The ‘Foreign’ and ‘National’ During the COVID-19 Pandemic on Domestic Work in Portugal

Abstract

The current article seeks to present and discuss the research results as part of the ‘Magenta’ Project, which focuses on mapping whether and how nationality has been an impact factor in the context of domestic work in Portugal during the COVID-19 pandemic. This quantitative study sought to compile and organize statistical data showing the effects of COVID-19 on domestic workers in the mainland and island regions of Portugal throughout 2021. Due to the extent of the research, this article focuses only on analyzing the results that show statistically significant associations between the pandemic and the variables of different nationalities in domestic work in Portugal.

1. Introduction

This manuscript uses a quantitative methodological approach, drawing on recent statistical data to analyze the impact of COVID-19 on domestic workers in Portugal. The rationale behind this choice is to provide a robust, data-driven analysis of how nationality intersects the other variables to shape the experiences of domestic workers during the pandemic. The methodology includes rigorous statistical techniques to ensure the finding’s reliability and validity, which is critical for informing effective public policies.

The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated existing inequalities in labor markets worldwide, with particularly pronounced effects on migrant workers in precarious employment sectors. This study, part of the “Magenta” Project, funded by the Foundation for Science and Technology, examines the intersectional impacts of nationality on domestic workers in Portugal (the mainland and the autonomous regions) during the 2021 pandemic period. By analyzing how different nationalities experience varying levels of precarity, health risks, and domestic violence, we aim to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of migrant labor dynamics in times of crisis.

Our research questions are as follows: How does nationality influence the working conditions and job security of domestic workers in Portugal during the COVID-19 pandemic? What are the differential health impacts and risks experienced by domestic workers of various nationalities? How does nationality intersect with experiences of domestic violence among domestic workers during lockdown periods? The current quantitative study employs an intersectional framework, recognizing that nationality interacts with gender, class, race, and immigration status to shape workers’ experiences. Focusing on these intersections, we aim to fill a critical gap in the literature on migrant domestic work during global health crises and inform more equitable policy responses, especially in the Portuguese context of Portugal. The results highlight a diversity of experiences, where nationality significantly influences working conditions and health perceptions. One of the main findings highlights the advanced age, low educational levels, and fewer formal employment contracts observed among national workers, as well as vulnerabilities related to forced labor and fear of infection concerning immigrant workers, who face additional challenges due to social and cultural relations.

In the following sections, this article reviews the existing literature on domestic work, taking into account nationality and migration issues during the COVID-19 pandemic. It describes the methodology used to collect and analyze the data, presents the results obtained, and discusses their implications for the context of public policies in Portugal. We conclude with recommendations that must be considered for future research that could continue to explore this complex relation in labor conditions of migrant domestic labor populations in the post-pandemic period.

2. Literature Review

The COVID-19 pandemic has intensified the vulnerability of domestic workers and caregivers, as pointed out by organizations such as the WHO (2020) and the ILO (2020a). In the European Union, 88 percent of domestic workers are women (UN Women 2020), a figure that in Portugal reaches 95 percent (INE 2012). The current sector, historically marked by precarious labor—with undeclared employment, low wages, irregular payments, and abuse of labor and human rights (ILO 2020a)—has seen its situation worsen during the health crisis, affecting mainly migrant and refugee women, who have faced increased risks of deportation (International 2020). These circumstances underline the urgent need for adequate responses from public policies.

This article is part of a more extensive study that sought to understand the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on domestic labor in Portugal (Baptista et al. 2021). The first study (submitted for publication) focused on the overlap of schooling and the relationship between types of employment. The second study (also submitted for publication) seeks to understand how and under what circumstances gender and age variables have affected domestic workers during COVID-19 in Portugal. The present study focuses on how the different nationalities working in domestic service have been affected during the pandemic. We are discussing the data based on studies from the literature review that explore the impact of the pandemic on migrant domestic workers in other countries to contextualize the findings of the Portuguese context within a broader framework of migration and precarious work and the specific aggravations of the pandemic crisis.

