Bridging Cultural Capital: Youth-Driven Communication as a Catalyst for Well-Being in Film Festival Participation

Abstract

Film festivals often struggle to engage younger audiences, posing challenges for cultural participation and well-being. This study examines an innovative communication strategy introduced by the Ibero-American Film Festival of Huelva (FCIH), which incorporates young communicators (JCC) to enhance traditional outreach efforts. By employing a qualitative case study approach, including eight semi-structured interviews and an analysis of social media activity, this research investigated how this initiative influences the transmission and acquisition of cultural capital across generations. The findings reveal a substantial growth in social media engagement (12,155%) and increased attendance among younger audiences, highlighting the successful transfer of embodied cultural capital. Grounded in Bourdieu’s theoretical framework, the JCC initiative emerges as a tool for redistributing cultural capital. This strategy not only strengthens the festival’s outreach efforts but also has the potential to transform the cultural landscape of film festivals. The study concludes that involving young voices in the communication of cultural events can effectively democratize cultural capital and bridge generational divides, extending Bourdieu’s insights into the dynamics of contemporary digital culture.

1. Introduction

International film festivals play a pivotal role in the global film industry, serving as dynamic platforms for film exhibition, distribution, and professional networking (De Valck et al. 2016). Beyond their artistic and cultural significance, these events drive substantial economic benefits for host communities and function as critical intermediaries within the cinematic value chain (Grunwell and Ha 2008; Getz and Page 2016; Cudny et al. 2012; Vogel 2023). Recent data from the International Federation of Film Producers Associations (FIAPF) indicates that leading accredited film festivals attracted over 4.5 million attendees in 2023, generating approximately 570 million euros in local economic activity (FIAPF 2024). Traditionally, film festivals have relied on professional communication strategies to engage their target audiences and amplify media impact. These strategies are often outsourced to specialized agencies, reflecting a widespread managerial practice across industries, including the cultural sector (Ip et al. 2011; Dudė et al. 2021). However, there is limited academic research addressing the specific impacts, benefits, and risks associated with various communication methods in the context of festivals (Rüling and Pedersen 2010; Carlsen et al. 2010). As media consumption habits evolve and younger audiences become increasingly elusive through traditional channels, the need for innovative communication approaches has become more pressing.

Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital provides a useful lens for understanding these challenges. Cultural capital—comprising knowledge, skills, and cultural dispositions—differs significantly across generational groups (Prieur and Savage 2013). Within the context of film festivals, cultural capital can manifest as an appreciation of and engagement with cinema, representing a form of embodied cultural capital (Hill 2004; De Valck 2014). Amid this landscape of change and adaptation, the Ibero-American Film Festival of Huelva (FCIH) presents a particularly compelling case. Established in 1974, this festival has grown into one of Spain’s most prominent cinematic events and a key platform for Ibero-American cinema. With a history spanning five decades, the FCIH has not only showcased films in Spanish and Portuguese but has also served as a cultural and economic catalyst for the Huelva region. In recent years, the festival’s organizing committee has sought to innovate its communication model by incorporating a team of young communicators to complement its traditional outreach efforts. This novel approach aligns with broader trends in cultural event management, which emphasize co-creation and active audience involvement (Richards and Palmer 2010).

The urgency of attracting younger audiences is underscored by demographic data: only 18% of European film festival attendees are under the age of 25 (European Film Market 2023). This gap highlights the critical need to engage youth, a demographic whose cultural participation has been linked to social cohesion and community well-being (Jeannotte 2017). This study aimed to explore the implications of this innovative communication strategy, considering its potential to reshape engagement patterns and its broader relevance for the cultural sector. Specifically, the paper examines how integrating young voices into a festival’s communication strategy can influence audience perceptions, enhance participation, and contribute to long-term sustainability and cultural relevance. The analysis also seeks to extend Bourdieu’s theoretical framework by considering how cultural capital operates within contemporary, digitally mediated contexts. Moreover, by examining the intersection of social media and outsourced communication in film festivals, the study highlights the importance of diversifying narratives and perspectives in the promotion of cultural events—a vital consideration in an increasingly global and interconnected world.

Following this introduction, the paper outlines the theoretical framework and sectoral context. The practical case of the FCIH is then discussed, along with its implications, before concluding with a discussion of findings and broader reflections on the study’s contributions.

