Misogynistic Influences of Female Managers in Local Governments: A Social Construction or Lived Experience

Abstract

There is a disdain for women in leadership positions in South African local government, and this can be attributed to manifold factors. Some of these factors may include distrust of women’s capacity or capability and leadership styles, flexibility and consultation in decision-making, issues of values and ethos, demography and social class, and political considerations in South African local government system. The objective of this article is to (1) explore gender roles in South African local government systems, (2) assess distrust of women in leadership positions in South African local government, and (3) explore how the male boss syndrome suppresses the creativity and efficiency of women in leadership positions in South African local governments. Data for this study were derived from female managements in several municipalities in the Northwest Province of South Africa. The findings demonstrate that innovation and a creative mindset are overlooked by male leaders in local government, simply because they emanate from a woman. Further, while women are hailed and acknowledged for their successes in business, science, technology, and innovation, and even have been considered for the presidency, at government levels, the sentiments are different, in that males in the sector consider the local parlance as a settlement for the liberation struggle. In conclusion, the transformation of gender relations may not be dramatic, but disruptions can quicken the process.

1. Introduction

Women have continued to play second fiddle to men, even when men appear to be incompetent. The irony of women in leadership exhibits dual facets in South Africa, while women in leadership are encouraged, particularly for senior management and government positions, and even to contest for the presidency of the Republic of South Africa. At the same time, women in leadership positions are threatened in South African local government. In this sense, while there is a clamor for a woman to be the president and in other top legislative positions, women in leadership positions at local government levels are consistently frowned at and ridiculed by local government employees. On the one hand, this may be the result of a lack of exposure at local levels or the dominance of men in local politics. On the other hand, it is the result of an archaic notion of the civil service, where the Whites ran the central government and Blacks were principally saddled with local matters.

Discriminatory attitudes towards women are often known as misogyny, which has become an issue of growing public concern. Through their popular slogan, the personal is political, feminists have argued that women’s experience of misogynistic behaviors is based on the socio-cultural and political conditions (Szymanski et al. 2009). Stalker (2001) argues that behaviors that inform misogyny are aimed against women, and often, women apparently suffer from low self-esteem, male intimidation, belittling, and denigration due to the inferiority complex. Such behaviors flourish extremely well in countries that are deeply patriarchal. Within the African context, South Africa, Nigeria, Ghana and Benin may be considered moderate; however, Islamic nations such as Egypt, Morocco, Sudan, and Libya may exhibit extreme masculine qualities, such as preventing women to drive, watch football or participate in sports (Srivastava et al. 2017; Eagly and Karau 2002; Nzeyo 2019).

Apart from the patriarchy, South Africa’s historical experience of apartheid plays a critical role in shaping women’s lived experience, and gives credence to the discourse on gender discrimination. The literature on female management at firms is still in its infancy in South Africa; however, within apartheid, female leaders in local government were non-existent. In that, Mogale et al. (2012) acknowledged that the growing causes of gender-based violence were conceived during apartheid.

After apartheid, and as democracy returned to South Africa in 1994, one of the many policy protocols for bridging the divided between white South Africans and black South Africans was the Affirmative Action laws. Nonetheless, to create equal opportunities, the Employment Equity Action was included in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa to account for the principle of equality for all genders, and to prevent women and girls from being subjected to gender-insensitive traditional norms, values, and cultural practices that are biased against women in the society (Vyas-Doorgapersad and Bangani 2020; Thobejane and Thobejane 2017). Nevertheless, Thobejane and Thobejane (2017) argued that sex discrimination, incivility, abuse, sexual assault, intimidation, disrespect, and the devaluation of female managers are still occurring in most local governments, particularly those with male managers. Such discriminatory and sexist behaviors are against the democratic principle of the 1996 Constitution of the South African Republic, but issues encapsulating the appearance of ideals of misogyny are on the rise (Srivastava et al. 2017; Manne 2017).

Similarly, Thobejane and Thobejane (2017), in their study conducted in the magistrate office in Limpopo Province in South Africa, demonstrated that about90% of their research participants (12 interviewees, comprising four men and eight women)stated that they had experienced professional career exclusion and employment discrimination owing to the negative stereotypes attached with the female gender.