Paid domestic work and caregiving performed by migrant women gained prominence during the COVID-19 pandemic, highlighting its centrality to social reproduction and the precarious conditions of these workers. Recent studies discuss the various dynamics and inequalities associated with the sector, as well as the impacts of the health crisis on these laborers. As the special issue of the journal Migraciones, titled “Migration, Care Work and Social Risks: The Contradictions of Well-Being in the Context of COVID-19”, published in December 2021, some of the relevant articles from this issue will be utilized to discuss the themes related to the presented data.

According to the Census analysis report on the foreign national population living in Portugal, “work was the main source of income for the foreign population, with “cleaning worker” being the most represented profession” (INE 2023, p. 3). A study with a transnational approach to the utilization of the migrant population during COVID-19, primarily employed as ‘Essential workers’, “included migrants typically considered ‘low-skilled’ such as crop pickers, food processors, care assistants and cleaners in hospitals” (Anderson et al. 2021, p. 2). The authors discuss the importance of rethinking the work of the migrant population based on the concept of systemic resilience:

(…) for example, employment conditions can simultaneously create flexibility for employers (which might contribute to resilience) and precarity for workers (which might undermine resilience) (…). The definition of ‘skills’ is similarly contentious, which complicates analyses and debates about ‘skills shortages’. What is recognized and legitimated as ‘skill’ is socially constituted, unavoidably politicized, and often heavily gendered

(Anderson et al. 2021, p. 3).

The Global Institute for Women’s Leadership developed a series of studies on the impacts of COVID-19 on women, migration, and domestic labor (Cook et al. 2021; UN Women 2020). The Former Prime Minister of Australia and Chair, Julia Gillard, commented that the “issue delves deeper into the impacts of Covid on specific groups of women—including single parents, key workers, and women in non-standard employment—and offers solutions on how to support them” (In Cook et al. 2021, p. 3). The essays take an intersectional approach, broadening an, often simplistic, focus on women as a homogenous group by examining the pandemic experiences of specific groups of women—including single mothers, pregnant women, migrant women, and Indigenous women—and the adequacy (or inadequacy) of policy responses in addressing these issues (Cook et al. 2021, p. 6).

One of the articles already submitted for publication analyzes the vulnerable situation of migrant domestic workers, especially under visa regimes that tie them to specific employers, resulting in precariousness and exposure to abusive conditions during the pandemic. The authors discuss the configuration of migrant labor as ‘essential’ and, at the same time, ‘disposable’ (Gammage and Rao 2021), arguing the heightened vulnerabilities faced by migrant domestic workers during the COVID-19 pandemic. Migrant workers were particularly susceptible to the impacts of lockdowns, severely limiting their mobility and access to essential services (Gammage and Rao 2021; Guadagno 2020): “Close to 95 per cent of all domestic workers globally are women, and one in five are migrants, with that share rising far higher in many individual countries” (Gammage and Rao 2021, p. 49).

The decolonial feminist theorist Ochy Curiel, in her essay on the intersections of gender, race, and sexuality, underlines that it is also necessary to “de-universalise the concept of woman, including women, when they are crossed by other power relations, such as race and sexuality, showing in a concrete way that woman does not exist, that it is also a Eurocentric myth” (Curiel 2018, p. 224). The author also emphasizes the need to produce knowledge in the social sciences and humanities to be committed to changing practical, activist and political realities.

Professor and activist Kimberly Crenshaw, one of the founders and leaders of the Critical Race Theory intellectual movement (M. M. Baptista et al. 2019) and an unavoidable reference in the development and popularization of the concept of intersectionality, underlines that “the intersectional experience is greater than the sum of racism and sexism, any analysis that does not take intersectionality into account cannot sufficiently address the particular manner in which Black women are subordinated” (Crenshaw 1989, p. 140).

“Intersectionality reveals what remains invisible (…) the difficulty in making visible those who are dominated and victimised” (Lugones 2018, p. 248) by different social and cultural categories such as gender/sex and race, which census data in Portugal purposely tries to make invisible. According to Beatriz Dias, an anti-racism activist, and Left Bloc MP, Portugal’s decision not to include questions about ethnic-racial belonging in the 2021 census represented a missed opportunity to collect essential data on ethnic-racial diversity and the associated inequalities (Dias 2021).