2. Theoretical Background

2.1. Bourdieu’s Cultural Capital Theory in Cinema and Film Festivals

Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital provides a crucial lens for analyzing how audiences engage with cinema and participate in film festivals. Bourdieu (2018) defines cultural capital as the knowledge, skills, and behaviors that reflect cultural competence and contribute to social status. When applied to the realm of cinema and film festivals, this concept helps to explain the ways in which audiences develop taste, engage with cultural content, and interact with events that serve as hubs for the exchange and accumulation of cultural capital. Film festivals epitomize what Bourdieu termed “the economy of cultural goods” (Bourdieu 1993). These events act as arenas where cultural capital is both displayed and acquired, serving as a platform for the negotiation of cultural value. Researchers have extensively employed Bourdieu’s framework to examine different aspects of film culture. For instance, Baumann (2001) analyzed how cultural capital shapes the legitimation of film as an art form, observing that individuals with higher levels of cultural capital are more likely to appreciate and endorse complex, artistically ambitious films, which are often featured at film festivals. Similarly, De Valck et al. (2016) highlights the role of festivals as spaces for cultural legitimation, where films and filmmakers gain symbolic capital through recognition and accolades.

This process of legitimation connects to Bourdieu’s broader concept of the field of cultural production, where agents compete for prestige and authority. Film festivals can thus be viewed as microcosms of this larger cultural field, with programmers, critics, and juries acting as cultural intermediaries. These intermediaries, described by Bourdieu (2018), play a decisive role in shaping the cultural capital associated with certain films and filmmakers. Rastegar (2012) further explores this dynamic, demonstrating how film festival programmers influence which films achieve cultural validation and recognition. The acquisition of cultural capital through festival participation has also been explored in prior research. Ethis (2005) observed that frequent festival attendees develop specific skills and dispositions, including an ability to critically engage with diverse films, familiarity with cinema history, and an understanding of festival rituals. These attributes, which align with Bourdieu’s notion of embodied cultural capital, highlight how festival participation can enhance an individual’s cultural competence.

The advent of the digital age has introduced new dimensions to Bourdieu’s theory within the context of cinema and film festivals. Atkinson and Kennedy (2016) examine the role of online platforms and social media in transforming how cultural capital related to cinema is both acquired and displayed. They argue that these digital spaces create opportunities for audiences to showcase their film knowledge and taste, effectively democratizing the processes of cultural capital accumulation. In terms of audience development—a critical challenge for many film festivals—Bourdieu’s theory underscores the need for strategies that go beyond conventional marketing efforts. Successfully attracting younger audiences requires bridging gaps in cultural capital. Initiatives that incorporate educational components or foster dialogue can help equip new audiences with the tools necessary to engage with festival programming, making these events more accessible and inclusive.

Viewing film festivals through the lens of Bourdieu’s cultural capital theory offers valuable insights for both scholars and practitioners. This perspective sheds light on the intricate social and cultural dynamics that underpin these events, emphasizing their significance beyond their function as showcases for films. As festivals continue to adapt to technological advancements and shifting audience expectations, Bourdieu’s framework remains an essential tool for understanding their evolving cultural relevance and devising effective strategies for audience engagement.

2.2. Film Festival Evolution

Film festivals have increasingly drawn the attention of researchers, offering a fertile ground for diverse theoretical explorations. Despite appearing straightforward to define, the concept of film festivals has been subject to varying interpretations in the literature. De Valck et al. (2016) describe them as “complex cultural events that simultaneously function as film exhibitions, industry markets, sites for awards and celebrations, and nodes in a global network of cinematic circulation”. Alternatively, Rüling and Pedersen (2010) view festivals as “temporary organizations acting as cultural intermediaries, connecting the production and consumption of films and shaping the fields of art-house and world cinema”. Elsaesser (2005) emphasizes the structural and functional aspects, defining film festivals as “mandatory passage points, access points, and accreditation systems” within the international film circuit, which regulate entry, add value, and generate meaning for films and filmmakers. In contrast, Iordanova and Rhyne (2009) adopt a broader perspective, characterizing festivals as “cultural institutions mediating between the local and the global, the national and the transnational, serving as focal points for forming film communities and circulating films beyond commercial circuits”.

To understand the evolution of film festivals, researchers have developed classifications based on their characteristics and trajectory. One of the most influential models is De Valck’s (2007) three-phase framework. (1) The Geopolitical Phase (1932–1968). During this era, film festivals served as tools for national and international diplomacy. Established in the aftermath of World War II, events like Cannes and Venice were platforms for promoting national cinema and cultural exchange while navigating Cold War tensions (Iordanova 2015; Wong 2011). (2) The Phase of Organizational Independence (1970–1980). This phase saw festivals gaining autonomy, focusing on specific themes, genres, or underrepresented cinemas. Reflecting broader social movements, festivals became cultural gatekeepers, challenging industry norms and promoting alternative forms of cinema (Elsaesser 2005; Stringer 2001). (3) The Professionalization Phase (1980–Present). Characterized by increasing institutionalization and commercialization, this phase has seen the integration of film markets, professional networking events, and educational programs within festivals. The rise of digital technologies and globalization has further transformed the landscape, enabling online festivals and new media integration (Iordanova and Rhyne 2009; Iordanova and Cunningham 2012).

