Direct and Indirect Effects of Emotions towards Party Leaders on Voting: Evidence from the 2018 Andalusian Regional Election
Round 1
Reviewer 1 Report
The article “Direct and Indirect Effects of Emotions towards Party Leaders on Voting: Evidence from the 2018 Andalusian regional election” is of interest to the special issue and is also of interest to the journal Social Sciences. In general, the paper has: a good structure, a good theoretical framework, good results and good conclusions. Additionally, it generates empirical evidence for second-level elections and the impact of leaders' emotions on political behavior. Likewise, it is important to highlight the relevance of the methodology used (structural equations). Minor revision and the following points for improvement are proposed.
1/ The journal Social Sciences has few papers on political behavior. It is important, before analyzing emotions and leadership, to explain political behavior and the “affective turn.”
2/ Likewise, it would be necessary to link emotions to other types of aspects such as “disaffection” and how American literature resolves this.
The review of previous literature is excellent.
However, a doubt Why is the study carried out in 2018? The last elections were in 2022. Have the results changed? Have the leaders influenced? The choice must be justified.
The methodology (presence and intensity) is appropriate.
The results are correct and so is the presentation of the “emotional architecture.” It would be interesting to explain more the ideology in voters as differentiating elements of emotions (if it exists).
Unify the point of discussion and conclusions.
Author Response
First of all, we would like to thank the reviewers for their comments and suggestions for changes to the manuscript. These have contributed significantly to improving the paper and analysis. As it is detailed in the change report, most of the reviewers' suggestions have been incorporated in the revised version of the manuscript. Likewise, we remain at your disposal to make any changes to the manuscript that the reviewers may suggest.
Reviewer 1:
The article “Direct and Indirect Effects of Emotions towards Party Leaders on Voting: Evidence from the 2018 Andalusian regional election” is of interest to the special issue and is also of interest to the journal Social Sciences. In general, the paper has: a good structure, a good theoretical framework, good results and good conclusions. Additionally, it generates empirical evidence for second-level elections and the impact of leaders' emotions on political behavior. Likewise, it is important to highlight the relevance of the methodology used (structural equations). Minor revision and the following points for improvement are proposed.
1/ The journal Social Sciences has few papers on political behavior. It is important, before analyzing emotions and leadership, to explain political behavior and the “affective turn.”
These suggestions have been summarily incorporated in the introduction section, given the limitations of the article's length.
2/ Likewise, it would be necessary to link emotions to other types of aspects such as “disaffection” and how American literature resolves this.
These suggestions have been summarily incorporated in the introduction and concluding section, given the limitations of the article's length.
The review of previous literature is excellent.
3/ However, a doubt Why is the study carried out in 2018? The last elections were in 2022. Have the results changed? Have the leaders influenced? The choice must be justified.
The justification for this case study is based on the fact that the regional/autonomous elections in Andalusia in 2018 were of special significance, both in Andalusia and Spain. After 37 years of continuous governments led by the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party of Andalusia (PSOE-A), a government was formed after that date in which the PSOE-A would not be present. These elections represented a shift in power, even though the party with the most votes remained the PSOE-A. However, a parliamentary coalition between the PP, Ciudadanos, and VOX made it possible to form a coalition government led by the PP and primarily composed of Ciudadanos. All of this occurred through paradoxical results, as the PSOE obtained its worst electoral and parliamentary outcome since 1982 while still being the dominant political force, and due to electoral arithmetic, it lost the government.The methodology (presence and intensity) is appropriate.
4/ The results are correct and so is the presentation of the “emotional architecture.” It would be interesting to explain more the ideology in voters as differentiating elements of emotions (if it exists).
This is indeed a very interesting matter that was already addressed in the initial research design. We believed that ideology could be an explanatory variable for the differences in the emotional architecture composition for each of the leaders. Therefore, in our initial modeling, we introduced ideology into the structural equation as a mediating variable with emotions. However, the results showed that ideology was not a significant variable in explaining the overall model. Similarly, when we tested its inclusion in the model with a direct impact on leadership, the results were also not significant.
This can be explained in the political context of Andalusia (as well as in Spain), where ideology has been steadily losing its explanatory power in voting models (Delgado and Cazorla, 2017), especially in the case of the two major parties, PSOE and PP. It is precisely in this context of low explanatory power of ideology that emotional models of voting gain greater prominence.
Delgado, Santiago and Cazorla, Ángel (2017). "El Partido Socialista Obrero Español: de la hegemonía a la decadencia." Revista Española de Ciencia Política 44: 247-273.
5/ Unify the point of discussion and conclusions.
Following your recommendations, the discussion and conclusion sections have been merged, incorporating the most relevant results and expanding the final conclusions. Similarly, we have delved into the main advances and limitations of our research, providing further elaboration and implications of these elements for future studies.
Reviewer 2 Report
This is a highly professionally written paper with a clear-cut forward-looking research agenda, and substantive empirical findings. The authors demonstrate to have a reasonable knowledge of the international literature, which they base their own research upon, and offer first-hand empirical data on their case study.
