental entities to either privatize shared resources or safeguard the superiority of their privileges [42].

To oppose the loss of land, a community in Ecuador adopted identity politics, framing their land rights within the sphere of “ancestrality” [22]. This approach has enhanced their negotiating strength when engaging with the Ecuadorian government. In this case, land dispossession could not go further due to the new identity construction as ”ancestral users of the mangrove”. This identity construction allowed them to gain collective rights over public land in the form of 10-year concessions with the goal of conservation and stewardship of mangrove forests. The farmer’s community in Dacope has failed to achieve similar outcomes due to land dispossession by powerful locals under the influence of local authorities. However, protest is often characterized as a collective response to perceived injustices inflicted upon groups with which individuals strongly identify [15].

Farmers in groups visited high officials and submitted their testimonies to improve the situation. However, the collective identity of farmers is not proven enough to protest land grabbing, and ‘power’ plays an important role here. Identity as a farmer seems less powerful than the power of other members of society. ‘Farmer’ is the collective identity that we have discussed so far in this case study, and this same identity has a great and positive impact on the farmers’ collective actions like preserving irrigation water access. However, this same identity is not strong enough to protect the common resource, which is the ‘canal’ that carries their irrigation water. Actions like informal meetings, collecting money, dredging the canal mouth, creating temporary earthen embankments in the dry season, and breaking it during the wet season and associated works seem to have more positive impacts on the farmers’ collective identity. While efforts are underway to address challenges related to land tenure insecurity and resource governance, sustained collective action and policy interventions are needed to ensure the rights and livelihoods of vulnerable communities in these coastal regions.

5. Conclusions and Recommendations

The intricate social fabric of rural Bangladesh is woven with threads of collective identity and resilience, particularly evident in the agricultural communities. This paper has explored the case of Bajua, Dacope, where farmers grapple with the challenge of securing reliable irrigation access in the face of diminishing resources and encroaching privatization. In this context, their shared identity as farmers emerges as a powerful force, enabling them to navigate these complexities and safeguard their vital water resources.

The study has shed light on the multifaceted nature of this collective identity, encompassing various dimensions outlined by Ashmore et al. [17]. Collective identity fosters a sense of belonging and shared responsibility, facilitating collaboration in irrigation management, empowering negotiations with local authorities, and building resilience in the face of challenges. Collective action thrives on this foundation, as evidenced by the farmers’ informal meetings, resource pooling, and collaborative efforts to maintain the irrigation system.

However, the study also acknowledges the limitations of relying solely on collective identity to uphold the management of common-pool resources. The perceived lack of social embeddedness and the limitations of this approach in addressing systemic inequalities and powerful external actors pose significant challenges. The case of land grabbing exemplifies this limitation, highlighting the insufficiency of farmer identity in combating powerful interests.

To address the challenges faced by farmers in Dacope, specific policies and legislative changes are needed to safeguard irrigation access and prevent illegal encroachment. For instance, policies that strengthen land registration processes and enhance the enforcement of existing land tenure laws could mitigate the issues of land grabbing. Examples from regions like Sri Lanka, where community-based irrigation management has been successfully implemented, could serve as useful models. Additionally, involving local governance structures, NGOs, and international organizations can play a pivotal role in supporting these policy changes, ensuring that the voices of the farmers are heard, and their rights are protected.

This study was limited by it’s exploratory approach. A more robust analysis may have included multiple FGDs with different stakeholders to capture a diversity of perspectives. However, we feel confident that our data reflect new insights that merit further investigation into questions about the intricate dynamics of collective action, the interplay between individual motivations and community goals, and the impact of environmental changes on social structures within irrigation management. Interesting questions that linger include how diverse social networks influence collective decision making, the role of cultural practices in fostering cooperation, and the long-term sustainability of irrigation commons in the face of climate change. To advance research on the role of collective identity in strengthening collective action, future studies could delve deeper into community dynamics, or longitudinal studies to track changes over time to advance understanding of the relationship between collective identity and collective action, and the implications for overcoming barriers to climate change adaptation.

6. Future Directions

Further research could delve deeper into the following aspects:

• Exploring alternative collective identity constructions that may empower the farmers in their fight against land grabbing.
• Investigating the role of external factors, such as NGOs and international organizations, in supporting the community’s efforts and advocating for their rights.
• Examining the potential for legal and policy frameworks to address the systemic issues of land ownership and resource management in the region.
• Delving deeper into community dynamics by expanding the study to include perspectives from other sectors within the community.

By addressing these areas, future research can contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the challenges around barriers to adaptation faced by communities like Dacope and inform the development of effective strategies for safeguarding their vital resources and securing a sustainable future.