4.1. Land Use/Land Cover Category Mapping in the Structurally Complex Smallholder Mosaic Landscape
The consolidation of manual digitizing of polygons from Google Earth images, the maximum likelihood supervised classification (MLC) and oral discussions with local stakeholders made it feasible to discriminate and map the complex smallholder mosaic land cover types. Google Earth image is, by far, seen to increase the accuracies of image classification with medium resolution satellite images [
37,
57,
58]. The use of digitized polygons from Goggle Earth image assisted in reducing misclassification, a phenomenon highly associated with complex and heterogeneous landscape mapping using medium resolution satellite images. The use of the conventional classification methods enabled a fine-scale land cover mapping in the smallholder complex mosaic landscape and analysis of transfers among the land cover types. The overall accuracies for the 2002, 2015 and 2020 images were higher than the recommended 85% [
57,
58,
59,
60], mainly due to the manual digitizing of representative land cover types of high resolution Google Earth data that was coupled with intensive field data collection. The high accuracies from manual digitizing agrees with studies such as [
34,
35]. Clarity challenges associated with historical data from Google Earth may explain the accuracy of the 1986 map falling below the recommended 85% threshold.
The dominant land cover types of the study landscape in 1986 were palm (32.4%) and shrubland (28.9%). However, by 2020, the dominant land cover types were rubber (27.3%), cropland (22.2%) and palm (19.7%). The local stakeholder conversations revealed that palm (coconut and oil palm) has been the major cash crop grown on the landscape for many years. The AWMA also captures coconut and oil palm as the major livelihood activity for the indigenous people in former times in its medium-term development plan (MTDP) [
42]. It was also mentioned that the integration of food-crop (e.g., cassava, vegetables) with palm cultivation was contributing to household food security needs, hence, not much land was needed for food-crop establishment. Again, it was emphasized that most of the lands were reserved as fallow lands and uncultivated bushes. However, in recent years, rubber cultivation has transformed most lands on the landscape to rubber farming. The few elderly men on the study landscape who were interviewed were of the view that, lack of alternative livelihood support and low-income levels from crop farming might have contributed to the switch in crop choices to rubber. In addition, young farmers who were also interviewed mentioned rubber as a more profitable farming business, hence its rapid switch from other crops. The young farmers and landowners interviewed were strongly of the view to convert any available land in their possession to the cultivation of rubber with dependence on the market for household food access
4.2. Changes in Landscape Composition and Drivers of Rapid Land Use Change
The study findings revealed a highly dynamic landscape, indicating that the study landscape has undergone substantial land cover changes. This can also be seen from the high change-to-persistent ratio, which recorded almost half of the study landscape under persistence and the remaining half undergoing land cover transitions.
The major land cover types occurring in this dynamic land cover changes were shrubland, cropland, palm, settlement and rubber, occupying areas of 28.9%, 31.8%, 14.9%, 11.5% (shrubland), 13.2%, 16.9%, 22.9%, 22.2% (cropland), 32.4%, 24.5%, 30.0%, 19.7% (palm), 1.4%, 3.2%, 3.9%, 7.6% (settlement) and 10.0%, 10.1%, 16.0%, 27.3% (rubber) for the years 1986, 2002, 2015 and 2020 respectively. A key finding from this dynamic land cover transitions was a cyclical land cover change movement among palm, shrubland and cropland. This means that land cover changes were alternating between palm, cropland and shrubland in the entire study period. Oil palm thrives best in saline conditions ([
61], a typical soil condition of the eastern part of AWMA [
22]. This may explain the occurrence of oil palm (smallholder and large scale) in the eastern part of the study landscape. The transfer from palm to cropland and shrubland in the western part of the study landscape can be explained by the outbreak of the Cape Saint Paul Wilt disease (CSPWD) in the coastal areas of Ghana in the year 2000. The disease outbreak resulted in the death of many coconut trees [
62,
63,
64]. The decline in palm (−7.86%) from 1986 to 2002 (
Table A1) can be explained by the unproductive coconut trees that were either converted to cropland or left fallow. This is because, according to Danyo [
63], farm hygiene, thus the removal of infested coconut trees, was considered the safer means of reducing the spread of the CSPWD disease; therefore, affected coconut trees might have been cleared and converted to other land cover types.
