1. Introduction
The issue of migration has emerged in recent years as a matter of major importance worldwide. The phenomenon of migration has been particularly familiar in Greek society from ancient times to the present. The Greek population has been forced to migrate to other countries several times due to economic, social, and political conditions of different times. However, in the early 1990s, Greece became a receiving country for migrants from countries such as Albania, Bulgaria, Philippines, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Russia, Ukraine, Armenia, Serbia, and Egypt. The social integration of refugees and national policies facing migration patterns and trends may clearly benefit from a thorough assessment of refugee migration, since immigration influences not only the total population of a country but also the spatial distribution of the regional population, as most immigrants and refugees settle within urban areas (
Schmidt et al. 2020;
Fent 1989). In Greece, according to the 2001 population census, 324,167 immigrants out of 413,201 (78.5%) settled in urban areas. Additionally, 60.6% (196,392 immigrants) concentrated in metropolitan Athens. The same data source revealed that a total of 2920 migrants self-declared as refugees, of whom 2764 (94.6%) settled in urban areas. The population census of 2011 gave the same background picture. Out of 329,556 foreigners settled in Greece during 2006–2011, 244,410 (74.2%) concentrated in urban areas. The redistribution of the regional population that immigration movements cause is obvious from the above statistical data concerning Greece. Nevertheless, over the last decade, especially since 2015, Greece has once again experienced a significant arrival of refugees, primarily on the islands of the Eastern Aegean and in the Evros region, because their geographical locations are at the border with Turkey. Due to civil conflicts and wars in Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan, among others, thousands of people have attempted to cross the borders from Turkey to Greece. The ongoing increase in movements to Western societies has led to political conflicts both within each country and among European Union countries regarding the policies to be implemented (
European Commission 2020). The agreement among member states for the effective management of migration movements can contribute to the benefit of the states, provided it ensures their successful integration (
Wolleghem 2017, p. 2).
The social integration of immigrants refers to a process associated with inclusion into institutional and social frameworks of the host countries and concerns both the social recognition of different population groups and their equal treatment during their temporary or permanent settlement in the host society (
Sarris et al. 2012). The national social integration policy in Greece is in line with the “Common Basic Principles for the Social Integration” of the EU towards a dynamic and two-way process (
European Commission 2020). This includes a mutual compromise between migrants and refugees based on the observance of the fundamental values of an intercultural society, with emphasis on different policy measures required by the specificity of a given country (
Korac 2003;
Stavrinoudi 2007;
Scholten et al. 2015). On this basis of common values, the axes of a common policy of social integration of migrants and refugees, from which the degree of success is judged, are their inclusion into the labor market and the education system, the acquisition of a basic knowledge of the Greek language, the history and institutions of the country, their access to institutions, intercultural dialogue, and the practice of various cultural and religious practices (
Moisidis and Papadopoulou 2011;
Leontitsis et al. 2020). The existence of integration policies and measures into all relevant policies at all levels of administration and public services is a key element for political decision making and its implementation. Also, the development of clear objectives, indicators, and evaluation mechanisms is foreseen as necessary to adjust policies, measure progress in the field of integration, and improve effectiveness in information exchange (
Nagopoulos et al. 2022).
The achievement of the above objectives encounters administrative issues for the treatment of migrants and refugees by the Greek state, as the relevant measures taken are incomplete and are checked for their quality. They concern overall terms of institutional recognition, which is judged by the extent of the existing bureaucracy, the absence of reliable data, and the difficulties of adaptation and compliance of immigrants with the prevailing standards set. As a result of the aforementioned difficulties, refugees spent on average two years obtaining legal recognition (
Casalis et al. 2023). All the above, with the absence of necessary measures and institutional linkages in terms of promoting and consolidating social cohesion, often result in the limited and fragmented scope of interventions and the weakening of any objectives set in the context of effectively addressing problems.