Other scholars propose classifications focused on the life cycle of individual festivals. Rüling and Pedersen (2010) outline three stages: initiation, consolidation, and institutionalization. Fischer (2013) suggests a four-stage process: establishment, local expansion, national recognition, and international projection. Loist (2016) identifies international expansion as the final stage, preceded by program growth, audience diversification, and industry engagement. As cultural products, film festivals operate within competitive markets. De Valck (2007) highlights their role as nodes in a global cinematic network, influencing industry dynamics and the formation of the cinematic canon. Communication strategies play a pivotal role in their success. Fischer (2009) notes that effective communication not only promotes events but also reinforces their identity within the global cultural landscape. Grunwell and Ha (2008) further argue that communication strategies should align with a festival’s vision and business goals, effectively engaging cinephiles, sponsors, and media outlets. The recent evolution of festivals highlights a shift toward more inclusive communication strategies, where audiences are not merely passive consumers but active contributors to content dissemination. This trend aligns with what Jenkins et al. (2013) describe as a “participatory culture”, in which the boundaries between content producers and consumers become increasingly blurred. Within the realm of film festivals, De Valck et al. (2016) emphasizes how these events have emerged as spaces for cultural legitimization, with audiences taking on a progressively active role. Moreover, Atkinson and Kennedy (2016) underscore the impact of digital platforms in reshaping how cultural capital related to cinema is acquired and displayed, thereby democratizing the processes of cultural capital accumulation.

2.3. Outsourcing of Communication Services

The classical communication model, inspired by Weaver (1949), emphasizes a linear transmission of messages. However, later approaches have highlighted the complexity of the communication process. Hall (1980) introduced a more dynamic encoding–decoding model, emphasizing how receivers actively reinterpret messages based on their sociocultural context. Carey (1989) expanded on this idea, proposing a ritual view of communication that underscores participation and the shared creation of meaning. More recently, Jenkins et al. (2013) have explored how participatory culture in the digital age has further transformed these communicative processes. These perspectives are particularly relevant for understanding how young audiences engage with festival publications in the context of social media (Carpentier 2011). These complexities grant communication functions all the characteristics necessary to become one of the primary activities to be outsourced. Outsourcing, as a managerial strategy, gained prominence in the late 20th century. Domberger (1998) defines it as delegating specific business processes to external providers to enhance efficiency, reduce costs, or access specialized expertise. Contractor et al. (2010) emphasize that outsourcing is particularly valuable for improving competitiveness. In the cultural sector, however, studies on outsourcing practices remain limited. Presenza and Iocca (2012) explored the perceptions of stakeholders regarding outsourcing during festival planning and operations, noting its role in essential services like public relations and online presence. Similarly, Rüling and Pedersen (2010) identify outsourcing as a common practice in European film festivals for technical and logistical services. Colbert and Courchesne (2012) argue that outsourcing communication services allows cultural organizations to access specialized expertise, particularly in digital communication, enabling them to adapt to evolving consumer behaviors.

Despite these benefits, outsourcing presents challenges. Kleppe (2017) warns that outsourcing communication can dilute authenticity and hinder rapid responses, affecting audience engagement. Gilmore and Rentschler (2002) stress that effective communication requires a deep understanding of an organization’s mission and values, which may be compromised when external providers lack insider knowledge. Pulh and Mencarelli (2015) highlight rising audience expectations for real-time, personalized interactions, which outsourced services may struggle to deliver. Nonetheless, when strategically implemented, outsourcing can enhance efficiency and outreach. Bakhshi and Throsby (2012) argue that external expertise in digital communication can help cultural organizations expand their audience base and improve their digital presence, striking a balance between external support and maintaining organizational identity.

2.4. Social Media in the Film Industry

Social media has become an essential element of modern life, playing a central role in business strategies across industries, including the film sector. Academic interest in social media has grown significantly over the past decade, exploring its impact on various stakeholders in the cultural sector (Poell and van Dijck 2015; Criado et al. 2017; Carah and Angus 2018). Beyond traditional uses such as product promotion, sales campaigns, and engaging younger audiences (Hennig-Thurau et al. 2015; Gong et al. 2017; Hudson and Hudson 2013; MacKay et al. 2017), social media, combined with word of mouth, has emerged as a predictive tool for box office performance (Kim et al. 2013). In the context of cultural events, Carah (2014) identified over a decade ago how social media transformed attention management and value creation. More recent studies have revealed its impact on attendees’ emotions, brand perception, and word of mouth at cultural festivals (Hudson et al. 2015). Within the film industry, social media has revolutionized communication strategies, particularly for independent films. Cabosky (2016) highlights how these platforms enable direct connections between filmmakers and audiences, reshaping traditional marketing approaches.