Furthermore, male managers’ hostility and discrimination towards women, and their failure to follow the gender equality laws, seem to be reoccurring problem that have been historically overlooked, especially in the local government sphere, perhaps because the sphere is highly political. The forms of misogyny identified by this study are mostly responsible for women’s underrepresentation in leadership positions in the public sector (Ramohai 2019; Moraka 2018), even though they are highly prohibited by the South African Constitution of 1996 through the Bill of Right (Vyas-Doorgapersad and Bangani 2020). Moraka (2018) mentioned that no government departments—which are mostly headed by men (Vyas-Doorgapersad and Bangani 2020)—have been penalized for their poor underrepresentation of women in management structures. Arguably, male managers’ willingness and readiness to promote diversity in the public sector is expedient to achieve gender equality in leadership and to change prevailing patriarchal structures and mentality, exacerbating other related sexist behaviors and attitudes advantaging women’s leadership. However, it will be extremely difficult for male managers with a sexist mentality and behaviors to promote women’s leadership advancement.

For instance, from Funk’s (2019) paper, one could understand this via an estimation of the perception of male respondents regarding female managers. In all cases, dealing with competence, performance, evaluation, and contract renewal, the male managers/respondents gave lower scores to female managers in the organization. Nonetheless, the voices of the women, of whom 56 were surveyed, were loud, but the effect was minimal, because there are several barriers withholding female managers from evolving and partaking in the grand standing of things, particularly at the organizational level. In a similar view, Thobejane and Thobejane (2017) demonstrated that influential positions are held by men, who are often the perpetrators of misogynistic behaviors, and their victims are mostly women and men with weaker social capital. This informs the question of whether gender leadership equality can be achieved in a male-dominated local government system. Considering that the influencers, those in leadership or power brokers, who should ensure the social transformations of mentality, are largely men, and sexist. Nonetheless, there is hope for the emergence of female leaders at the organizational level, due to the increased success of women in leadership positions in private organizations in South Africa.

The argument in this study is suggestive that there is a shortage of existing literature on female managers’ experiences and challenges in the South African local government sphere. To this end, the objective of this study is to examine female manager’s myths and narratives on misogyny in the local sphere of government. Drawing on the theoretical ideology of misogyny, this article is broken into three phases for the ease of readers; the first deals with the holistic nature of misogyny in public organizations in local government in South Africa, before diving into the theoretical and conceptual narratives that bequeath misogyny, and the African dimension. The second phase shows the methodology used in gathering the research, and the findings emanating from the discourse, and then the third discusses the article and its theoretical and practical implication for South African local government.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Theoretical Perspective on Misogyny

Misogyny is everywhere; in family life, religious institutions, legal systems, government and paid workplaces. Examples of misogyny in paid workplaces include gender discrimination in employment (Vyas-Doorgapersad and Bangani 2020), masculine leadership preference, sexual violence and harassment, unnecessary questioning of female managers’ skills, and the continuous relegation and second-guessing of women’s contributions in the boardroom (Piggot 2004; Thobejane and Thobejane 2017; Ramohai 2019; Barker and Jurasz 2019; Chinyamurindi et al. 2021).

The conventional theorization of misogyny as men’s deep hatred for women and girls (Srivastava et al. 2017) can no longer be sustainable, since more men are becoming receptive to gender roles in public organizations. In South Africa, this is true because the constitution of the Republic has also made some provisions for inclusivity, social accountability and justice. However, the monitoring and implementing of strategies for achieving equality in gender roles is a problem, and in many regards, unavailable.

There is increasing literature accounting for some essential features of misogyny; however, Manne (2017) defines misogyny as a feature of the social environment, one that implements a patriarchal order, where tools such as hostility, rape, incivility, violence, and gender discrimination are appropriated to ensure that patriarchal social order is maintained. Implicit in Manne’s argument is that misogyny cannot exist in isolation or a vacuum, rather, it is integrated in social systems or social norms that govern patriarchal and male dominated institutions.