This exclusion, contrary to the recommendations of various international organizations and the demands of anti-racist movements, perpetuates racial invisibility in “a country that ‘does not see colour’ but only imagines itself to be White” (Dias 2021, p. 303). Seeing through this lens in this work results in reflecting the said and the unsaid from the data so as not to obscure the extent to which racialized and gendered populations by the modern colonial heterosexual political system still suffer in discrepancy when compared to other populations.

Domestic work in Portugal has a trajectory marked by significant transformations in recent decades, reflecting broader socioeconomic changes. Historically, this sector was predominantly informal and characterized by paternalistic and asymmetrical labor relations, often linked to conditions of servitude (Abrantes 2014a, 2015). According to Abrantes (2013), with the advent of the democratic period, efforts were made to regulate domestic work, culminating in the partial integration of these workers into the social security system and the formalization of some labor relations. However, these reforms remained limited, and the sector continues to face structural inequalities of class and gender. The predominance of women, many of them immigrants, illustrates the segmentation of the labor market and the persistence of a symbolic hierarchy that undervalues domestic work.

As the author points out, the regulatory framework in Portugal reflects this complexity. Although legislation such as the ILO Domestic Workers Convention (Convention No. 189) has brought greater visibility to the sector, the implementation of decent work standards for these workers remains a challenge. Abrantes (2014a, 2014b) highlights how public policies and informal contracts often perpetuate precariousness, even in the face of normative advancements. Additionally, the domestic sector remains closely linked to migration issues, with immigrant workers frequently occupying the most vulnerable positions, particularly in live-in domestic worker arrangements.

3. Materials and Methods

Statistical data on domestic workers in Portugal during the COVID-19 pandemic was collected and analyzed using SPSS software. The project began in 2020 when the most recent data was back almost a decade. Based on data from the Census on domestic workers (INE 2012) and Eurostat (2018) data, we identified a population that included “housekeepers and cleaners” and “cleaning workers in private homes, hotels and offices”, totaling 274,617 people (INE 2012). A new census carried out in 2021 indicated an 18.2 percent reduction in this population, resulting in 193,252 “cleaning workers” (INE 2023). In addition, we used Eurostat’s (2018) data on labor precariousness, which showed that 2.3% of work in Portugal was considered precarious in 2018, a percentage that fell to 1% in 2022 (Eurostat 2023). The number of precarious domestic workers was estimated to be approximately 6865; thus, our total population (domestic and precarious workers) was 281,482 (Eurostat 2018; INE 2012).

The sample, reflecting the heterogeneous distribution of the population and with a 95% confidence level and 5% margin of error, was set at 384 individuals. Quotas were set for each region of Portugal (NUTS II), guaranteeing representativeness in both the mainland and the autonomous regions. In total, 536 surveys were collected, of which 87% passed the initial qualification filter, totaling 466 valid responses. Of these, 30 percent were completed online using a Google Forms form, while the rest were obtained by project staff by telephone or in person. The data collection phase occurred during the pandemic period, from 1 January 2021 to 31 July 2021.

As for the methods, IBM^® SPSS Statistics version 26 was used to process and analyze the frequency statistics for the qualitative variables and the descriptive statistics for the quantitative variables. The normality of the data was tested using the Kolmogorov–Smirnov test, adjusted by the Lilliefors correction. Based on the results, the appropriateness of using parametric tests such as Student’s t-test to compare means between groups defined by variables such as gender, age, schooling, nationality, and type of employment was assessed. The Chi-square test was also used to examine the association between categorical variables, considering significance levels of 1%, 5%, and 10% (Hair et al. 2019; Marôco 2011, 2021).

The statistical methods applied were guided by insights from the literature review, particularly in addressing variables such as gender. Quantitative variables were cross-referenced with qualitative variables, and the results that showed significant associations were grouped into three subcategories for separate analysis, which is in line with the study’s development objectives. SPSS software was chosen for its robust capabilities in processing frequency statistics for qualitative variables and descriptive statistics for quantitative variables. The methodological approach enables rigorous data analysis and the identification of significant patterns that help understand labor dynamics during the pandemic, potentially directly impactingthe definition and improvement of public policies to protect this often vulnerable sector.

4. Results

This article presents part of a broader study on the impacts on domestic labor in Portugal during the COVID-19 crisis, considering schooling, type of employment, gender, and age as variables. Here, we present the results of the impacts of migration by nationality in this context.

Table 1. Frequency statistics of the country of birth.