The main conclusion of a recent contribution is similar, as shown by the analysis of a focus group with professionals in the field (
Nagopoulos et al. 2022). It indicates that the lack of coordination bodies/reference points from the state complicates all the long-term prospects for the integration of refugees and immigrants and complicates the conditions for coexistence with the local communities, often creating unnecessary tensions and disputes on both sides. The absence of a holistic intervention with individualized characteristics in reference groups is expressed through a series of problems in the daily lives of asylum seekers and refugees (
Savvakis et al. 2022). The problem needs immediate measures following an integrated strategy, as the number of refugees and asylum seekers in Greece’s UNHCR progress database rose to 98,014 individuals in November 2021 (
Casalis et al. 2023, p. 4;
European Union Asylum Agency “EUAA” 2022).
Based on these premises, our study examines attitudes of international protection seekers regarding their prospects of staying in Greece. The factors that simultaneously determine the intention of the refugees to stay in Greece are examined using an appropriate statistical method. The analysis is based on primary statistical data, involving the collection and processing of structured questionnaires from the population residing in the Closed Controlled Structure of Samos island (CCS). The CCS of Samos was inaugurated in September 2021, with a capacity of 3000 residents, located approximately 10 km from the town of Samos. In previous years, asylum seekers were hosted at the Reception and Identification Center located near the town of Samos, with a capacity of about 650 individuals, which, during a specific period (2018–2019), was forced to accommodate over 7000 refugees. The recorded population of the island’s residents, according to the 2021 census, was estimated at 32,642 inhabitants, with the town of Samos having only 5951, i.e., fewer than the population of the above-mentioned foreign residents. When compared with the other Greek islands, Samos is the closest to Turkey (less than two kilometers), facilitating the easy passage of irregular incoming migrants and refugees. Samos and the other Greek islands of the Eastern Aegean Sea have received, since 2015, a great number of refugees and migrants from Turkey’s shores, living in CCSs in several places on the islands under difficult conditions and experiencing ghettoization. After calls from the Greek Government, UNHCR’s Accommodation Plan, which is part of the ESTIA (Emergency Support to Integration and Accommodation) Program of the Asylum, Migration, and Integration Fund of the European Union, forwarded refugees to the continental country, to specific buildings of common living (e.g., hotels) or to autonomous apartments, improving their living conditions and reducing the phenomenon of ghettoization. By the end of August 2019, 25,404 accommodation points had been set up under the ESTIA program. These were located in 4442 apartments and 15 buildings, in 14 cities and 7 islands throughout Greece. The major cities of Athens, Ioannina, and Iraklio (Crete), participated in the program. In total, since November 2015, 60,175 people have benefited from this housing program (
Nagopoulos et al. 2022).
Regarding the concept of attitude, which constitutes a central point of study in this work, it refers to an individual’s perceptions and beliefs about social phenomena. In other words, it is how one can perceive and adapt one’s behavior to the current environment and society. Attitudes are the way we evaluate an object, a person, or a group of people. They are formed from an early age, primarily through family, school, friends, and society, influencing the social thinking and behavior of individuals. This is achieved through reactions that can involve changes in behavior, emotions, and beliefs. The three elements that constitute attitude are emotional, cognitive, and behavioral (
Mavtomati 2020).
The factors influencing people’s attitudes are based on the theory of real (realistic) conflict and the theory of social identity (
Rontos et al. 2022b). The theory of real conflict has as its basic principle the competition between different groups (
Smith and Bond 2011, p. 65). This can result in social inequality, tension, exploitation, and marginalization (mostly economic and social). The theory of social identity refers to individuals who (compared with other groups) choose to belong only to the group with positive social identity (cultural and social).
Smith and Bond (
2011) argue that an individual’s social identity is determined by the group to which he/she belongs. The individual adopts the behavioral pattern of the respective group. Expectation is defined as the fulfillment of each person’s future goals, which may vary in each period depending on the specific situation (
Koutelekos and Haliasos 2014, p. 134). Expectations can have positive or negative outcomes.