Social structures of local government have been historically patriarchal, thus affecting the social relationships and by extension the human existence of employees in the local government. In agreement with the above assumption, Dworkin (1974) stated that oppression and cruelty towards women in society stems from sexism and misogyny, which traces from the beginning of documented history. For example, as regards leadership, misogyny can be detected through the historical marginalization and discrimination of women when it comes to their active participation in governance, and in the handling of public sector leadership positions (Jex and Britt 2014). Richardson-Self (2018) stated that misogyny is not only centered around hostility and women’s marginalization, but also functions to coercively preserve male dominance in important social structures and to preserve traditional gender roles. This explains why feminist scholars, such as Manne, theorized that women’s subordinate positions in society stem from historic systemic inequality that are beyond women’s control (Manne 2017).

Misogyny also occurs through sexist comments stating that women are weak, emotional, less confident and dependent, and that female managers are too bossy or rude. Such violent descriptions are proof of internalized misogyny. Szymanski et al. (2009) argued that internalized misogyny concerns an individual’s display of sexist behavior learnt from their environment that reinforces dominate male cultural norms and practices, and that also devalues women (Szymanski et al. 2009). The devaluation of women is one of the consequences of internalized misogyny, as reflected in the Internalized Misogyny Scale (IMS) developed by Piggot (2004). Misogyny tends to influence women’s psychological wellbeing, thereby heightening depression and anxiety levels, and leading to the low self-image, less social support, and psychological distress of many women experiencing misogyny at work (Szymanski et al. 2009; Srivastava et al. 2017). These internalized misogynistic tendencies led to Hillary Clinton’s statement that “that there is a special place in hell for women who do not help each other”. Hillary Clinton’s quest to rule America was ruined especially by white women with high levels of internalized misogyny (Dehlin and Galliher 2019).

2.2. Conceptual and Legislative Framework

2.2.1. The Status of Women in African Culture: An African Feminist Perspective

Women in African have been historically conditioned by gender roles, which could be characterized as insensitive traditions, cultural norms, and the philosophy of dominant regions. Consequently, the oppression and subjugation of African women are intertwined into the fabric of societal structures, and this makes patriarchy look normal and difficult to challenge.

African feminists claim that women’s oppression and exploitation in economic, political, social, cultural, and legal systems are legitimized in patriarchal social systems (Ahikire 2014; Coulibaly 2015). Coulibaly (2015) claimed that, because in patriarchal societies feminine qualities are devalued, women are portrayed as lower beings, inferior, and as men’s subjects, therefore stripping women of their rights to self-determination and participation in public life. In the words of Gilbert and Gubar (2000, p. 12), women, as depicted in institutionalized patriarchal social environments, “have been reduced to mere properties to characters and images generated solely […] by male expectations and designs”. Arguably, the negative portrayal of women in African culture has negative connotations for women by imposing on them stereotypic roles that disadvantage them in public life. Women’s inferior status and disadvantaged positions in African culture have implication for men as well. As explained in the preceding section, men are likely to perpetuate misogynistic behaviors against women, especially owing to the perception that women are inferior to men, as reinforced by patriarchal norms (Chirwa and Lukamba 2016).

Apart from the patriarchy, African feminism also sheds light on the experiences of African women in postcolonial societies such as South Africa. According to Moraka (2018), Africa feminism seeks to study, expose, and validate South African women’s gender identity in relation to their postcolonial and apartheid experiences, in which government institutions were instrumental. During these periods, women of all races in South Africa were excluded from participating in governance and public sector leadership. Nkomo and Ngambi (2009) argued that the later effects of these past legacies have influenced identities, regarding how men and women perceive and observe themselves and others (Moraka 2018). Unfortunately, within African societies, women have always perceived themselves as scapegoats to African culture, especially regarding gender role divisions, and this is a reality that is consistently in the consciousness of African women.