That said, there are some aspects that could and should be improved before publication:
To begin with, it should be stated clearer why and how the research question matters for electoral studies and the wider field of comparative leadership and politics. I note that the authors carefully carve out their core agenda, but just identifying some ‘unchartered territory’ will not be good enough to engage and impress a wider readership.
Second, a much wider contextualization, and theoretically-informed justification, of the case study selection will be needed. What does Andalusia stand for? Is it considered a typical case, and if so typical of what?; or a deviant case?, and again, in what why? Generally, authors seeking to publish their work in major international journals, such as this one, should expect 95 per cent of the readership to have no particular interest in the case study. There is no way of avoiding the question of generalizability.
Related to this, section 3 (“Electoral Context and Leadership in the Region of Andalusia”) is too long and should be pruned – also in order to make space for a more substantive Conclusion (see below).
A minor issue concerning para 1 in section 2: There is no reference to the 'presidentialization' phenomenon mentioned in line 74ff. Also, it seems questionable to consider personalization an effect of presidentialization. Most authors have considered personalization to drive presidentialization.
More importantly, the conclusion is way too short. We definitely would need some reflections on the implications of these findings – both empirically and theoretically – and where other scholars should go from here.
I note that in the list of references there is just a single title from 2022 or beyond. But there has been some more recent work that should be considered, e.g.: Scott, Zachary A., and Jared McDonald. "Tell us how you feel: Emotional appeals for votes in presidential primaries." American Politics Research 50.5 (2022): 609-622; Vasilopoulou, Sofia, and Markus Wagner. "Emotions and domestic vote choice." Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties 32.3 (2022): 635-654; Gyárfášová, S. S. P. F. O. (2023). Fear, Anger, Hope, and Pride: Negative and Positive Emotions in Electoral Behaviour. Sociológia, 55(2), 153-176.
The English is fine throughout; there are just very few minor problems and typos (see, e.g., line 19, 46 etc.) that will to be taken care of.
Author Response
Reviewer 2:
MDPI_Social Sciences
Direct and Indirect Effects of Emotions towards Party Leaders on Voting: Evidence from the 2018 Andalusian regional election.
First of all, we would like to thank the reviewers for their comments and suggestions for changes to the manuscript. These have contributed significantly to improving the paper and analysis. As it is detailed in the change report, most of the reviewers' suggestions have been incorporated in the revised version of the manuscript. Likewise, we remain at your disposal to make any changes to the manuscript that the reviewers may suggest.
This is a highly professionally written paper with a clear-cut forward-looking research agenda, and substantive empirical findings. The authors demonstrate to have a reasonable knowledge of the international literature, which they base their own research upon, and offer first-hand empirical data on their case study.
That said, there are some aspects that could and should be improved before publication:
1.- To begin with, it should be stated clearer why and how the research question matters for electoral studies and the wider field of comparative leadership and politics. I note that the authors carefully carve out their core agenda, but just identifying some ‘unchartered territory’ will not be good enough to engage and impress a wider readership.
These suggestions have been summarily incorporated in both the introduction and concluding section, given the limitations of the article's length.
2.- Second, a much wider contextualization, and theoretically-informed justification, of the case study selection will be needed. What does Andalusia stand for? Is it considered a typical case, and if so typical of what?; or a deviant case?, and again, in what why? Generally, authors seeking to publish their work in major international journals, such as this one, should expect 95 per cent of the readership to have no particular interest in the case study. There is no way of avoiding the question of generalizability.
In the article's text, new explanatory references have been included on this matter, specifically highlighting the significance of the Andalusian elections of December 2, 2018, not only for the rest of Spain but also for its party system.
The justification for this case study is based on the fact that the regional/autonomous elections in Andalusia in 2018 were of special significance, both in Andalusia and Spain. After 37 years of continuous governments led by the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party of Andalusia (PSOE-A), a government was formed after that date in which the PSOE-A would not be present. These elections represented a shift in power, even though the party with the most votes remained the PSOE-A. However, a parliamentary coalition between the PP, Ciudadanos, and VOX made it possible to form a coalition government led by the PP and primarily composed of Ciudadanos. All of this occurred through paradoxical results, as the PSOE obtained its worst electoral and parliamentary outcome since 1982 while still being the dominant political force, and due to electoral arithmetic, it lost the government.The methodology (presence and intensity) is appropriate.
3.- Related to this, section 3 (“Electoral Context and Leadership in the Region of Andalusia”) is too long and should be pruned – also in order to make space for a more substantive Conclusion (see below).
Regarding the length of this section, following your recommendations, the content has been revised and shortened as it could have been excessively lengthy for the purposes of providing context for the research.
4.- A minor issue concerning para 1 in section 2: There is no reference to the 'presidentialization' phenomenon mentioned in line 74ff. Also, it seems questionable to consider personalization an effect of presidentialization. Most authors have considered personalization to drive presidentialization.
Following the evaluator's indications, the wording of paragraph 1 of section 2 has been changed, indicating that personalisation and presidentialisation of political life are related, although the casual relationship is controversial (a new reference has been introduced in this respect in the text on presidentialisation: Poguntke and Webb, 2005). The work was cited in the previous version in the references but not in the text.