For film festivals, the role of social media has been studied from various perspectives. Hudson et al. (2015) demonstrate its commercial benefits, showing that social media engagement fosters attendee loyalty. Similarly, Loist and De Valck (2010) emphasize that social media creates opportunities for forming transnational cinephile communities, strengthening connections across geographic and cultural boundaries. Social media’s transformative power extends beyond marketing. Kidd (2011) highlighted its potential to democratize cultural communication by fostering public participation and co-creation of meanings. This participatory aspect has positioned social media as a strategic resource for festivals and the broader cultural sector. Getz and Page (2016) describe how social media has extended the festival experience beyond physical events, enabling the formation of lasting virtual communities. These communities represent intangible assets for organizers, strengthening a festival’s reach and impact. However, leveraging social media comes with challenges. Morey et al. (2016) warn that poorly managed online presence can amplify negative information or dilute a festival’s identity. Additionally, the digital divide raises concerns about the exclusion of certain demographics who may lack access or engagement with these platforms.

This review underscores the critical role of social media in shaping communication strategies for film festivals. It supports the need to scientifically test hybrid communication models that address the challenges of outsourcing and digital engagement. Such models could expand the strategic and theoretical discourse in the field, enhancing the understanding of communication dynamics in the cultural sector.

3. Methodology

This study adopts a qualitative approach applied to the Ibero-American Film Festival of Huelva to examine and evaluate a novel communication technique in film festivals, exploring the rationale and benefits underlying this approach. Case studies provide a valuable framework for analyzing how film festivals confront complex challenges, innovate, and adapt to evolving realities. As Getz and Page (2016) highlight, events like film festivals are intricate and multifaceted, necessitating a holistic analytical perspective. Case studies capture this complexity through “rich description” of processes, decisions, and outcomes within their specific contexts (Yin 2014). Given the dynamic nature of film festivals, where practices and strategies evolve rapidly, case studies offer the flexibility needed to investigate emerging phenomena. De Valck et al. (2016) describe film festivals as “laboratories” for cultural and organizational innovation, and case studies facilitate the documentation and analysis of such innovations in real time, fostering connections between academic research and industry practice.

A qualitative methodology is essential for uncovering the motivations, perceptions, and experiences of festival organizers and other key stakeholders. According to Rüling and Pedersen (2010), this approach is particularly effective in disentangling the complexities of decision-making and strategic management in film festivals. Methods such as in-depth interviews provide insights inaccessible through quantitative means, making them invaluable for exploring innovation and resilience in this sector. Best practices derived from such studies can inform and benefit other festivals, as well as the broader academic and professional community. The practical significance of qualitative research in event management lies in its ability to directly inform practice and policy. Mair and Whitford (2013) emphasize the importance of applied research in the events sector, which bridges theoretical exploration and real-world implementation. However, the use of case studies is not without criticism. Stake (1995) and Yin (2014) note challenges such as the absence of hypotheses and limited generalizability. In response, Eisenhardt and Graebner (2007) argue that case studies’ strength lies in generating context-dependent knowledge, which is crucial for understanding complex realities in social sciences, where predictive quantitative models often fall short.

This focus on understanding, developing, and empowering through case studies aligns with this research’s objective: to explore a new hybrid communication model for film festivals. The methodology combines qualitative analysis of semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions with festival organizers and members of the youth communicators’ group, alongside analysis of social media engagement metrics and festival attendance data. Semi-structured interviews are particularly well suited for cultural sector research due to their flexibility and ability to capture nuanced perspectives (Teo 2014). This method resonates with Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital, enabling an exploration of the interplay between individual dispositions, institutional structures, and cultural practices (Bennett et al. 2014). In the context of film festivals, semi-structured interviews can illuminate how stakeholders navigate and contribute to the cultural field. As Baumann (2018) suggests, such interviews can uncover processes of cultural legitimation and value attribution central to Bourdieu’s framework of cultural production.

For this study, semi-structured interviews were organized into several thematic blocks informed by Bourdieu’s theoretical framework, as outlined in

Table 1. Key blocks for semi-structured interviews.