Country	Frequency	Percentage
South Africa	1	0.2
Angola	19	4.1
Argentina	1	0.2
Brazil	81	17.4
Cape Verde	31	6.7
Colombia	2	0.4
France	1	0.2
Gambia	1	0.2
Guinea-Bissau	3	0.6
Guinea-Conakry	1	0.2
India	1	0.2
Italy	1	0.2
Mozambique	2	0.4
Moldova	2	0.4
Portugal	296	63.5
Romania	1	0.2
Russia	1	0.2
São Tomé and Príncipe	9	1.9
Ukraine	4	0.9
Venezuela	8	1.7
Total	466	100.0

represents the nationalities indicated by the respondents as their place of birth, and

Table 2. Frequency statistics of the country of birth (grouped).

Country Group	Frequency	Percentage
Portugal	296	63.5
Rest of Europe	10	2.1
Brazil	81	17.4
Latin America (spanish-speaking)	11	2.4
Portuguese-speaking Africa	64	13.7
Rest of Africa	3	0.6
India	1	0.2
Total	466	100.0

shows these nationalities grouped according to their relevance to our study. These groups were analyzed and will be discussed according to the different variables. The results highlight a diversity of experiences lived by workers, where nationality significantly influences conditions and perceptions related to work and health. Portugal is the most prevalent nationality, influencing most categories; Portuguese citizenship is associated with working in multiple locations and having fewer labor contracts. The level of influence is followed by regions such as Portuguese-speaking Africa and Brazil, which have a notable impact on several dimensions. Portuguese-speaking Africa and Brazil face a diversity of challenges. However, similar patterns appear in categories such as working against one’s will and fear of contagion, both in the workplace and on public transport. Workers from Portuguese-speaking Africa stand out for having the highest presence of labor contracts.

The sample was split between people who were born (by proportion) in Portugal (63.5%), Brazil (17.4%), Portuguese-speaking Africa (13.7%), Latin America (2.4%), the rest of Europe (2.1%), the rest of Africa (0.6%), and India (0.2%). Although most of the population comprises Portuguese people, we must consider that only 5.2 percent of the country’s total population are immigrants (INE 2023). Within the population of foreign nationality, “‘Cleaning workers in private homes, hotels and offices’ was the main occupation for 7 of the 15 most representative foreign nationalities living in Portugal” (INE 2023, p. 18), mainly for the African continent and Brazil.

On the other hand, Spain, the United Kingdom, Italy, and Germany stand out among the foreign nationalities living in Portugal, with a high representation among both ‘specialists in intellectual and scientific activities’ and executive directors and managers, with percentages significantly higher than the average for the foreign population (INE 2023, p. 17).

Table 3. Nationality effect in significant aspects.

Items	Nationality Most Present
Worked in multiple workplaces	Rest of Europe, Rest of Africa and Portugal
Had to continue working against their will	Portuguese-speaking Africa, Brazil, Rest of Europe and Latin America
Suffered more domestic violence	Rest of Africa, Rest of Europe, India and Portuguese-speaking Africa
More fear of being infected at the workplace	Rest of Africa, India, Portuguese-speaking Africa, and Brazil
More fear of being infected on public transport	Portuguese-speaking Africa, Brazil, Rest of Africa, followed by Rest of Europe and Portugal
Had more work contracts	Portuguese-speaking Africa
Had fewer work contracts	Portugal

details the effect of nationality in different aspects of working and health conditions on domestic work during the pandemic, highlighting the nationalities most present in each item analyzed.

The different dimensions that reflect the working conditions and health concerns of workers based on their nationality could be divided into two main themes, one being working conditions, where some findings have been relevant, such as those following:

• Precarious mobility—There were significant differences in the average number of workplaces, Z = 1.661, p-value < 0.05. Participants from Portugal, the rest of Europe, and the rest of Africa work in more places than the other nationalities. The Figure 1 allows us to locate the differences and analyze the groups.
• Job security—Workers from Portuguese-speaking Africa are more likely to have labor contracts, while workers born in Portugal have fewer labor contracts.

  Table 4. Fisher’s exact test of association between having an employment contract and country of birth (grouped).