Surprisingly, palm paved its way into the western part of the landscape in the period 2002–2015 (
Table A2,
Figure 4). This can be explained by the introduction of new crop varieties (coconut hybrid, Malayan yellow dwarf (MYD) × Vanuatu tall tolerance (VTT)) that were resistant to CSPWD [
63,
65]. This statement can be supported by several studies that reported on the efficacy in the use of resistant varieties to control CSPWD and increase coconut yields [
66,
67]. The introduction of resistant coconut crop varieties was expected to increase coconut plantations on the landscape; however, the study noticed a reduction in palm in the period 2015–2020 (−10.27%) (
Table 5). Palm was losing land areas to cropland, shrubland, rubber and settlement (
Table A3). Palm changed to cropland and shrubland were seen in the eastern part of the study landscape. This means that oil palm farms, rather than coconut farms, were losing land areas. The transfer from oil palm to shrubland and cropland was occurring in the areas where settlement is highly dominating. This indicates that land under palm in the eastern part of the study landscape, mainly oil palm, has been acquired for infrastructure purposes with an immediate switch in crop choices to seasonal crops by the farmers, which agrees with [
22,
68].
Aside the cyclical land cover change that occurred among palm, shrubland and cropland, another key finding from the study was the land cover change from shrubland, palm and cropland, to rubber in the last two study periods. The 172.65% change in rubber area (between 1986 and 2020) accounted for the second highest land cover category in the study landscape (
Table 4). As seen from the land cover maps (
Figure 4), this expansion in rubber is highly fragmented, indicating that the expansion in rubber farms occurs on smallholder land and not on a large scale. The outgrower scheme launched by the Ghana Rubber Estate Limited (GREL) in 1998, and rolled up in 2000, to engage smallholder farmlands in the cultivation of rubber, is accounting for the vast fragmented expansions in rubber. The outgrower initiative was to increase Ghana’s supply of raw material in meeting global markets’ high demand for rubber, and this might have resulted in the increased expansions in rubber
Settlement, as the highest land cover type, expanding more than four times (449.93%) its initial size over the 34-year study period (
Table 4), was also a key observation made in this study. As seen dominating the eastern part of the study landscape (
Figure 4), the expansion in settlement indicates the effects of oil discovery developments and resultant onshore infrastructure activities on the landscape. Since the discovery of oil in commercial quantities in 2007 along the deep Tano basin of south-western Ghana, the need to establish oil refinery and storage facilities by the government of Ghana in AWMA has had greater consequences on land uses in the district [
22,
69]. The intention to establish an oil refinery and onshore infrastructure developments in the eastern part of the study landscape triggered in-migration and a population increase. It turned the landscape into a hotspot for land speculation and land rush [
22]. In-migration and population increase are common phenomena in oil discovery locations and onshore infrastructural developments [
70].
The study also noticed that there were not many land changes in forest. The forest block remained within the precinct of the Cape Three Point forest reserve. In Ghana, the laws regulating the establishment and management of national parks and forest reserves, such as the Forest Protection (Amendment 2002) Act 624 and the Forest Act 1927 (CAP 157), forbid any agricultural activities within the forest reserves. This legal protection status may have contributed to the low change rate in the forest block of the study area. The slight decline in forest areas was recorded between the 1986–2002 and 2002–2020 change periods due to off-reserve changes into other land use types.
Interestingly, contrary to other tree-crop (e.g., cocoa) expansion studies that found decreases in cropland area as a result of expansions in the tree-crops [
36,
58,
71], cropland did not decline drastically in this study. During field discussions with farmers growing rubber, it was mentioned that fallow lands and unproductive croplands were first considered for rubber cultivation before the conversion from croplands. In addition, cocoa plantations were introduced on smallholder farms since their establishment in Ghana in the 1870s, compared to rubber, which occurred on large scale plantations with recent introductions into smallholder farms in the last two decades. This may explain why cropland did not decline drastically on the study landscape.