Block	Description	Source
Cultural Capital and Film Festival Participation	Questions in this section aimed to uncover the forms of cultural capital (embodied, objectified, and institutionalized) that participants bring to and acquire from the festival experience	(Prieur and Savage 2013)
Field Dynamics and Power Relations	This section focused on the relationships between different actors in the film festival ecosystem (organizers, young communicators, audience members). It sought to understand how these relationships shape the festival’s cultural offerings and communication strategies	(Bourdieu 1993)
Habits and Cultural Consumption	Questions in this block examined the interviewees’ tastes, preferences, and consumption patterns related to cinema and cultural events. This aligns with Bourdieu’s concept of habitus and helps to understand how individual dispositions interact with the festival’s cultural offerings	(Hanquinet et al. 2014)
Digital Cultural Capital	Given the focus on young communicators and social media engagement, this block explored how digital platforms are reshaping cultural capital in the context of film festivals	(Roose 2015)
Cultural Intermediation	This final block focused on the role of young communicators as cultural intermediaries, examining how they interpret and transmit cultural value	(Maguire and Matthews 2012)

Source: own elaboration.

. These thematic blocks served to structure the data collection process, ensuring a comprehensive exploration of stakeholder perspectives while maintaining analytical rigor.

By structuring the interviews based on these themes, we collected rich, qualitative data that shed light on the complex processes of cultural production, consumption, and mediation within the film festival context. This methodology enabled a nuanced application of Bourdieu’s theory to contemporary cultural practices, particularly in relation to youth engagement and digital communication strategies. The interviews were conducted with two members of the Jóvenes Comunicadores Cinéfilos (JCC) program and six permanent members of the festival’s organization. These interviews were held in person, with durations ranging from 45 min (the shortest) to 1 h and 55 min (the longest), and covered all questions related to the implementation of the communication technique, both before and after the 49th edition of the festival in 2023.

In parallel, social media analytics were examined to assess the impact of this new communication strategy. Data from the official festival social media accounts were analyzed for the periods before and after the 49th edition. To provide a focused and relevant evaluation, only data from the Instagram platform were considered. This decision stemmed from findings that Instagram user profiles align well with the target audience of this communication strategy (González-Mohíno et al. 2024). For social media analysis, we adopted a quantitative content analysis approach, examining posts published during the designated period. Key Instagram metrics such as the number of “likes”, comments, and post reach were used to measure engagement. Additionally, we analyzed follower growth and the engagement rate, calculated as the total interactions divided by the number of followers and multiplied by 100. This method enabled us to quantify the impact of the JCC strategy in terms of visibility and young audience participation. The analysis of Instagram traffic specifically concentrated on the weeks immediately preceding the festival, the days of its implementation, and the weeks following it. Given the nature of the festival as a cultural event and the characteristics of the published content, an extended analysis outside these periods was deemed unnecessary. This targeted approach allowed for a clearer evaluation of the communication strategy’s impact during the most relevant phases of the festival’s timeline.

4. The Case: Ibero-American Film Festival of Huelva (FCIH)

The Ibero-American Film Festival of Huelva (FCIH) was founded in 1975, originally known as the Ibero-American Film Week during its first two editions. Now in its 50th edition, the festival continues to pursue its primary goal: promoting and enhancing the appreciation of Ibero-American cinematography. The city of Huelva, symbolically positioned as a cultural bridge between the Iberian Peninsula and Latin America, reinforces this mission. Appropriately, the festival’s main prize is named after Christopher Columbus, historically recognized as the navigator who opened routes between these regions (FCIH n.d.). The 49th edition of the festival, which serves as the reference point for this study, drew 50,000 spectators and garnered coverage in over 200 international media outlets. Approximately 80% of the festival’s EUR 850,000 budget was allocated to local businesses and professionals, demonstrating its significant economic and cultural impact. Within the broader context of management science, the FCIH can be viewed as a “born global” entity, distinct from traditional cultural events that expand internationally only after reaching maturity. From its inception, the FCIH has carved out a prominent position within both the European and global festival landscapes.

This international dimension also underscores the global communication needs of the festival, aligning with its mission and objectives. The festival’s target demographic, typically aged over 40, posed additional challenges, prompting the organizers to explore alternative communication approaches to diversify their audience. From insights gathered during interviews with the festival’s organizers, the Young Cinephile Communicators (JCC) project was conceived as an innovative communication initiative designed to disrupt traditional strategies commonly employed by film festivals. The JCC project, first introduced during the 2022 edition, marked a significant shift in the festival’s communication approach. A team of young professionals, still in their formative years, but formally recognized and mentored by the festival organization, was given the autonomy to develop and execute a parallel communication strategy. This strategy involved creating a dedicated social media account, distinct from the festival’s official channels, with the aim of generating high-relevance content targeting a younger audience under 30 years old. It is important to highlight that this group operates outside the formal organizational structure of the festival. Its participants include university students in their final stages of education, coming from fields such as film studies, cultural studies, and journalism. The tutor, responsible for supervising their work, typically changes with each edition, although the organization consistently seeks a highly prestigious profile with international recognition.