  			Employment Contract		Total
  			No	Yes
  Nationality	Portugal	Counting	153	133	286
  		% in Nationality	53.5%	46.5%	100.0%
  		% in Labor contract	70.5%	55.6%	62.7%
  		% of Total	33.6%	29.2%	62.7%
  		Adjusted residuals	3.3	−3.3
  	Rest of Europe	Counting	6	4	10
  		% in Nationality	60.0%	40.0%	100.0%
  		% in Employment contract	2.8%	1.7%	2.2%
  		% of Total	1.3%	0.9%	2.2%
  		Adjusted residuals	0.8	−0.8
  	Brazil	Counting	34	47	81
  		% in Nationality	42.0%	58.0%	100.0%
  		% in Labor contract	15.7%	19.7%	17.8%
  		% of Total	7.5%	10.3%	17.8%
  		Adjusted residuals	−1.1	1.1
  	Latin America	Counting	3	8	11
  		% in Nationality	27.3%	72.7%	100.0%
  		% in Labor contract	1.4%	3.3%	2.4%
  		% of Total	0.7%	1.8%	2.4%
  		Adjusted residuals	−1.4	1.4
  	Portuguese-speaking Africa	Counting	20	44	64
  		% in Nationality	31.3%	68.8%	100.0%
  		% in Labor contract	9.2%	18.4%	14.0%
  		% of Total	4.4%	9.6%	14.0%
  		Adjusted residuals	−2.8	2.8
  	Rest of Africa	Counting	1	2	3
  		% in Nationality	33.3%	66.7%	100.0%
  		% in Employment contract	0.5%	0.8%	0.7%
  		% of Total	0.2%	0.4%	0.7%
  		Adjusted residuals	−0.5	0.5
  	Other (India)	Counting	0	1	1
  		% in Nationality	0.0%	100.0%	100.0%
  		% in Labor contract	0.0%	0.4%	0.2%
  		% of Total	0.0%	0.2%	0.2%
  		Adjusted residuals	−1.0	1.0
  Total		Counting	217	239	456
  		% in Nationality	47.6%	52.4%	100.0%
  		% in Labor contract	100.0%	100.0%	100.0%
  		% of Total	47.6%	52.4%	100.0%

  X² (6) = 15.456, p-value = 0.017.

  shows the Fisher’s Exact test results, which assesses the association between nationality (grouped) and having some employment contract.

The results indicate a significant association between nationality and having some employment contract since the null hypothesis of independence is rejected, X² (6) = 15.456, p-value < 0.05. Having some employment contract was more common among participants from Portuguese-speaking Africa (adjusted residuals = 2.8), while not having an employment contract was more common among participants of Portuguese nationality (adjusted residuals = 3.3).

• Forced labor—There were significant differences between the nationality groups about continued working (Z = 2.528, p-value < 0.05) during the COVID-19 pandemic. As shown in Figure 2, most workers from Portuguese-speaking Africa, Brazil, the rest of Europe, and Latin America report continuing to work against their will.

The second central theme is defined by health issues, where we see the following:

• Fear of infection—Predominance in the rest of Africa, India, and Portuguese-speaking Africa of being afraid of being infected in the workplace (Figure 3) (Z = 2.986, p-value < 0.05).

Moreover, there was a predominance of subjects from Portuguese-speaking Africa, Brazil, and the rest of Africa in fear of being infected on public transport (Figure 4) (Z = 2.240, p-value < 0.05).

Within the health issues theme, domestic violence is another important topic, as shown in Figure 5, workers from the rest of Africa, the rest of Europe, and India suffered more domestic violence (Z = 2.672, p-value < 0.05).

5. Discussion

According to the Census (INE 2023), the Portuguese national population is much older than the foreign population and the education levels of the foreign labor force are much higher than those of the Portuguese population: “Secondary/post-secondary education was the predominant level of education in the foreign population (39.6 per cent), while in the national population, this proportion was 30.8 per cent” (INE 2023, p. 12). As highlighted by Guibentif (2011), “there is a clear relationship between age and level of schooling.Younger people tend to have spent a significantly longer period of time at school” (Guibentif 2011, p. 9) and according to the author, this relationship is likely a result of education policies implemented over the last decades. This perspective is emphasized by Abrantes (2014a, p. 124), who states that “the importance of this issue is reinforced by the low levels of formal education among women employed in domestic service, especially natives”.