2.2.2. The South African Local Sphere of Government and Gender Equality

According to the 1996 South African Constitution, the local sphere of government in South Africa is vested with the responsibility of protecting women’s human rights, and ensuring their effective participation and equal presentation in the various departments and divisions within the municipal environment (Republic of South Africa 1996). Some of the policy frameworks committing the local sphere of government to protecting and advancing women’s human rights and their participation in senior leadership roles include the Employment Equality Act of 1999 (EEA), The Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act of 2000, the National Framework for Women’s Empowerment and Gender Equality (2002) and the White Paper on Affirmative Action Policy in the Public Service, 1999 (WPAAP).

Since the implementation of these policy frameworks and laws, government institutions have been compelled by law to recruit a certain ratio of women over men. Because this is a constitutional provision, it is difficult to challenge, and more complicated to ignore. Hence the growth in number of females in government and local government. Nonetheless, the challenge still remains of breaking the tide, and making male counterparts appreciate the virtue and individuality of woman in leadership positions. Thus, women have seen improvements in their participation and representation in top and senior management levels in public services, including in the local government sphere (Osituyo 2018).

Nevertheless, misogyny manifests especially through employment discrimination, role stereotyping, gender prejudice, and patriarchal structures and practices in the local sphere of government (Chirwa and Lukamba 2016; Malik 2022; Chinyamurindi et al. 2021; Ngoepe 2021). The forms of misogyny in the local sphere of government in this post-colonial and post-apartheid South Africa align with the contention of scholars that the gender-based violence and discrimination of women begun in the colonial and apartheid era did not disappear with the country’s transition to constitutional democracy (Khwela et al. 2020; Wittmann 2012). Extrapolating from studies conducted in the South African local sphere of government, the underlying causes of misogyny can be attributed to the patriarchal working environment, male-dominated leadership structures, the gendered culture of political parties, social gender norms, and the patriarchal mentality and perceptions of public managers (Chirwa and Lukamba 2016; Ngoepe 2021). Based on these assertions, the following research objectives were established:

• How do gender roles influence the working culture and environment in local governments in South Africa?
• In what ways can distrust of female leadership hamper efficiency and productivity in local governments in South Africa?
• Does a male boss syndrome exist, and why should it be dismantled in local governments in South Africa?

3. Materials and Methods

Two main techniques for data collection were used, qualitative and quantitative, as well as a third, which is considered a mixture of both paradigms. This paper adopted the qualitative paradigm because of the depth of information provided by it. Within the qualitative paradigm, the study utilized a purposive sampling technique to choose respondents based on their knowledge of the language of communication for the study and occupying a senior manager position as a female in the local governments. Additionally, participants for this study were limited to women in management positions, their ages where between 28 and 60 years and the period was between 50 and 90 months.

3.1. Sample

To investigate these research questions, this study adopted a qualitative paradigm, particularly employing the interview mechanism for data collection, and within the interview approach, the semi-structured personal interview approach was selected and used.

The qualitative research method, which enables gaining insight into sensitive matters and concerns needing elucidation, provided a vital and creative opportunity for this research, particularly for a growing discourse (gender roles) in the South African local government landscape. A purposive sampling research design was used to select twenty-seven (27) women in middle management and senior management positions at the local sphere of government within the Dr Kenneth Kaunda District Municipality (DKKDM).

Chapter 7 of the 1996 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa in Section 156 (1) stipulates the powers and functions of municipalities in South Africa, while the objective was clearly elucidated in Section 152. The 1996 Constitution was considered as a developmental instrument for South Africa’s growth from below (see Section 152). In Section 155, establishing the municipalities in South Africa, Sections 155 (1) in (a), (b) and (c) demarcated local governments into three: Category A, Category B, and Category C. Section 155 (a) deals with the exclusive nature of local government legislative and executive authority. Category B municipalities are those that share their executive and legislative power with a category C municipality, while category C municipalities tend to share their executive and legislative authority with more than one municipality. Within the ranking profile of South Africa, DKKDM falls under category C, consisting of different local municipalities, namely, the Matlosona local municipality, Maquassi Hills Local Municipality and JB Marks Local Municipality.

The exclusion criteria selected female managers that were administrative staff; female managers occupying political positions were excluded from the interview to avoid prejudice that might occur in a bid to protect their party’s interest. The age of the female managers ranged from 28 to 60 years, their academic qualifications were from Bachelor’s degree to Doctorate degree, and their years of employment in leadership positions were between 1 and 15 years.