During the weeks leading up to and throughout the festival, the JCC team leveraged their free access to festival information and events to craft and share tailored content. Their strategy focused on maximizing the appeal of platforms like Instagram Reels, optimizing posting times, and crafting messages that resonated with younger demographics. This approach allowed the JCC team to complement the official FCIH account while providing a more dynamic and relatable perspective to engage the youth segment effectively.

5. Findings

The evaluation of this case revealed substantial results in terms of impact and audience conversion. A year-over-year analysis of the social media impact—central to the new communication technique—demonstrated an astonishing 12,155% increase in interactions and a 108% growth in followers. The measurement tools provided by the platform allowed for audience segmentation, demonstrating how digital products tailored to young audiences—such as reels or new interview formats—attracted views and interactions specifically from this demographic segment. Additionally, a rise in attendance among younger audiences was noted, though the organization currently lacks precise tools to quantify the percentage increase in ticket sales attributed to this demographic shift. While a significant increase in social media visibility was observed during the study period, it cannot be solely attributed to the posts made by the JCC team without further analysis. However, interviews with the organizers suggest that these posts played a key role in directly engaging young audiences through language and formats tailored to their preferences. The JCC project emerged as a strategic response to bridge the generational gap in cultural participation. Festival organizers identified that their traditional communication framework was insufficient for engaging younger audiences, necessitating an innovative approach. Interviews revealed that the JCC members evolved into cultural translators, adept at interpreting and conveying the festival’s message in ways that resonated with their peers:

We see ourselves as bridges between the festival and our peers. We’re not just promoting films; we’re cultivating an appreciation for diverse cinema among our generation.

This approach challenges conventional festival communication models, demonstrating that incorporating younger voices does not compromise artistic integrity, but rather broadens the scope of cultural engagement. Additionally, by fostering an appreciation for diverse cinema, the JCC members are contributing to the development of their generation’s cultural habitus, enabling new groups to access and value forms of cultural capital that were previously considered exclusive.

The festival’s organizers recognized that success was not about imposing predefined narratives, but about embracing listening and adaptability:

Integrating JCC into our communication strategy has changed the power dynamics. We’re no longer just broadcasting information; we’re now in a dialogue with our younger audience.

By shifting power dynamics and fostering dialogue, the festival is democratizing access to cultural capital. This participatory approach allows the institutionalized cultural capital of the festival to evolve and align with the cultural dispositions of younger audiences, illustrating how the cultural field of cinema is being reconfigured in the digital age.

Moreover, the concept of co-creation of value, as explored in prior literature, also emerged in the reflections of the young communicators:

I’ve noticed a shift in how my friends perceive the festival. They now see it as more relevant and accessible, rather than an elite cultural event.

By making the festival appear more relevant and accessible, the traditional notion of a film festival as an elite cultural event is being challenged. This suggests a transformation in the symbolic value associated with festival participation, making the cultural capital it represents more attainable to a broader audience. This shift serves as a reminder of how cultural capital can function as a mechanism of social distinction.

Finally, another member of the JCC expressed:

Participating in the festival was a challenge for me, as I had to mediate between technical content and new generations. Being part of this program has given me a new perspective on Ibero-American cinema and how to communicate it on social media.

This statement illustrates the intersection between embodied cultural capital and new forms of digital capital, thus extending Bourdieu’s theory to the contemporary context of cultural communication.

At a theoretical level, this case proposes a potential new communication model for film festivals. As shown in the classic communication model (Figure 1), the traditional method features a single sender (S1)—typically the festival’s official social media account—communicating with multiple audience segments (R1, R2, R3, etc.). This static, one-directional structure often leads to a loss of engagement, as feedback primarily comes from older audience segments (R1). In contrast, the JCC model represents a dynamic evolution of sender–receiver relationships, introducing multiple young communicators (S2, S3, etc.) as intermediaries. These communicators tailor and transmit the festival’s messages in ways that resonate with their peers (R2, R3, etc.), while still remaining aligned with the overarching festival narrative. This approach fosters bidirectional communication and significantly enhances engagement with underrepresented demographics, particularly younger audiences.

Figure 2 demonstrates how the festival effectively segmented its audience while using the same context and channel—social media. By introducing a new sender (S2) under the organization’s supervision, the initiative successfully targeted the younger demographic (R3) without altering the festival’s core structure or identity. This strategic adjustment enabled the creation of tailored messages for this key audience group, contributing to a more effective outreach. Additionally, the incorporation of this new sender expanded the communication channel, increasing the volume of festival-related content circulating on social media throughout the campaign.