As evidenced in our study, certain variables, in specific circumstances, had a more significant impact on national women, particularly in the case of age—revealing an older population often associated with low levels of education. A study based on the Spanish reality explores how the pandemic exposed contradictions within welfare systems, where care workers, for instance, were recognized as essential yet remained excluded from basic social rights. These contradictions are also evident in labor relations within domestic service, particularly concerning the disparities between migrants and natives. The authors emphasize that there are still insufficient studies that link these precarious conditions to the position of migrant women in all areas of the sector (Martínez-Buján and More Corral 2021, p. 3).

Moreover, the higher education levels among the foreign labor force indicate a potential for greater access to formal employment opportunities. However, the segmentation of the labor market and persistent systemic inequalities, as noted by Abrantes (2014a), continue to affect the stability of contracts for many workers, particularly in the domestic work sector. For foreigners, an employment contract is often a prerequisite for being legally in the country, without which they cannot work or stay in the country: “immigration controls are not neutral ‘taps’ allowing in the necessary number of workers, but actively shape employment relationships and rights, creating a labour force with often quite specific constraints that differentiate them from citizens” (Anderson et al. 2021, p. 4).

A study conducted during the pandemic on Bangladeshi domestic workers in Gulf countries revealed that they were overworked and faced significant challenges in accessing help, as domestic work in these countries is not covered by national labor laws (Irudaya Rajan and Arcand 2023). This study, based on data from the ILO (ILO 2018, 2020a), emphasizes that “given that there is a limited labour market for domestic workers in countries of the Global South as compared to countries of the Global North, the employment opportunities for the women who returned during the pandemic were sparse” (Irudaya Rajan and Arcand 2023, p. 11). And the “most low-skilled women labourers from the Global South are employed as domestic workers overseas, having limited access to information about their rights or policies that aid migrant labourers” (Irudaya Rajan and Arcand 2023).

According to the report by UN Women (2020), women migrant workers globally have been at the forefront of the COVID-19 pandemic, often employed in crucial yet low-wage and precarious positions such as healthcare, caregiving, nursing, and cleaning. These jobs expose them to significant risks of contracting the virus. In addition to these challenges, they face various forms of discrimination and inequality, including gender-based restrictions in migration policies, insecure employment, racism, and xenophobia. This report highlights some of the main points linked to domestic violence against migrant women during the COVID-19 pandemic, which has increased the vulnerability of migrant women, especially those in irregular situations, who face a higher risk of gender-based violence and sexual exploitation. Language barriers, lack of access to essential services, and travel restrictions make it difficult to leave abusive environments. In addition, there is a growing risk of exploitation by state officials at the borders (UN Women 2020).

Recent studies that integrate an intersectional perspective about unpaid care and domestic work demands during the COVID-19 pandemic in the United Nations demonstrate that these “increased more sharply for Black or African American, Hispanic or Latinx, and Asian” (Dugarova 2021, p. 45). Considering the study’s results and the trends of the literature review, we highlight three aspects that need to be considered for developing public policies in Portugal that meet the needs of different populations, especially the most vulnerable in crises:

• Legal Protection on Working Conditions

As pointed out by Díaz Gorfinkiel and Elizalde-San Miguel (2021), in Spain, despite advancements in international rights for domestic workers, the absence of the right to unemployment protection and the exclusion of the sector from occupational risk prevention laws represent two axes of vulnerability that have discriminated against domestic workers for years. However, these issues became explicitly evident during the pandemic. In our study, for the national population, the imposition of labor standards and reform policies should consider that the majority of the Portuguese working class is older and lacks stable employment relationships. In addition to being more spread out in workplaces, a condition we call “Precarious Mobility” leads to wear and tear and precarious work in order to achieve the minimum income. In the case of migrant workers, mainly from Portuguese-speaking Africa, although they have contracts, it is essential to understand whether these contracts guarantee labor rights or are a legal document of control between employer and employee. The second part of this study found that most people who secured continued employment during the pandemic had labor contracts but worked long hours, often without rest and against their will. In this study, the average number of hours worked was not a significant variable among female workers of different nationalities, forced labor is notably more pronounced among workers from Portuguese-speaking Africa and Brazil.