3.2. The Semi-Structured Personal Interview Format, Procedure, and Arrangement

The time allocated to the interview was between 50 and 90 min, from March 2018 to August 2018. The interviews took place in the private offices of the female managers in the various local municipalities. Prior to the interview, permission was obtained from the university based on the protocol for such a purpose. In following the suggestion of Yin (2014), a semi-structured interview guide was developed. The questions contained in the interview guide require women to share their views on the patriarchy, gender discrimination, sexism, hostility, sexual harassment, the gendered organizational culture of the local sphere of government, the sources of sex discriminatory behaviors and sexism, and the impact of these discriminatory behaviors on their leadership career and advancement. In this study, our exploration is limited to the patriarchy, distrust, and male boss syndrome. To ensure the confidentiality and safety of the participants, their responses have been quoted verbatim using numbers, such as 1,2 and 3, as identifiers.

Regarding the data collection procedure, the questions were asked in English, because the interviewees are proficient in the use of English; their responses were recorded with a tape. Field notes were taken during each interview, and the respondent’s non-verbal responses, such as their expressions of frustration, smiles and other body languages that are vital sources of communication, were noted. Respondents who did not want their voice to be recorded had their responses taken through field notes. Due to the highly political nature of the local government, and the sensitivity of the topic, all participants in this study were pre-informed of the objective of the study, and voluntary participation was encouraged, while their freedom to withdraw at any time in the session was read to them.

3.3. Analysis of the Semi-Structured Interviews and the Field Notes

The analysis process began with a systematic organization and transcription of audiotaped responses from the interviews. The study followed the thematic analysis procedure developed by Braun and Clarke (2006). Thematic analysis was driven by the research questions, and it consisted of phases such as data familiarization, the generation of initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, and producing the reports. In this study, the themes were developed using both the inductive and deductive approaches. The inductive approach allowed the researchers to identity patterns of meaning from the respondent’s narrative and experiences, while in the deductive thematic approach, meaning was drawn from the theoretical assumption of misogyny. We adopted this research approach based on Braun and Clarke’s (2012) suggestion that it is impossible to conduct an entirely inductive investigation, since researchers frequently add to the raw data they have acquired during data analysis, and almost never ignore the data’s semantic content when creating codes for a particular theoretical paradigm. The procedure is appropriate for the achievement of the objective of this study because it is flexible and could allow for the psychological and social analysis of qualitative data, and could also support public policy development (Braun and Clarke 2006). First, the researcher thoroughly read and re-read the transcripts side by side with the field notes in search of meaning, underlying patterns, and information relevant to the research questions.

Further, the researcher took notes of some of the participants’ excerpts to develop preliminary codes. The coding process was thorough and inclusive; each of the codes developed was based on the excerpts from most of the participants. The key themes were derived from the study’s research questions as stated above. However, codes were used to identify subthemes that emerged from the participants’ perspectives.

4. Results and Analysis

In this study, thematic analysis was utilized to develop three themes. The three themes emanated from the interviews with female managers. The three themes include gendered working culture and environment, the distrust of women in leadership, and what may be characterized as male boss syndrome.

4.1. Patriarchal/Gendered Working Culture and Environment

This theme provides insight into female manager’s myths and narratives surrounding their experience of misogyny in the South African local sphere of government. The results reveal the prevalence of misogynistic tendencies among senior managers in South African local government. Some of the major misogynistic characteristics exhibited by the counterparts in these local governments under study include the prevalence of a hypermasculine culture in political parties, where long years of male boss leadership has led to increased entitlement in the male colleagues. Gender bias in task completion, as perceived in Thobejane and Thobejane (2017), was cited, where women were given less difficult policing work to do, undermining the skills and promotion of such female officers. Additionally, societal factors, such as societal norms, gendered organizational culture and unfavorable working environments for females, culminate into a hampering of the productivity, competence, and performance of women in leadership positions. Owing to the gendered and patriarchal working environment, proficiency in the work environment is altered to mediocrity. To further explain this theme, a participant clearly stated, “because of the male dominated working environment and culture, before a woman is given senior leadership position, she must go through tough screening and examination that her male colleague does not experience…women must go the extra mile and work three times harder because they will always have to prove their competencies if ever, they will be considered for senior positions. But at the end of the day such exposure makes you better and thrives you do your best so that they can see the difference”, (Participant 5). This theme aligns with the theoretical assumption of misogyny, which emphasizes that women are subjugated, discriminated, and abused because of existing patriarchal and gendered organizational structures (Manne 2017). Manne (2017) suggests that misogyny is a product of the patriarchal ordering of society, meaning that misogyny cannot flourish outside a patriarchal social environment and culture, which unfortunately characterizes African society.