4.3. Intensity Analysis of the Structurally Complex Mosaic Landscape
Findings from the interval level analysis revealed an intensive land cover change in the last time period (2015–2020) compared to the former. However, though slow, change in 1986–2002 was slower than in 2002–2015. This implies that the study landscape has been rapidly undergoing transformation over the last 18 years (2002–2020). The rapid land cover changes correspond with the recent socio-economic activities of increasing rubber on smallholder lands and the influence of oil discovery developments, driving a population increase on the landscape. These rapid land cover changes agree with the findings of Otchere-Darko and Ovadia [
27] and Bugri and Yeboah [
22]. The GSS [
72] report also noted a rapid population increase of 9500 to 13,500, corresponding to 42% in the AWMA between the year 2000 and 2014. Population increase denotes more need for infrastructure developments [
71,
73,
74].
At the categorical level analysis, key findings first revealed cropland and shrubland as both active gainers and active losers. This means that losses and gains in shrubland and cropland occur at intensities above the average intensity of all land cover types in gains and losses. Secondly, palm was an active loser in the 1986–2002 period, an active gainer in 2002–2015, and an active looser again in 2015–2020. The CSPWD on coconut trees that rendered them unproductive, leading to their removal, the introduction of resistance coconut varieties (MYD × VTT hybrid), and the change of palm to settlement can account for the losses, gains and losses status in palm in the periods 1986–2002, 2002–2015 and 2015–2020, respectively. Third, forest remained a dormant gainer and dormant loser in all three study periods due to its legal protection status.
Interestingly, a fourth finding from the categorical analysis, showed that, settlement is a dormant loser and a dormant gainer in 2015–2020. The gains in settlement that occurred at intensities lower than gains in all other land cover types can be explained by the literature stating that, although oil was discovered in 2007, onshore infrastructural activities on the study landscape only began after 2010 [
22]. Perhaps, land deals and negotiations were not yet completed during this study period. Lastly, findings revealed how gain intensities in rubber were occurring rapidly, compared to the gain intensities of all other land cover types, especially in 2002–2015 and 2015–2020. From the onset of 2002, rubber expansions on the landscape have been occurring faster due to the introduction of the outgrower schemes. From the discussions held with farmers cultivating rubber, it was mentioned that the incentives associated with rubber cultivation are the driving factors for the rapid rubber expansions.
At transition level analysis, key findings showed palm losses to cropland to be higher in 2002–2015 compared to the losses in palm to the same land cover categories in the other study year periods. During field discussions with farmers, oil palm farmers expressed grievances in the cultivation of oil palm as the major factor for the voluntary switch from oil palm into other land uses. Specific reasons given by the oil palm farmers were: (1) a bad road network to transport oil palm to the oil manufacturing industry resulting in matured oil palm fruit being destroyed on the farm; (2) a feeling of cheating at the weighing scale by agents from the oil-producing company; (3) high labor involved in oil palm production; and (4) the benefit of converting oil palm trees in the preparation of the locally manufactured alcoholic drink,
akpeteshi. When oil palm trees are felled, the trees are left lying on the ground to produce the local drink
akpeteshi, while food-crops (e.g., cassava, maize, vegetables) are being planted. This might have accounted for the high loss in palm to cropland in the 2002–2015 change period. Rubber cultivation subsequently followed the land after oil palm trees were removed. The gain in rubber in 2015–2020, though avoided, was higher compared to the gains in rubber from palm in the other study periods. This may agree with the fact that farmers voluntarily converted their oil palm lands for rubber cultivation. Farmers cultivating oil palm expressed the high incentives and economic profitability in rubber cultivation as a reason for oil palm conversion to rubber. The transition of palm to shrubland and cropland in the 2015–2020 change period may be explained by the findings of Bugri and Yeboah [
22], which stated that: (1) the switch of oil palm to seasonal crops by farmers was due to lack of compensation under compulsory land acquisition; (2) the acquisition of 243 ha of land for the development of the oil city and 810 ha of land by the Petronia company was for real estate development; and (3) the land rush and land speculation which resulted in in-migration and population increase led to infrastructural demands. The acquisition of 5261 ha of land by speculators in AWMA, including the entire stretch of land on both sides of the 15 km road stretch from Apowa to Agona Nkwanta (
Figure 1), agrees with the gains in shrubland in the period 2015–2020 [
22]. According to Bugri and Yeboah [
22], these acquired lands are meant for the reallocation to investors seeking land for commercial activities, hence the status is likely to be converted to settlement in the future.