As highlighted by the organizers, film festivals are inherently time-bound events requiring extensive managerial coordination. This characteristic drives the exploration of alternative solutions for critical production processes. Delegating or outsourcing certain services is further justified by the challenge of sustaining permanent expertise throughout the year. Moreover, since this initiative complements rather than replaces the festival’s official communication strategy, its cost remains considerably lower relative to the impact achieved in engaging an audience segment previously beyond reach.

6. Discussion and Conclusions

The evolving nature of today’s market significantly impacts the demand for film festivals. In an era shaped by globalization and uncertainty, festivals must innovate throughout their operations, particularly in communication strategies. This study, positioned within the broader discourse on the transnational evolution of film festivals (Bossa 2013), examines the introduction of the Young Cinephile Communicators (JCC) project at the FCIH. The findings underscore how the JCC initiative complements the festival’s official communication efforts and provides a foundation for developing new communication frameworks in this sector, analyzed through Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital. The JCC project serves as an innovative response to the generational gap in cultural capital, with young communicators acting as intermediaries between the festival and younger audiences. This approach aligns with recent research emphasizing the effectiveness of peer-to-peer communication in fostering youth engagement with cultural events (Kahne et al. 2016). Furthermore, this initiative facilitates the transmission of cultural capital, positioning young communicators as agents in disseminating film knowledge and fostering appreciation (Roose 2015). The results show that the communication strategies implemented by the JCC team not only increased visibility on social media but also facilitated the intergenerational transmission of cultural capital. According to Bourdieu, this process involves not only consuming cultural content but also developing dispositions and skills that legitimize cultural participation. In this sense, the festival acted as a key mediator in the democratization of cultural capital. By involving this demographic, the FCIH not only broadens youth participation but also contributes to reshaping the cultural capital traditionally associated with film festivals. This strategy aligns with ongoing debates about the democratization of cultural capital and the role of digital media in this process (Savage et al. 2018). The communication practices of the festival, through the JCC team, contributed to democratizing access to cultural capital, allowing young people to acquire cultural competencies related to cinema. This relates to the notions of embodied cultural capital (skills and dispositions acquired) and institutionalized cultural capital (social legitimization of the festival). Furthermore, the feedback received through social media can be interpreted as a contemporary form of symbolic validation within the cultural field described by Bourdieu. This process strengthens both the social and cultural capital of the festival. Case studies like FCIH provide valuable insights into bridging theory and practice by offering real-world examples and actionable recommendations. Contrary to the frameworks proposed by Fischer (2013) and Loist (2016), the FCIH does not conform to the conventional view of international expansion as a final phase of strategic growth. Instead, it exemplifies Iordanova’s (2015) concept of “born global” festivals, where geographic outreach is integral to early growth rather than a culminating step.

This study addresses a notable gap in the literature regarding festivals with an inherent international orientation, which seek cultural connections across borders from their inception. The innovative communication model adopted by the FCIH demonstrates the efficacy of leveraging social media for such purposes. However, the unique communication dynamics of festivals—where official accounts often remain dormant for extended periods—contrast with recommendations from other sectors (De Veirman et al. 2017; Casaló et al. 2020). The reactivation of these channels demands substantial organizational effort, amplifying perceived risks related to the effectiveness of influencer recommendations (Cabeza-Ramírez et al. 2022). The strategy adopted by the FCIH shows parallels with common practices among institutions that collaborate with influencers to amplify their digital reach (Enke and Borchers 2019). Like influencers, the JCC act as cultural mediators capable of connecting with specific audiences through authentic narratives and accessible formats. However, it is important to note that the two strategies cannot be directly compared, due to differences in budget and other factors. The implementation of this communication campaign, driven by the JCC’s co-creation of value, presents a unique model without clear managerial definitions or academic parallels. Given the mentorship provided by the organization and the involvement of young professionals still in training, it cannot be categorized as traditional outsourcing. This “communication by young people for young people” approach, diverging from reliance solely on professional external providers, represents a win–win formula for all stakeholders. Beyond extending the festival’s reach to new generations, the initiative reinforces ties with the local community and positions the festival as a platform for nurturing young talent in diverse areas of the film industry. This aligns with recent studies emphasizing the importance of diversity and inclusion in festival curation and promotion (Zifkos 2015; O’Rourke et al. 2011). However, the academic discourse has yet to thoroughly explore sustainability practices in film festivals.