Barker and Jurasz (2019), and the United Nations (2021), assert that misogyny is equivalent to subjugating an individual’s human right, which makes women, in this regard, pay a higher premium in public offices. They particularly refer to the attempt to preserve and legitimize patriarchal social ordering, maintain traditional gender roles and structural inequalities, and to frustrate gender equality measures promulgated to advance women’s human rights in the corporate world.

Related to this analysis of misogyny as a human right, sources of misogyny in the workplace are numerous; however, within this study, the major source of misogyny in this local government is in line with Manne’s (2017) articulation that misogyny is beyond personal hatred for women. Rather, it is a social system that subjugates women due to the patriarchal ways of doing things. As expressed by many of the participants, the local sphere of government is dominated by men, and men are the majority in senior management positions, hence laws that are legislated upon would inevitably reflect their masculinity, even when it borders on issues relating to women’s reproductive systems.

Lastly, neither colonialism nor apartheid offered a good model on which to build. Just as in the apartheid period, the local government sphere is largely a man’s world; women are still expected to act as second fiddler. Some of the women are manipulated by men (Participant 10).

4.2. Distrust in Women’s Leadership

As revealed by this theme, most positions for women in leadership are manipulated by external male figures; their decisions tend to be undermined, hence other managers tend to second guess women in leadership positions. Nonetheless, “many women believe in themselves in decision-making, however a participant stated that society still hold the believe that women are too emotional and weak to make critical decision for organizations”, (Participant 12).

Research demonstrates a glossy but skewed perception of reality concerning female leadership in contemporary African society, unlike in the West (Eagly 2007). Women occupying high positions across the continent are perceived to do better considering that their male counterpart has failed the continent for too long. While a change of leadership is desired even in the central government, measures towards achieving such are made more complicated for women. Female managers in business have recorded significant success rates (Cox and Cooper 1997), because on average, female leaders exhibit valued and effective leadership styles (Eagly 2007). On the one hand, female managers are seen to be accommodating; their flexibility, on the other hand, gives an appearance of weakness, rather than presenting them as a listening leader or servant leader. Hence, another participant decried “the state of female leadership in their municipality, in this municipality there are some employees who do not value the female managers directives and guidance just because they are so used to men’s leadership”, (Participant 15).

Attitudinal chauvinism against female managers, though having lessened from the apartheid period, means that more employees, both male and female, prefer a male boss to a female boss. On the contrary, the country (South Africa) has demonstrated that it could vote for a female president, but having a female in a senior management position is still a struggle, because as a recently promoted senior manager disclosed, “we really want to be in senior positions, but we are not trusted with certain leadership responsibilities, just because you are a woman, they do not think you can lead, those things are still there” (Participant 10). Consistent with this finding, an ongoing, pervasive culture of mistrust in female leadership was revealed in a recent study measuring people’s perceptions of the equality of men’s and women’s leadership in countries such as India, Nigeria, and Kenya, as well as the Group of Seven (G7) nations, which includes Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom (UK), and the United States (US). Distrust in women’s leadership is encapsulated in the theoretical ideology of misogyny (Smith 2021).