Another interesting key finding was seen in the gains in settlement targeting cropland and shrubland and not palm, especially in the 2015–2020 change period. However, gains in settlement instead targeted palm from 2002 to 2015. First, the transition from palm to settlement from 2002 to 2015 is in line with the government’s decision to establish an oil refinery on the study landscape after discovering oil in 2007. This decision led to 486 ha of land being compulsorily acquired by the government for onshore infrastructure-related purposes [
75,
76]. The 486 ha included 405 ha of oil palm smallholder farms [
22]. The immediate change of acquired oil palm lands into the establishment of the oil refinery might account for the gains in settlement targeting palm in the year 2002–2015. When the intention of acquiring land for any national development is made, landowners are no longer entitled to use the land for other purposes [
77,
78]. Hence due to the fear of a lack of compensation for any cash crops, oil palm farmers switched crop choices to seasonal and annual crops until the lands were taken entirely. This may explain the high gains in settlement targeting cropland and shrubland in the last study period.
4.4. Implications of the Rapid Land Use Change on the Study Landscape
Findings from the study indicate the drivers responsible for the rapid land cover changes are rubber and settlement expansions. The cultivation of rubber is associated with many environmental effects such as soil degradation, biodiversity loss and a decline in ecosystem services [
79]. As a high sucking plant, rubber also alters the local hydrological cycle, affecting groundwater recharge [
80,
81]. Contrary to coconut and oil palm, as tree-crops that can be intercropped with other food-crops, rubber, on the other hand, does not support food-crop intercropping. The local farmers interviewed, mentioned the production of a pungent smell associated with the cultivation of rubber that gets infused into food-crops to alter its taste. The onset of oil and gas production and exploration in Ghana has also resulted in a decline in agricultural growth for subsistence use with a high impact of land stress issues experienced in Sekondi-Takoradi and AWMA [
27,
82].
Expansions in rubber and settlement on the study landscape mean the loss of arable lands with negative impacts on food production [
68]. Authors’ suggestion from this analysis is the loss of arable land may result in small farms owners’ food production. This may likely lead to rural displacement, which can be seen in two ways: enfolding arable lands for food security and a transformation in the economy transformed through technologically oriented industry with less need for the local labor force. The former may lead to a decline in food availability, as also noticed by Bugri and Yeboah [
22], who mentioned that the expansions in rubber on the landscapes of south-western Ghana would lead to food insecurity issues. Food security concerns have also become a critical sustainability issue in the coastal landscape of south-western Ghana [
27]. Otchere-Darko and Ovadia [
27] also found increasing prices in food commodities (cassava, maize, plantain, yam) mainly due to the socio-economic activities on the landscape, which is enfolding arable lands for food security sustainability. As food production declines, demand for food from other regions of the country will increase. Food prices will increase when supply is below demand, thereby affecting local household finances. The local households will be forced to rely on the market for food access. This may lead to an exposure of local dwellers becoming volatile to market price fluctuations. Lack of food prices may affect the quality of food purchased, affecting the nutritional value of food consumed by these local households [
83]. Rapid land cover changes in the study landscape can also lead to changes in social organization and attitudes, and loss of adaptive capacity.