• Health Issues and Personalized Job Security

According to the data presented, domestic workers of different nationalities have faced different risks during the pandemic, especially the fear of infection in the workplace and on public transport. African countries (Portuguese speakers and other languages) and India were the most affected by the fear of being infected in the workplace. As the fear of being infected by public transport continues, so does the trend among workers from the African continent, as well as an increase in the representation of workers from Brazil. The heightened fear of infection among workers from African countries, India, and Brazil, in the workplace and on public transport, underscores the racialized nature of health risks during the pandemic.

As highlighted by Bofill-Poch and Gregorio Gil (2021, p. 166), fear, like risk, can be interpreted as socially constructed categories that reflect the interplay between labor and migration regulations, which often undermine workers’ rights. These dynamics are further exacerbated by the structure of the care economy and institutional policies that, particularly during the pandemic, have overlooked and obscured the abuses and challenges inherent in the care system. This context underscores the sector’s marginal position, characterized by the persistent lack of recognition of domestic work as legitimate labor.

This aligns with broader patterns of health inequities faced by migrant communities (Guadagno 2020), suggesting that nationality intersects with racial and ethnic identities to shape vulnerability to health crises. Racial and ethnic minorities are disproportionately affected by poverty, often living in more extensive, multi-generational households with limited access to childcare, social protection, and healthcare services, outcomes that stem from deep-rooted socioeconomic inequalities tied to systemic racism (Dugarova 2021). Occupational health and safety policies must be adapted to address these specific concerns, ensuring that all workers, regardless of nationality, have access to safe working environments (ILO 2020b).

• Psychological and Legal Support for Victims of Domestic Violence

The increase in cases of domestic violence among domestic workers during the pandemic, as observed in the study, highlights the need for policies that offer psychological support and immediate assistance to victims of abuse (Cook et al. 2021). The higher reported rates of domestic violence among workers from African countries, the rest of Europe, and India during lockdown periods are particularly concerning. This finding resonates with research on the increased risks of gender-based violence during crises (UN Women 2020) and highlights how nationality can compound vulnerabilities. It suggests that domestic workers from these regions may face additional barriers to accessing support services, possibly due to language barriers, legal status concerns, or cultural factors.

According to Martínez-Virto et al. (2021), during the COVID-19 pandemic, issues related to the domestic work and care sector in Spain were exacerbated, such as the exclusion from unemployment benefits and occupational risk prevention laws. Workers were exposed to increased risks of unemployment and infection while facing growing workloads without equivalent compensation (Martínez-Virto et al. 2021, pp. 121–22). This ongoing precariousness underscores the urgent need for policies that promote the formalization and recognition of labor conditions in the domestic work sector.

Despite the growing recognition of the centrality of care work, advancements in its professionalization remain limited. Moreno-Colom (2021) examines public initiatives, such as the management model of the Home Care Service in Barcelona, which seeks to elevate these professions. However, the author highlights the persistence of precariousness: “one of the issues addressed is the need to professionalize the care sector with the dual objective of improving working conditions and the quality of the service provided”(Moreno-Colom 2021, p. 28).

6. Conclusions

Taking everything into account, it is crucial to develop policies that promote the social and economic inclusion of domestic workers, especially migrants from African countries, India, and Brazil, to mitigate the structural inequalities that the pandemic has exacerbated. This could include vocational training programs, access to social services, and public awareness campaigns on the rights of domestic workers. These recommendations aim to respond to immediate needs during the crisis and promote a more equitable and resilient structure for the future. We also recommend using the results and analyses produced by the ‘Magenta’ project for future developments, considering the constant cultural change; one possibility would be a qualitative analysis, with in-depth interviews or focus groups with domestic workers of different nationalities to understand how the statistics translate into practical contextual implications for these domestic workers, connecting the data produced to concrete examples of the lives of these populations. These results highlight the need for targeted policy approaches that address the diverse experiences of domestic workers. It is essential to produce national statistical data that reflects the realities of marginalized groups. Future research should explore these disparities, focusing on how workers navigate and resist challenges to collaboratively develop public policies that meet their needs and realities: “the entire framework that has been used as a basis for translating ‘women’s experience’ or ‘the Black experience’ into concrete policy demands must be rethought and recast” (Crenshaw 1989, p. 140).