From the perspective of host societies, the personality of each individual and external environmental factors can influence attitudes toward migration. Studying whether migration would be an economic burden on their society, the results of an empirical research carried out in Denmark (
Dinesen et al. 2016) showed that residents with higher conscientiousness believe that their society is economically burdened by immigrants with low skills. They pay more attention to the skills possessed by immigrants than to their country of origin. People evaluate migration issues according to their perceptions of the impact on their country’s economy (
Hainmueller and Hopkins 2014). Studies developed around the level of education of native residents in relation to attitudes toward the immigrant population showed a positive correlation among them, but they are not supported by the theoretical framework. The level of university education of residents is a strong factor in generating positive feelings toward migration (
Chandler and Tsai 2001). People with university degrees have a more positive attitude toward immigrants than those with low education. The personality traits of each individual influence attitudes toward immigrants (
Gallego and Pardos-Prado 2014).
The way migratory influxes have been initially addressed created negative feedback in the majority of the population, manifested by intense fear and prejudices. The distribution of refugees, only in specific areas, created tensions and various reactions due to different perceptions and attitudes of local community residents (
Rontos et al. 2022a). Opinions such as the elimination of the national identity of Greeks and the alteration of morals and customs of local communities dominated in relation to the view of the contribution of refugees and immigrants to the development of the country. Local authorities should participate in the design and organization of strategies coping with migrants/refugees in collaboration with policy makers of central administrations and non-governmental organizations. From this perspective, the activation of local authorities to enhance interaction between the indigenous and migrant population and to combat xenophobia, isolation, and urban segregation of migrants in deprived neighborhoods is mandatory. The effective activation and involvement of local actors (civil society organizations and local and regional authorities and public services) is desirable and, in some cases, necessary to establish and implement, at both institutional and social levels, good and sustainable integration practices (
Rontos et al. 2017,
2019;
Glorius and Doomernik 2020;
Arvanitidis et al. 2021).
The mitigation of the above negative attitudes, at least on the part of local communities, depends on the corresponding attitudes of refugees/migrants regarding their prospects for integration into Greek society to achieve harmonious coexistence within the framework of an intercultural society (
Dianeosis 2020;
Maragoudakis et al. 2022a). For this reason, and also because research on the attitudes of incoming populations is basically occasional, the contribution of this research is considered meaningful to both science and policy. According to the international literature, especially a qualitative study on young refugees from Sudan and Somalia (
Tlhabano and Schweitzer 2007), refugees had high professional ambitions despite the difficulties they faced. Difficulties included not completing all educational levels in their country and language difficulties (learning English to integrate into the new country (namely Australia)). The war situation in their countries resulted in the interruption of their school education and their move to safer countries.
The results of the research by
Nunn et al. (
2014) on adults (18–27 years old) who were refugees since adolescence showed the strong interaction between family obligations, educational opportunities, and social networks in their professional restoration. These factors can influence individuals’ decisions and hinder their realization. Family and education are among the most important factors influencing the achievement of professional goals. It is concluded that there is a great need to support both adolescents and their families in educational processes to fulfill their ambitions. Strengthening language skills can yield positive results. However, the main reason for the movement of all refugees is for a better quality of life.
Dimitriadi’s study (
2017) on refugees from Afghanistan revealed that the primary reason for their movement to other countries was the need for security and, secondly, education and employment. According to
Zacher (
2019), education and employment were the key factors for the successful integration of refugees. A survey of a sample of 500 refugees in Greece concerning their professional status revealed that most of them were unemployed and looking for work (39.4%), while 7.2% were attending school (
Skleparis 2018). Most respondents aimed to go to Sweden, Germany (
Nanette 2016), or England, with a smaller percentage declaring to be directed to Austria, Denmark, and the Netherlands. However, Greece remains the gateway to Europe for refugees. A large number of refugee arrivals to Greece had the ultimate goal of a secondary move. In the following sections, the methodology of the survey is described (
Section 2), the results are presented in detail (
Section 3), followed by an extensive discussion and policy conclusions (
Section 4). Additionally, we formulated a proposal for the continuation of the research related to the overall structures providing hospitality in the country. This aims at drawing more general conclusions about demographic and socioeconomic characteristics, as well as the attitudes and expectations of the populations entering the country.