4.3. Male Boss/Male Subordinate

The idea of the male boss/male subordinate syndrome reveals that there is a sort of complex that exists in many local governments in South Africa, called the male boss syndrome. That the boss is a male constitutes a source of pride, because people consider women as vengeful individuals, who act out their feelings. Hence, a participant expressed concern that this is leading to some form of hate among young female managers: “I see deep hatred for female managers especially those of us who are young…I know I work extra harder just to maintain my position because I am the first young female to occupy this position since the history of this municipality. Each time I bring something new my boss does not even appropriate it; he ignores by opinions maybe because I am a woman. I am saying this because the way he treats me is so different from the way he treats men who we are at the same level. I know if it were to be his private company, he would have long served me a dismissal letter”, (Participant 10). Chauvinism is historically a common act more often perpetuated by men based on their personal hatred or dislike for women, but the intention may span towards maintaining the male’s dominant hegemony in leadership. Therefore, the perseveration of traditional gender roles that makes women powerless and suppressed in terms of decision-making must be modified to allow for greater flexibility, tolerance, and inclusion. “Another participant concurs with our assertion on male wanting or expecting women to be weak, men want women to be very weak, we must not allow that, they want to see you cry if they can, when you are seated in our meetings if they see any fault, they are quick to judge you and women fear such intimidation”, (Participant 12).

Organizations, similar to countries, learn and borrow from one another; an isolated country or organization that refuses inclusion pulls itself backward. According to Argote (2012), organizational learning encapsulates processes involved in creating, retaining, and transferring knowledge within administrative channels (Argote and Hora 2017). Organizations evolve overtime because of the experience gained through their learning channels. From the experience gained, knowledge is generated, which may yield methods for increasing productivity and innovation, or methods to establish beneficial investor interactions. However, here productivity, creativity, and efficiency are sacrificed, as one of the participant’s witnessed, “I have seen in one department, there is a female director who have just been appointed and the small boys and men who reports to her are very arrogant to her because the positions have always been held by men for many years. They can see that this woman is coming up with innovation, they try to slow her down by their uncivil and demeaning actions”, (Participant 3); thus, the future of these municipalities is uncertain.

5. Discussion and Conclusions

Theoretically, the perception is that misogyny against female managers is expressed in different forms, from recruitment to promotion being prejudiced. Professional career exclusion, role stereotyping, patriarchy, sexual violence, and harassment all constitute factors that undermine female leadership optimization in local government. These forms are consistent with Srivastava et al.’s (2017) assertion that the revelation is motivated by beliefs regarding traditional gender roles, while other forms are premised on patriarchal societal norms, gendered organizational environments, and sexist cultures, which portray women as inferior/weak. To Manne (2017), outside patriarchal structures and social environments, misogyny exists to validate and to reinforce sexists’ practices embedded in social structures. However, within misogynistic theory, there exists a correlation between women’s experiences of violence stemming from patriarchal influences, and women being positioned as secondary and inferior to men.

De Moya (2004) argued that the predominance of masculine culture is a strict product of misogyny, which encourages various forms of misogynistic behaviors in the social environment. Therefore, progressive and proactive local governments must dismantle existing patriarchal practices that hold the masculine gender above feminism, especially in leadership. They must expand any procedure that challenges the sexist mindset of employees, but must strive to encourage factors that contribute towards organizational learning, unlearning, and re-learning.

In conclusion, the impact of misogyny on female managers’ leadership careers raises concerns regarding distrust in women’s leadership and decision-making, their lack of self-confidence, reductions in their advancement intention, and job turnover. Although studies investigating female managers’ experience of misogyny in the public sector seem lacking, studies conducted in the West reveal the impact of internalized misogyny on women has led to lower self-esteem, less social support, psychological distress, and depression among women (Szymanski et al. 2008; Piggot 2004).

Moreover, the essence of misogyny is not only to challenge male-dominant roles; it is also to encourage men to acknowledge women-dominant dual roles, as a parent/career and as a manager, and that one role cannot downplay the other, since parenthood creates a sense of motivation for female staffers. Likewise, self-esteem is a vital motivation for male staffers. Thus, the disdain for women in leadership, owing to distrust of the person rather than the capacity or capability of the individual, has no place in the 21st century. We affirm that gender equality has not been achieved in senior management in South African local government, but the fact that the discourse is consistently evolving gives feminists a glimpse of hope.