5.- More importantly, the conclusion is way too short. We definitely would need some reflections on the implications of these findings – both empirically and theoretically – and where other scholars should go from here.
Following your recommendations, the discussion and conclusion sections have been merged, incorporating the most relevant results and expanding the final conclusions. Similarly, we have delved into the main advances and limitations of our research, providing further elaboration and implications of these elements for future studies.
6.- I note that in the list of references there is just a single title from 2022 or beyond. But there has been some more recent work that should be considered, e.g.: Scott, Zachary A., and Jared McDonald. "Tell us how you feel: Emotional appeals for votes in presidential primaries." American Politics Research 50.5 (2022): 609-622; Vasilopoulou, Sofia, and Markus Wagner. "Emotions and domestic vote choice." Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties 32.3 (2022): 635-654; Gyárfášová, S. S. P. F. O. (2023). Fear, Anger, Hope, and Pride: Negative and Positive Emotions in Electoral Behaviour. Sociológia, 55(2), 153-176.
Two of the recommended bibliographical references have been incorporated, the third one could not be located. See last paragraph on page 3 and the list of references.
Reviewer 3 Report
The publication of the paper titled "Direct and Indirect Effects of Emotions towards Party Leaders on Voting: Evidence from the 2018 Andalusian regional election" is recommended for its contribution to the study of emotions and their impacts on political behavior. On the other hand, the methodological strategy is assessed through SEM modeling. From these two perspectives, it is considered a valuable contribution to the special issue.
However, it is recommended to incorporate into the theoretical framework some references on the discrete implications of emotions in political behavior and their relationship with leadership. For example, works such as that of Lagares et al. 2022 incorporate a constructivist vision of emotions such as pride, enthusiasm, anger, among others that could further enrich this section.
It is also recommended to cite the reference to emotional architecture and explain how it differs from the concept of “emotional regime.” It also encourages the authors to study the idea of incorporating the concept of emotional regime into the analysis.
It is recommended to explain the procedure for grouping the affective variables into the dimensions of enthusiasm, anxiety and aversion (Figure 4).
The authors are recommended to expand the conclusions.
Author Response
Reviewer 3:
MDPI_Social Sciences
Direct and Indirect Effects of Emotions towards Party Leaders on Voting: Evidence from the 2018 Andalusian regional election.
First of all, we would like to thank the reviewers for their comments and suggestions for changes to the manuscript. These have contributed significantly to improving the paper and analysis. As it is detailed in the change report, most of the reviewers' suggestions have been incorporated in the revised version of the manuscript. Likewise, we remain at your disposal to make any changes to the manuscript that the reviewers may suggest.
The publication of the paper titled "Direct and Indirect Effects of Emotions towards Party Leaders on Voting: Evidence from the 2018 Andalusian regional election" is recommended for its contribution to the study of emotions and their impacts on political behavior. On the other hand, the methodological strategy is assessed through SEM modeling. From these two perspectives, it is considered a valuable contribution to the special issue.
1.- However, it is recommended to incorporate into the theoretical framework some references on the discrete implications of emotions in political behavior and their relationship with leadership. For example, works such as that of Lagares et al. 2022 incorporate a constructivist vision of emotions such as pride, enthusiasm, anger, among others that could further enrich this section.
New and more updated references have been added in the text and in the bibliographic list: Oñate, Pereira and Mo, 2002; Rivera and Lagares, 2022; Maneiro; González and Vicente, 2023). See new page 5 in the text. The work by Lagares et al. 2022 was already cited in the previous version.
2.- It is also recommended to cite the reference to emotional architecture and explain how it differs from the concept of “emotional regime.” It also encourages the authors to study the idea of incorporating the concept of emotional regime into the analysis.
In order to clarify the concepts of Emotional Regime and Emotional Architecture, an introduction has been added to section 5.1 of the paper. In this text, the distinction between "Emotional Regime," as understood in William Reddy's terms, as the general normative framework of a political context, is clarified. This distinction is made to differentiate it from the specific values that this Emotional Regime takes on within that context what is understood as “Emotional Architecture".
In the case of our study, we have focused on the analysis of the emotional architecture related to a specific aspect: the leadership of Juan Manuel Moreno Bonilla and Susana Díaz. This goes beyond the general study of the electoral regime within the electoral process, which we believe could be the subject of a separate and highly interesting article.
3.- It is recommended to explain the procedure for grouping the affective variables into the dimensions of enthusiasm, anxiety and aversion (Figure 4).
Following your assessment's instructions, an explanation regarding the use of the emotion battery employed in the study has been incorporated. This explanation encompasses both the emotions designed in the full orthogonal set design used in the Pilot Study ANES 1995 (Marcus et al., 2000) and the modifications made to this design in subsequent studies. Additionally, clarification has been provided regarding the criteria for inclusion and the justification for constructing the three latent constructs related to the emotions of enthusiasm, anxiety, and aversion.
4.- The authors are recommended to expand the conclusions.
Following your recommendations, the discussion and conclusion sections have been merged, incorporating the most relevant results and expanding the final conclusions. Similarly, we have delved into the main advances and limitations of our research, providing further elaboration and implications of these elements for future studies.