4. Discussion
The aim of the study was to explore the expectations and attitudes of irregular immigrants towards their permanent residence and social integration. A total of 140 asylum seekers were investigated in November 2022, residing at the time in the Closed Controlled Structure (CCS) in Samos. For the first time, information was collected about their attitudes and expectations regarding the prospect of permanent residence in Greece. According to the research results, the majority of respondents (three or four) wished to stay in Greece. This finding was particularly evident when compared with those found by the results of a survey (
Casalis et al. 2023) published in December 2023 (one or two of the respondents).
Specifically, while residing in the facility and awaiting asylum decisions, they tried to build friendly relationships with people from the local community, learn Greek, and continue their education or studies. However, their social integration at the current time could not be achieved properly because suitable strategies were lacking at the local level. The majority of respondents felt that they were not adequately supported by the local community, and their satisfaction with access to services, transportation, hospitals, and stores was considered moderate. Nevertheless, they mostly did not feel racist or xenophobic tendencies from the local community. The low xenophobic attitude in society was attributed to the overall positive stance towards refugees, a fact that holds true in Greece (
Chtouris et al. 2014). The information gathered about the employment sector can provide specifications for appropriate education and training, even for specific geographic locations where they should be settled. For example, agricultural workers should not be relocated to urban centers for accommodation.
The respondents who were present during the research period at CCS Samos had left their countries due to wars, persecutions, discrimination, and acts of violence occurring in their home countries. Economic problems and finding employment were not among the main reasons that had led them to go to Greece. Most in the general population, as well as in the sample, were men, unmarried, and under 27 years old. Most women left due to acts of violence they had suffered in their countries. Palestinians moved primarily due to the war situation in their country, while citizens of African countries moved due to persecutions (political, religious, racial).
Of the 25 respondents who stated that they would like to return to their countries, 22 were Palestinians. The relative statistical analysis showed differentiation among refugees from different countries of origin regarding the desire to return to their home country. More than two-thirds of third-country nationals applying for asylum in Greece stated that they wanted to stay in the country. Regarding this question, Palestinians showed a greater intention to move to another country compared with respondents from African countries. Those who answered that they did not want to stay in Greece preferred, to a large extent, to move to Germany. Other countries they would like to stay in included Belgium, Sweden, and the Netherlands. In
Dimitriadi’s research (
2017), most respondents aimed to go to Sweden, Germany, and England, showing compatible results in both studies. Answers to this question might change significantly if the research were conducted outside the confines of the CCS in Samos due to fear and concern about the asylum application process in Greece. It was observed that some did not answer based on their real intentions and goals. In general, the decisions of immigrants/refugees regarding the choice of settlement and successful social integration are closely linked to the education and employment prospects provided to them, in accordance with the relevant studies presented in the introduction (
Chandler and Tsai 2001;
Tlhabano and Schweitzer 2007;
Jacobs and Rea 2007;
Gallego and Pardos-Prado 2014;
Zacher 2019;
Maragoudakis et al. 2022b;
Nagopoulos et al. 2022).
Their intention for secondary movement was not related (there was no statistically significant relationship) to their waiting time in the CCS Samos. If this specific study had been conducted three years ago in the previous facilities of the center and under the conditions prevailing at that time, their intention for secondary movement might have been different and possibly connected to the waiting time for their decision. There were several during that period who decided to return to their homeland (voluntary return) due to the long wait at the center. Gender and age demographic characteristics did not show a statistically significant relationship with their intention to stay in Greece. The same was observed with the social characteristics of the respondents (family status, country of origin, and education), meaning there was no statistically significant differentiation with their intention.