As noted by FCIH organizers during interviews, the concept of sustainability extends beyond environmental concerns, which are well documented in the literature. Innovative solutions that positively impact local communities and prioritize local businesses in financial allocation should also be considered sustainable. This perspective is particularly relevant, as film festivals are not just cultural showcases but also drivers of urban development (Cudny 2016). Additionally, the authors propose an adaptation of the traditional communication model (Figure 2), drawing on the findings of this study to inform modern festival communication strategies. This novel approach highlights the limitations of conventional methods in addressing the needs of contemporary cultural events and suggests a replicable framework for similar initiatives. The remarkable increase in social media interactions (12,155%) and the noticeable rise in young audience attendance illustrate the JCC project’s success in bridging the gap between the festival’s cultural capital and younger demographics. Building on Carey’s (1989) communication model in culture, feedback in this new model represents a bidirectional process of cultural exchange. In the context of cultural capital, this feedback reflects how the young participants of the JCC not only transmit information but also acquire and transform cultural capital through their interactions with the festival and the audience. Reactions to social media posts, for example, serve as indicators of how the young audience receives and reinterprets cultural content. Interviews with organizers and members of the JCC illustrate how this initiative is reshaping the distribution of cultural capital within the festival ecosystem. Organizers serve as facilitators in transferring institutionalized cultural capital, while the young JCC members reinterpret and adapt this capital into embodied and digital forms, aligning it with the communicative codes of younger generations. Notably, this intersection between embodied cultural capital and digital forms introduces a degree of tension for some participants, as they navigate the challenge of mediating between the festival’s technical content and the expectations of social media audiences. Although this tension was not a central focus of the research, it emerges as an intriguing finding worthy of further exploration. JCC members occupy a unique role, translating the specialized language of cinema into formats that are more accessible and engaging for their peers on social media. This process often requires balancing the artistic integrity of the content with the demands of digital communication, posing a complex challenge. This observation underscores the intricate dynamics involved in transmitting cultural capital across generations and platforms. While the JCC initiative facilitates knowledge transfer and fosters an appreciation for cinema, it also necessitates a nuanced negotiation between traditional cultural values and contemporary digital practices. This tension highlights the evolving nature of cultural capital in the digital age and the difficulties cultural institutions face in connecting with younger audiences while preserving their artistic and cultural heritage. These outcomes reinforce Jeannotte’s (2003) perspective, which argues that active cultural participation, exemplified by the JCC initiative, serves as a tool for social inclusion and community engagement. This success resonates with Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital, particularly in its embodied and institutionalized forms (Bourdieu 2018). The young communicators’ age and digital expertise embody a type of cultural capital that effectively engages their peers. This study demonstrates how digital platforms can function as new frontiers and fields within Bourdieu’s theory, viewing them as spaces where cultural capital is negotiated and redistributed. Furthermore, by involving target audience representatives directly in communication processes, the festival not only extends its appeal to younger generations but also fosters a deeper sense of belonging and active participation. This aligns with the theory of the “festivalization of culture”, which underscores the role of participatory events in shaping modern cultural identities (Bennett et al. 2014). Incorporating young voices into communication strategies not only diversifies narratives but also enhances the representation of perspectives in promoting cultural events, an increasingly significant factor in an interconnected and globalized digital landscape.

Limitations and Future Research

Although this research offers valuable insights into innovative communication strategies in film festivals, several limitations must be acknowledged. First, the focus on a single case—the Ibero-American Film Festival of Huelva—may constrain the generalizability of the findings to other festivals or cultural events operating in different contexts. Second, the study’s relatively short time frame may not account for the long-term effects or sustainability of the JCC initiative. Third, while the research integrates qualitative and quantitative data, a more rigorous mixed-method approach incorporating detailed statistical analyses could provide more comprehensive understanding. For example, in terms of social media impact analysis, the current measurement tools of the social network used (Instagram) provide instant information, but remain accessible only for a limited period, which makes it difficult to interpret these data in depth. Additionally, the study primarily relied on interviews with festival organizers and JCC members, which may omit valuable perspectives from other key stakeholders, such as regular attendees, sponsors, or film industry professionals. In this regard, it is worth mentioning that the interviews did not leave room for potential interpretations of the challenges faced by the organizers during the execution phase of the program, as only the benefits of this innovative approach were reflected. The absence of a control group—such as a comparable festival without a similar initiative—further limits the ability to definitively attribute the observed outcomes to the JCC project alone. Furthermore, given the rapidly evolving landscape of digital communication and social media, the effectiveness of the strategies examined in this research may shift over time, reducing the applicability of findings in future contexts.

Future research should address these limitations by expanding the scope to include comparative studies across multiple festivals, utilizing longitudinal designs to assess the sustained impact of initiatives like JCC, and integrating feedback from a broader range of stakeholders. Such approaches would enhance the robustness of findings and contribute to a deeper understanding of how innovative communication strategies can be effectively implemented in the cultural sector.