The learning of the Greek language, finding employment, continuing education, and the relationships they built with individuals in the local community indicated their intentions to integrate into the local community. Out of the sample of 140 individuals, only 43 received refugee status. Several individuals with a refugee profile were not included because they voluntarily left the center once they made the decision. More than 50% of the recognized refugees in the survey started learning Greek, were seeking employment, and had friendly relationships with people in the society. The continuation of education and the learning of the Greek language varied depending on the country of origin, with respondents from African countries showing a greater intention to continue their education.
The perceptions of most regarding the local community were assessed with moderate satisfaction regarding their access to and service from public services, public hospitals, transportation, and stores. Less satisfaction was recorded regarding job search, private healthcare, and public education. Access to public hospitals and private doctors varied between men and women, while satisfaction regarding access to and service from public transportation differed between the two categories of different origins. They felt a sense of connection with the local community and had not been exposed to incidents of xenophobia or racism.
According to the research results, their stay in Greece did not depend on their perceptions of the local society in Samos. However, their attitude towards the local society in Samos did not imply that it would be the same for local societies in the rest of Greece. Gender and age, for the most part, did not influence their attitudes towards local society. The only statistical significance appeared in the variables “gender” and access to “public hospitals” and “private doctors”. There was a statistically significant differentiation between men and women in terms of access to and service from doctors in both the public and private sectors.
The logistic regression model indicated that marital status, the need for employment, the experience regarding the quality of services they received, and the need for security were the positive reasons for their intention to stay in Greece that were compatible with previous surveys (
Nunn et al. 2014;
Zacher 2019). However, other surveys do not confirm most refugees’ intent to stay in Greece but that they have in mind to move towards other European countries, mostly in central and northern Europe (
Dimitriadi 2017). Single Africans who had experienced a good and safe life up to now in Greece seemed to have a high intension to stay (permanently) in Greece.
The reception societies are tasked with the stage of receiving international protection applicants. Specifically, closed controlled structures ensure that everyone receives special care and protection, providing shelter, food, medical care, psychosocial support, access to public health facilities, access to public schools, and financial aid during the completion of their procedures. The completion procedures are carried out in a short period for those who will receive refugee status. This implies that they do not have time to be transferred to mainland Greece. For this reason, the local reception society must also be a society of integration. There should be special offices (one-stop-shops) guiding these people correctly, providing all the services they need, and ensuring job and housing placement. Psychological support is deemed necessary for a long period. As in other European countries, there should be specific integration programs that must be mandatory for them to follow. However, there should not only be rights but also obligations that need to be implemented to avoid negative consequences in the harmonious coexistence of the two sides.
Equally important is their settlement in specific areas determined by local authorities throughout the country. After the decision is issued, everyone gathers in major urban centers because there is better networking among them. Noteworthy is the action by local authorities to sensitize the indigenous population through various actions and programs for their immediate social integration. They should not perceive them as a threat to their place (
Maragoudakis et al. 2022b). Therefore, social integration can only be achieved if integration strategies are determined and implemented by both local communities and central authorities. The Greek integration model seeks to maintain an inclusive society that respects diversity and supports acceptance and social cohesion through interculturalism.
In conclusion, population movements, whether migratory or refugee, create significant disruptions worldwide. The ongoing increase in arrivals in Western societies can positively contribute to the challenges faced by the European Union, especially regarding the aging population, which is one of the major issues in Western societies. The percentage of retirees in EU countries is increasing at a faster rate than the growth of its labor force. Migration can also yield positive economic results for the European Union by effectively utilizing the new workforce. The efficient management of migration arrivals can contribute to the benefit of states, as long as successful integration is ensured (
Wolleghem 2017;
Huddleston et al. 2013). Social sciences can shape integration processes and formulate new governmental policy strategies. Social research contributes by providing measurements to assess the situation over different periods.